i 


L  I  E)  RAFIY 

OF   THL 

U  N  IVERSITY 

or    ILLI  NOIS 

973,7L63 

C4L63^ 

cop. 2 


iLLinuii  niMUK^  ^UfJVLV 

LIBf^AftY 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
From  a  photograph  in  the  collection  of  the  Illinois  Historical  Library.    Evidence  seems  to  show 
that  the  negative  was  made  at  Charleston,  Illinois,  during  the  Campaign  of  1858. 

The  Lincoln  Series,  Vol.  I 


COLLECTIONS 

OF   THE 

ILLINOIS   STATE    HISTORICAL 

LIBRARY 

VOLUME  in 


LINCOLN  SERIES,  VOL.  I 

THE  LINCOLN— DOUGLAS  DEBATES 

OF  1858 


EDITED    WITH    INTRODUCTION    AND    NOTES 
BY 

EDWIN  ERLE  SPARKS,  PH.  D. 

PRESIDENT    OF    THE    PENNSYLVANIA    STATE    COLLEGE;    SOMETIME 

PROFESSOR    OF   AMERICAN    HISTORY    IN 

THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    CHICAGO 


Published  by  the  Trustees  of  the 

ILLINOIS  STATE  HISTORICAL  LIBRARY 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS 

1908 


Copyright  1908  By 
The  Illinois  State  Historical  Library 


Published   August  1908 


Composed  and  Printed  By 

The  Illinois  State  Journal  Company 

Springfield,  Illinois,  U.  S.  A. 


ILLINOIS 
STATE  HISTORICAL  LIBRARY 


BOARD  OF  TRUSTEES 

Edmund  Janes  James,  Chairman 

McKendree  Hypes  Chamberlin,  Vice-President 

George  Nelson  Black/   Secretary 


Mrs.  Jessie  Palmer  Weber,  Librarian 


ADVISORY  COMMISSION 

EvARTS  Boutell  Greene,  Chairman 

James  Alton  James 

Edward  Carleton  Page 

Charles  Henry  Rammelkamp 

Edwin  Erle  Sparks  ^ 

Clarence  Walworth  Alvord 

Special  Editor  of  Publications 

' DECEASED 
"RESIGNED  MAY,  1908 


PREFACE 

A  new  edition  of  the  speeches  made  by  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  and  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  set  debate  during  the 
Illinois  senatorial  canvass  of  1858  would  seem  a  worthy 
and  appropriate  part  of  the  general  commemoration  of  the 
fiftieth  anniversary  of  that  event.  While  the  campaign 
was  local  in  its  inception,  it  became  national  in  its  signi- 
ficance and  in  its  results.  The  issues  as  brought  out  in 
the  debate,  especially  in  the  speech  of  Douglas  at  Freeport, 
widened,  if  they  did  not  open,  the  breach  between  him  and 
the  southern  Democrats,  made  a  split  in  the  convention 
of  1860  a  foregone  conclusion,  and  thereby  paved  the  way 
for  Republican  success  and  the  election  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln to  the  presidency.  The  debate  also  marked  the 
high-tide  of  the  "stump"  method  of  campaigning;  it 
furnishes,  through  the  unusual  space  given  to  it  in  news- 
paper reports,  an  opportunity  to  study  this  unique  phe- 
nomenon of  frontier  life;  while  the  increasing  number  of 
printing  presses,  the  extension  of  the  mail  routes,  and 
consequent  change  in  campaign  methods,  lend  to  this 
canvass  the  melancholy  interest  of  a  passing  show.  The 
speeches  themselves  are  of  a  high  order  of  debate,  and  of 
unusual  import;  those  of  Douglas  set  forth  his  untenable 
position  and  his  impossible  theory  in  the  clearest  terms; 
those  of  Lincoln  state  the  arguments  of  the  new  Repub- 
lican party  as  they  had  not  been  outlined  before;  and  the 
combined  effect  of  the  whole  is  a  survey  of  the  political 
aspect  of  the  day  not  to  be  found  elsewhere. 

Many  editions  of  the  debates  have  been  printed,  begin- 
ning with  that  of  1860;  a  few  have  included  speeches  made 


vi  PREFACE 

by  each  participant,  both  before  and  after  the  set  debates; 
some  have  added  explanatory  footnotes;  but  none  have 
attempted  to  reproduce  the  local  color  from  the  press  of 
the  day.  In  this  edition  an  effort  is  made  by  newspaper 
extracts  and  by  reminiscences  to  give  a  picture  of  the 
crude  though  virile  setting  in  this  contest  of  two  men  so 
evenly  matched  in  polemical  power,  yet  so  unlike  in 
temperament  and  in  physical  appearance.  Only  those 
speeches  are  here  reprinted  which  were  delivered  at  the 
seven  set  meetings  constituting  in  reality  the  Great  De- 
bate. The  gist  of  the  prior  speeches  is  woven  into  the 
introduction. 

The  Columbus,  Ohio,  edition  of  1860  is  followed  in  this 
text,  but  the  speeches  as  there  reprinted  have  been  com- 
pared with  the  originals — those  of  Lincoln  with  the  files 
of  the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  and  those  of  Douglas 
with  the  Chicago  Times — and  the  changes  which  the 
Columbus  edition  made  in  the  official  reports  are  here 
shown  in  the  footnotes;  and  there  has  been  also  incor- 
porated in  the  text  the  numerous  interruptions  of  the 
speeches  by  the  audiences.  In  the  present  edition,  the 
largest  type  indicates  the  editor's  explanatory  comments; 
the  next  largest  shows  quotations,  the  source  being  indi- 
cated at  the  head;  and  the  smallest  size  of  type  denotes 
quoted  matter  within  a  quotation. 

The  descriptions  and  comments  reprinted  from  the 
newspapers  of  the  day  are  by  no  means  exhaustive;  fully 
one-half  the  matter  originally  collected  was  rejected  for 
lack  of  space ;  but  much  of  it  was  immaterial,  being  made 
up  of  denunciation  and  attempts  to  belittle  the  other  side, 
predictions  of  victory,  and  general  comment,  which  threw 
no  light  on  the  events  of  the  debate.  The  amount  of 
reminiscential  matter  was  reduced  by  the  same  test. 
Such  illustrations  were  selected  as  lent  themselves  to 


PREFACE  vii 

illuminating  the  subject-matter.  In  collecting  the  ex- 
tracts and  the  illustrations,  the  editor  has  visited  many 
places,  has  searched  through  scores  of  newspaper  files, 
and  has  levied  upon  the  courtesy  of  librarians  and  friends, 
to  mention  whose  names  would  involve  a  list  of  impossible 
proportions.  That  the  edition  may  be  of  service  to  the 
student  as  well  as  to  the  general  reader;  that  it  may  aid  in 
bringing  to  their  true  proportions  these  two  great  citizens 
of  Illinois;  and  that  it  may  reflect  some  credit  upon  the 
General  Assembly  of  Illinois  through  whose  beneficence 
it  is  made  possible,  is  the  hope  that  sustains  a  labor  of  love. 

Edwin  Erle  Sparks 

The  University  of  Chicago 
March  11,  1908 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  Lincoln  and  Douglas 1 

IL  The  Senatorial  Campaign  of  1858.      .  19 

III.  The  Challenge 55 

IV.  Reporting  the  Debates 75 

V.     The  Ottawa  Debate 85 

Douglas'  Opening  at  Ottawa,  86 
Lincoln's  Reply  at  Ottawa,  98 
Douglas'  Rejoinder  at  Ottawa,  117 

VI.     The  Freeport  Debate 147 

lincoln's  Opening  at  Freeport,  148 
Douglas'  Reply  at  Freeport,  159 
Lincoln's  Rejoinder  at  Freeport,  181 

VII.     The  Jonesboro  Debate 213 

Douglas'  Opening  at  Jonesboro,  214 
Lincoln's  Reply  at  Jonesboro,  229 
Douglas'  Rejoinder  at  Jonesboro,  249        ^ 

VIII.     The  Charleston  Debate        ....     267 

Lincoln's  Opening  at  Charleston,  267 
Douglas'  Reply  at  Charleston,  281 
Lincoln's  Rejoinder  at  Charleston,  303 

IX.     The  Galesburg  Debate 329 

Douglas'  Opening  at  Galesburg,  329 
Lincoln's  Reply  at  Galesburg,  333 
Douglas'  Rejoinder  at  Galesburg,  346 

X.     The  Quincy  Debate 389 

Lincoln's  Opening  at  Quincy,  395 
Douglas'  Reply  at  Quincy,  407 
Lincoln's  Rejoinder  at  Quincy,  427 

ix 


XI. 


XII. 
XIII. 
XIV. 

x\. 

XVI. 

XVII. 

XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 


contents 
The  Alton  Debate 

Douglas'  Opening  at  Alton,  450 
Lincoln's  Reply  at  Alton,  466 
Douglas'  Rejoinder  at  Alton,  48S 

Progress  of  the  Campaign 


PAGE 

449 


X   J.\»_»\J±lJl<oo      V-/i        i  j_LiJ      \_/.Jl_rj.i  »-iLj.\jrj.^ 

Election  Day  ant)  its  Results 

Criticism  of  Stcmp  Methods 

Humor  of  the  C-i^ipaign 

Ci^AfPAiGN  Poetry    .... 

Mr3.  Stephen  A.  Douglas     . 

Tributes  to  Douglas 

Tributes  to  Lincoln  . 

Editions  of  the  Debates 

Bibliography  of  the  Debates 

Index       .     .     

oil 
533 
539 
547 
565 
573 
575 
581 
591 
597 
605 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

TAOSG  PAGE 

Abraham  Lixcolx       .  .      .  Frontispiece 

Stephex  a.  Douglas 4 

The  Old  State  House,  SpRrs'GFrELD,  Illinois   .  20 

COXGRESSIOXAL  }>L^P  OF  Illen'ois,   1858       ...  70 

Horace  White 76 

Robert  R.  Hitt                           78 

Hexry  Bixmore 80 

Ja^ies  B.  Sheridax 82 

Public  Square  at  Ottawa 86 

Ottawa.  Illen*ois — The  Gloater  House    .  .134 

Site  of  the  Freeport  Debate 148 

The  Dedication  of  the  Freeport  Majiker,  1903  160 

Freeport.  Illln'ois — The  Brewster  House.  1S60  190 

Charleston.  Illinois.  Fair  Groun*ds  268 
East    End    of   College   Builden'g.    Galesburg, 

Illinois 330 

Ad^-ertisements  ln'  a  Peoria  Newspaper           .  372 

Marker  for  the  Quinct  Debate         ....  390 

Fourth  Street.  Quenxt,  1858 394 

The  Old  Qulnxy  House.  Qurs-cr.  Illinois    .  440 

Corner  of  City  Hall,  Alton,  Illinois   .  450 

Clippdsg  from  the  Alton  Daily  Whig        .      .      .  498 

Democratic  Rejoicen'g  ovur  Douglas"  Election  534 

The  Douglas  Mausoleum,  Chicago     ....  576 

Lincoln  for  President 582 

The  Lincoln  Mausoleum,  Springfleld.  Illinois  5SS 

xi 


CHAPTER  I 

LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

STUMP  SPEAKING 

The  pioneers,  who  migrated  with  their  famiUes  during 
the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  from  the  Atlantic 
Coast  Plain  to  the  Mississippi  Valley  found  themselves  cut 
off  from  the  conveniences  of  life  to  which  they  had  been 
accustomed,  and  cast  into  a  compelling  environment, 
where  makeshifts  and  substitutes  must  answer  for  well- 
known  utilities  and  contrivances.  This  was  noticeable 
even  in  political  campaigns.  Lacking  printing  presses  to 
disseminate  party  doctrines  and  public  halls  of  sufficient 
size  to  accommodate  the  crowds  at  a  party  rally,  the 
people  of  the  frontier  were  wont  to  gather  in  some  public 
square  or  in  a  grove  of  trees,  where  a  temporary  stand,  or 
perhaps  in  very  early  days,  the  stump  of  a  felled  tree, 
answered  the  purpose  of  a  rostrum  from  which  the  issues 
of  the  day  were  discussed  by  "stump"  speakers.  In  the 
same  way,  the  lack  of  churches  on  the  frontier  caused  the 
substitution  of  groves  as  a  place  for  holding  "camp- 
meetings.  "  Through  campaign  after  campaign,  both  na- 
tional and  state,  "stump"  speaking  continued  until 
improved  facilities  for  making  longer  journeys  began  to 
remedy  western  isolation  and  to  remove  western  provin- 
cialism. At  the  same  time,  the  increasing  political  acti- 
vity of  the  printing  press  and  the  demands  of  modern 
business  life  gradually  turned  the  people  away  from  these 
picturesque  gatherings  of  earlier  times. 

Beginning  with  the  campaign  of  1824,  in  which  a  favor- 
ite son  of  Kentucky  and  a  war-hero  of  Tennessee  were 


2  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

championed  in  song  and  speech  by  their  supporters  in  the 
Middle  West,  the  poUtical  "stump"  became  the  favorite 
hustings.  The  news  that  a  leader  was  to  "take  the 
stump"  in  a  certain  district  was  sufficient  promise  of 
enlightenment  on  the  political  issues  of  the  day  in  a  region 
where  newspapers  and  campaign  literature  were  meager; 
and  also  the  occasion  was  likely  to  afford  a  diversion  in  the 
way  of  rival  processions  and  to  furnish  an  opportunity  of 
meeting  one's  friends  and  neighbors.  The  community 
which  was  favored  as  the  scene  of  a  political  debate 
immediately  awoke  to  unwonted  activity.  Banners  were 
painted,  flags  flung  from  staff  and  building,  and  litho- 
graphs of  rival  candidates  displayed  in  windows.  Great 
barges  or  wagons,  especially  decorated  for  the  occasion, 
were  filled  with  "first  voters,"  or  with  young  women 
dressed  to  symbolize  the  political  aspects  of  the  campaign. 
Local  merchants  hurriedly  stocked  up  on  novelties  likely 
to  be  in  demand,  while  itinerant  venders  altered  their 
schedules  and  hurried  to  the  promising  center  of  trade. 
Upon  the  public  square  each  party  erected  a  "pole" 
with  a  banner  bearing  the  name  of  its  candidates  flying 
from  the  lofty  top.  The  rural  male  voter  did  not  appro- 
priate to  himself  all  the  joys  of  the  occasion,  but  the  entire 
family  "  went  to  town, "  to  enjoy  the  unusual  day  of  diver- 
sion in  the  round  of  a  monotonous  and  isolated  life.  A 
reporter  connected  with  a  New  York  newspaper  was  sent 
to  Illinois  to  write  up  one  of  these  "stump"  campaigns, 
and  both  vividly  and  appreciatively  he  described  the 
gathering  of  the  people  for  the  chief  event  of  the  summer: 

"  It  is  astonishing  how  deep  an  interest  in  politics  this  people  take. 
Over  long  weary  miles  of  hot  and  dusty  prairie  the  processions  of  eager 
partisans  come — on  foot,  on  horseback,  in  wagons  drawn  by  horses 
or  mules;  men,  women,  and  children,  old  and  young;  the  half  sick, 
just  out  of  the  last  'shake;'  children  in  arms,  infants  at  the  maternal 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  3 

fount,  pushing  on  in  clouds  of  dust  and  beneath  the  blazing  sun,- 
settling  down  at  the  town  where  the  meeting  is,  with  hardly  a 
chance  for  sitting,  and  even  less  opportunity  for  eating,  waiting  in 
anxious  groups  for  hours  at  the  places  of  speaking,  talking,  discussing, 
litigious,  vociferous,  while  the  war  artillery,  the  music  of  the  bands, 
the  waving  of  banners,  the  huzzahs  of  the  crowds,  as  delegation 
after  delegation  appears;  the  cry  of  the  peddlers  vending  all  sorts 
of  ware,  from  an  infalliable  cure  of  'agur'  to  a  monster  watermelon 
in  slices  to  suit  purchasers — combine  to  render  the  occasion  one 
scene  of  confusion  and  commotion.  The  hour  of  one  arrives  and 
a  perfect  rush  is  made  for  the  grounds;  a  column  of  dust  is  rising  to 
the  heavens  and  fairly  deluging  those  who  are  hurrying  on  through  it. 
Then  the  speakers  come  with  flags,  and  banners,  and  music,  surround- 
ed by  cheering  partisans.  Their  arrival  at  the  ground  and  immediate 
approach  to  the  stand  is  the  signal  for  shouts  that  rend  the  heavens 
They  are  introduced  to  the  audience  amidst  prolonged  and  enthu- 
siastic cheers;  they  are  interrupted  by  frequent  applause;  and  they 
sit  down  finally  amid  the  same  uproarious  demonstration.  The 
audience  sit  or  stand  patiently  throughout,  and,  as  the  last  word 
is  spoken,  make  a  break  for  their  homes,  first  hunting  up  lost  members 
of  their  families,  getting  their  scattered  wagonloads  together,  and, 
as  the  daylight  fades  away,  entering  again  upon  the  broad  prairies 
and  slowly  picking  their  way  back  to  the  place  of  beginning. " — 
Special  correspondence  from  Charleston,  Illinois,  to  the  New  York 
Post,  September  24,   1858. 

The  patience  of  the  crowd  in  listening  to  lengthy 
speeches,  as  noted  by  this  correspondent,  finds  many 
illustrations  elsewhere.  Three  hours  was  the  usual  time 
allotted  to  a  speaker.  Sometimes  after  listening  to  a 
discussion  of  this  length  during  the  afternoon,  the  crowd 
would  disperse  for  supper  and  then  return  to  hear  another 
speaker  for  an  equal  length  of  time  during  the  evening. 
The  spirit  of  fairness  to  both  sides  prompted  the  people 
to  furnish  one  speaker  with  as  large  an  audience  as  the 
other  enjoyed.  This  spirit  was  manifested  at  Peoria  in 
1854  as  the  following  extract  from  a  contemporary  news- 
paper shows: 

"On  Monday,  October  16,  Senator  Douglas,  by  appointment,  ad- 


4  ILLINOIS   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

dressed  a  large  audience  at  Peoria.  When  he  closed  he  was  greeted 
with  six  hearty  cheers;  and  the  band  in  attendance  played  a  stirring 
air.  The  crowd  then  began  to  call  for  Lincoln,  who,  as  Judge  Douglas 
had  announced,  was,  by  agreement,  to  answer  him.  Mr.  Lincoln 
then  took  the  stand,  and  said — 

"  'I  do  not  arise  to  speak  now,  if  I  can  stipulate  with  the  audience 
to  meet  me  here  at  half  past  six  or  at  seven  o'clock.  It  is  now  several 
minutes  past  five,  and  Judge  Douglas  has  spoken  over  three  hours. 
If  you  hear  me  at  all,  I  wish  you  to  hear  me  thro'.  It  will  take  me 
as  long  as  it  has  taken  him.  That  will  carry  us  beyond  eight  o'clock 
at  night.  Now  every  one  of  you  who  can  remain  that  long,  can  just 
as  well  get  his  supper,  meet  me  at  seven,  and  remain  one  hour  or  two 
later.  The  judge  has  already  inforaied  you  that  he  is  to  have  an  hour 
to  reply  to  me.  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  been  a  little  surprised  to 
learn  that  I  have  consented  to  give  one  of  his  high  reputation  and 
known  ability  this  advantage  of  me.  Indeed,  my  consenting  to  it, 
though  reluctant,  was  not  wholly  unselfish;  for  I  suspected  if  it  were 
understood,  that  the  Judge  was  entirely  done,  you  democrats  would 
leave,  and  not  hear  me;  but  by  giving  him  the  close,  I  felt  confident 
that  you  would  stay  for  the  fun  of  hearing  him  skin  me.' 

"The  audience  signified  their  assent  to  the  arrangement,  and 
adjourned  to  7  o'clock  p.  m.,  at  which  time  they  re-assembled,  and 
Mr.  Lincoln  spoke.  " — Correspondence  of  the  Illinois  Journal,  Spring- 
field, October  21,  1854. 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS  OF  ILLINOIS 

The  storm  center  of  political  agitation,  carried  to  the 
west  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains  in  the  campaign  of  1824, 
gradually  advanced  with  the  spread  of  the  people,  until 
the  decade  between  1850  and  1860  saw  it  centered  in 
Illinois,  mainly  through  the  prominence  of  Senator 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  question. 
As  chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Territories, 
Douglas  fathered  and  pushed  to  enactment  the  famous 
law  of  1854,  which  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise  so 
far  at  it  related  to  the  unorganized  portion  of  the  Louisi- 
ana Purchase  lying  north  of  36°  30',  and  threw  it  open 
to  slavery  or  freedom  as  the  future  inhabitants  might 


STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS. 

From  a  photograph  in  the  eollection  of  the  IlUnois  Historical  Library,  supposed  lo  have  Ijeen 
made  in  1858. 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  5 

determine  under  the  principle  of  home  rule  or  "popular 
sovereignty."  By  this  course  he  brought  upon  himself 
the  denunciation  and  abuse  of  all  northern  people  who 
opposed  the  further  extension  of  slave  territory. 

Immediately  upon  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in 
August,  1854,  Douglas  started  for  Illinois  to  defend  him- 
self before  his  constituents.  Before  leaving  Washington, 
he  said:  "  I  shall  be  assailed  by  demagogues  and  fanatics 
there,  without  stint  or  moderation.  Every  opprobrious 
epithet  will  be  applied  to  me.  I  shall  probably  be  hung  in 
effigy  in  many  places.  This  proceeding  may  end  my  poli- 
tical career.  But,  acting  under  the  sense  of  duty  which 
animates  me,  I  am  prepared  to  make  the  sacrifice. "  He 
reached  Chicago  September  2d,  and  took  the  rostrum  in 
his  own  defense  at  a  meeting  which  he  caused  to  be  an- 
nounced for  the  following  evening.  The  result  may  be 
learned  from  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  by  reading  ex- 
tracts from  writers  both  favorable  and  hostile  to  him. 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  September  8,  1854] 

The  Chicago  Tribune  mentions  the  following  among  the  occur- 
rences of  Friday  afternoon: 

The  flags  of  all  the  shipping  in  port  were  displayed  at  half-mast,  shortly 
after  noon  and  remained  there  during  the  remainder  of  the  day.  At  a  quarter 
past  six  the  bells  of  the  city  commenced  to  toll,  and  commenced  to  fill  the  air 
with  their  mournful  tones  for  more  than  an  hour.  The  city  wore  an  air  of 
mourning  for  the  disgrace  which  her  senator  was  seeking  to  impose  upon  her, 
and  which  her  citizens  have  determined  to  resent  at  any  cost. 

[Chicago  Times,  September  4,  1854] 

THE  MEETING  LAST  NIGHT 

During  the  whole  of  yesterday,  the  expected  meeting  of  last  night 
was  the  universal  topic  of  conversation.  Crowds  of  visitors  arrived 
by  the  special  trains  from  the  surrounding  cities  and  towns,  even  from 
as  far  as  Detroit  and  St.  Louis,  attracted  by  the  announcement  that 
Judge  Douglas  was  to  address  his  constituents. 


6  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

In  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather,  it  was  deemed 
advisable  to  hold  the  meeting  on  the  outside  of  the  hall  instead  of  the 
inside  as  had  been  announced. 

At  early  candle  light,  a  throng  of  8,000  persons  had  assembled  at 
the  south  part  of  the  North  Market  Hall. 

At  the  time  announced,  the  Mayor  of  Chicago  called  the  assemblage 

to  order  and  Judge  Douglas  then  addressed  the  meeting He 

was  frequently  interrupted  by  the  gang  of  abolition  rowdies 

Whenever  he  approached  the  subject  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  an  evident- 
ly well  organized  and  drilled  body  of  men,  comprising  about  one- 
twentieth  of  the  meeting,  collected  and  formed  into  a  compact  body, 
refused  to  allow  him  to  proceed.  Thej'^  kept  up  this  disgraceful 
proceeding  until  after  ten  o'clock. 

In  vain  did  the  mayor  of  the  city  appeal  to  their  sense  of  order. 
They  refused  to  let  him  he  heard.  Judge  Douglas,  notwithstanding  the 
uproars  of  these  hirelings,  proceeded  at  intervals. 

He  told  them  he  was  not  unprepared  for  their  conduct.  He  had  a 
day  or  two  since  received  a  letter  written  by  the  secretary  of  an  organi- 
zation framed  since  his  arrival  in  the  city  for  the  purpose  of  preventing 
him  from  speaking.  This  organization  required  that  he  should  leave 
the  city  or  keep  silent;  and  if  he  disregarded  this  notice,  the  organi- 
zation was  pledged  at  the  sacrifice  of  his  life  to  prevent  his  being  heard. 
He  presented  himself,  he  said,  and  challenged  the  armed  gang  to  exe- 
cute on  him  their  murderous  pledge.  The  letter  having  been  but  im- 
perfectly heard,  its  reading  was  asked  by  some  of  the  orderly  citizens 
present,  but  the  mob  refused  to  let  it  be  heard,  when  Judge  Douglas 
at  the  earnest  request  of  some  of  his  friends,  left  the  stand. 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  September  4,  1854] 

"THE  DOUGLAS  SPEECH" 

This  grand  affair  came  off  Friday  night. — The  St.  Louis  Repub- 
lican had  made  one  grand  flourish  in  favor  of  the  immortal  Douglas  by 
means  of  its  correspondent,  that  Douglas  would  achieve  wonders  at 
Chicago  and  be  sustained  by  the  State.  Office-holders  far  and  near 
appeared  at  Chicago  to  enjoy  his  triumph.  The  evening  came,  and — 
we  will  let  the  Democratic  Press  speak — 

Mr.  Douglas  had  a  stormy  meeting  last  evening  at  the  North  Market  HaU. 
There  was  a  great  amount  of  groans  and  cheers.  But  there  was  nothing  Uke  a 
riot'or  any  approach  to  it. 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  7 

He  said  some  bitter  things  against  the  press  of  Chicago,  and  did  not  compli- 
ment the  intelligence  of  citizens  in  very  pleasant  terms.  They  refused  to  hear 
him  on  these  subjects.  Towards  the  close  of  his  speech  they  became  so  up- 
roarious that  he  was  obliged  to  desist. 

The  plain  truth  is  there  were  a  great  many  there  who  were  unwilling  to 
hear  him  and  manifested  their  disapprobation  in  a  very  noisy  and  disrespect- 
ful manner.  We  regret  exceedingly  that  he  was  not  permitted  to  make  his 
speech  unmolested.  That  would  have  been  far  better  than  the  course  that 
was  pursued. 

We  are  glad  however,  that  when  he  decided  to  make  no  further  efforts  the 
people  retired  peaceably  to  their  homes  and  all  was  quiet. 

The  Chicago  Democrat  disposes  of  the  matter  even  in  fewer  words: 

Senator  Douglas. — Last  evening  a  large  number  of  citizens  assembled  in 
front  of  the  North  Market  Hall,  some  to  hsten  to  Senator  Douglas'  remarks  on 
the  act  known  as  the  Nebraska  Act,  and  some  with  the  express  purpose  of  pre- 
venting his  making  any  remarks.  The  meeting  was  called  to  order,  and  Sen- 
ator Douglas  was  introduced  to  the  audience  by  Mayor  Milliken.  The  noise 
and  disturbance  of  the  audience  was  such,  however,  that  he  was  unable  to 
pursue  his  argument  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  those  who  wished  to  learn 
what  he  would  say  in  vindication  of  his  course. 

We  have  heard  from  private  sources  that  there  were  ten  thousand 
people  present;  and  that  evidently  they  did  not  come  there  to  get  up 
a  disturbance  but  simply  to  demonstrate  to  Sen.  Douglas  their  opinion 
of  his  treachery  to  his  constituents.  This  they  did  effectually;  and 
Mr.  Douglas  now  fully  understands  the  estimate  in  which  his  conduct 
is  held  by  his  townsmen  at  Chicago. 

It  is  said  that  Mr.  Douglas  felt,  intensely,  the  rebuke  he  had  re- 
ceived. 

The  office-holders  who  went  to  Chicago  from  here  and  elsewhere 
are  very  quiet  on  their  return,  and  have  learnt  something  of  public 
opinion  in  the  north  part  of  the  state. 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  September  5,  1854] 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  DOUGLAS 


At  the  North  Market  Hall  on  Friday  Evening-,  September  1st,  1854 

You  have  been  told  that  the  bill  legislated  slavery  into  territory 
now  free.  It  does  no  such  thing.  [Groans  and  hisses — with  abortive 
efforts  to  cheer.]  As  most  of  you  have  never  read  that  bill  [Groans], 
I  will  read  to  you  the  fourteenth  section.  [Here  he  read  the  section 
referred  to,  long  since  published  and  commented  on  in  this  paper.] 


8  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  bill  leaves  the  people  perfectly  free.  [Groans 
and  some  cheers.]  It  is  perfectly  natural  for  those  who  have  mis- 
represented and  slandered  me,  to  be  unwilling  to  hear  me.  I  am  here 
in  my  own  home.  [Tremendous  groans — a  voice,  that  is  in  North 
Carolina — in  Alabama,  &c., — go  there  and  talk,  &c. — ] 

I  am  in  my  own  home,  and  have  lived  in  Illinois  long  before  you 
thought  of  the  State.  I  know  my  rights,  and,  though  personal  vio- 
lence has  been  threatened  me,  I  am  determined  to  maintain  them. 
["  Much  noise  and  confusion. "]  The  principle  of  the  Nebraska  bill 
grants  to  the  people  of  the  territories  the  right  to  govern  themselves. 
Who  dares  deny  that  right  [a  voice.  It  grants  the  right  to  take  slavery 
there  that's  all].  What  is  the  Missouri  Compromise  line?  It  was 
simply  a  line,  recognizing  slavery  on  one  side  of  it  and  forbidding  it 
on  the  other.  Now  would  any  of  you  permit  the  establishment  of 
slavery  on  either  side  of  any  line?     [No!  No!!] 

Mr.  Douglas  said  he  would  show  that  all  of  his  audience  were  in 
1848  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  he  alone 
was  opposed  to  it.     [Three  cheers  were  given  for  the  Compromise.] 


The  compromise  measures  of  1850  were  endorsed  by  our  own  city 
Council.  They  were  also  endorsed  by  our  legislature  almost  unani- 
mously. The  resolution  passed  by  our  Legislature  in  1851,  approved 
of  the  principles  of  non-intervention — [it  was  published  in  the  Press, 
with  comments  a  few  days  since],  in  the  most  direct  and  strongest 
terms.  All  the  Representatives  except  four  whigs  voted  for  the  resolu- 
tion.— Every  representative  from  Cook  county  voted  for  them. 

These  were  the  instructions  under  which  he  acted.  Till  then  he 
was  the  fast  friend  of  the  Compromise.  [A  voice — then  why  did  you 
repeal  it?]  Simply  because  another  principle  had  been  adopted  and 
I  acted  upon  that  principle. — [Some  one  asked  that  if  he  lived  in  Kan- 
sas whether  he  would  vote  for  its  being  a  free  State. — But  the  Senator 
could  not  find  it  convenient  to  answer  it,  though  repeated  several 
times.] 

The  question  now  became  more  frequent  and  the  people  more 
noisy.  Judge  Douglas  became  excited,  and  said  many  things  not 
very  creditable  to  his  position  and  character.  The  people  as  a 
consequence  refused  to  hear  him  further,  and  although  he  kept  the 
stand  for  a  considerable  time  he  was  obliged  at  last  to  give  way  and 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  9 

retire  to  his  lodgings  at  the  Tremont  House.  The  people  then 
separated  quietly  and  all  except  the  office-holders,  in  the  greatest  of 
good   humor. — 

A  large  number,  and  we  certainly  were  among  them,  felt  deeply 
mortified  that  Mr.  Douglas  had  not  been  permitted  to  say  what  he 
pleased.  We  must  say,  however,  that  the  matter  terminated  much 
more  peacefully  than  most  of  our  citizens  feared,  and  all  have  reason, 
considering  the  excited  state  of  public  mind,  to  be  thankful  that 
matters  are  no  worse. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  OF  ILLINOIS 

Among  those  who  opposed  the  action  of  Douglas  was 
his  long-time  friend  and  rival,  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  had 
served  several  terms  in  the  Illinois  State  Legislature  and 
one  term  in  Congress  (1847-49)  and  then  retired  from 
public  life  to  look  after  his  law  practice.  After  six  years  of 
retirement,  he  confessed  himself  drawn  again  into  the 
arena  of  politics  by  the  passing  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
act.  In  the  dissatisfaction  with  Douglas  and  the  Demo- 
cratic dissension  likely  to  follow,  Lincoln  saw  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  Whigs  of  Illinois  and  an  opening  for  his 
long-suppressed  political  ambitions.  During  the  autumn 
of  1854,  after  Douglas  had  been  refused  a  hearing  in 
Chicago,  Lincoln  wrote  to  an  influential  friend,  "It  has 
come  around  that  a  Whig  may  by  possibility  be  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  I  want  the  chance  of 
being  that  man.  "^ 

At  this  time,  Lincoln  was  among  the  most  prominent  of 
the  old  line  Whigs  of  Illinois;  but  the  dissensions  in  the 
Democratic  party  which  promised  him  a  hearing  also 
brought  an  obstacle  in  the  many  prominent  Democrats 
who  were  deserting  the  pro-slavery  Douglas  and  who 
might  properly  be  called  new  line  Whigs,  although  known 
as  anti-Nebraska  men.     The  Whigs,  never  able  to  carry 

'■Nicolay  and  Hay,  Complete  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  I,  209. 


10  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  state,  welcomed  an  alliance  with  these  seceders  on  the 
common  basis  of  opposition  to  slavery  extension ;  naturally 
a  greater  public  interest  would  attach  to  them  than  to  a 
regular  Whig  like  Lincoln ;  and  the  latter  was  in  danger  of 
being  relegated  to  second  place  during  the  important 
Springfield  Fair  week  of   1854, 

[Alton,  Illinois,  Courier,  October  27,  1854] 
Heretofore  the  Democracy  of  Central  and  Southern  Ilhnois,  who 
disagree  with  Judge  Douglas  on  the  Nebraskan  measure,  have  been 
almost  entirely  silent  in  regard  to  it,  and  Judge  Douglas  and  his  sup- 
porters in  the  matter  have  had  matters  entirely  their  own  way.  .  .  . 
This  state  of  things,  as  every  one  must  have  foreseen,  could  not  last 
long.  The  democracy  have  been  aroused  and  Judge  Douglas  is  to  be 
met  at  Springfield  by  several  of  the  first  minds  of  the  State,  men  who 
would  honor  any  State  or  nation  and  no  less  giants  than  himself. 
We  are  informed  that  Judge  Trumbull,  Judge  Breese,  Col.  McClernand 
Judge  Palmer,  Col.  E.  D.  Taylor,  and  others  will  be  there  and  reply 
to  Judge  Douglas.  He  will  find  as  foemen  tried  Democrats,  lovers 
of  the  Baltimore  platform  and  opposed  to  all  slavery  agitation — giants 
in  intellect,  worthy  of  his  steel. 

THE  DEBATES  OF   1854 

The  Illinois  State  Agricultural  Fair  held  annually  at 
Springfield  was  the  culminating  political  event  of  the  year 
— a  characteristic  which  it  bears  to  the  present  day.  This 
gathering,  devoted  primarily  to  the  interests  of  the  farmer, 
became  a  rendezvous  for  state  politicians,  where  plans 
were  laid,  candidates  brought  out,  and  the  issues  of  the 
day  discussed  by  the  ablest  speakers  in  each  party.  Doug- 
las well  knew  that  he  must  defend  himseK  against  the 
Whigs  and  also  against  many  former  supporters  in  his 
own  party,  as  indicated  in  the  quotation  above.  Leaving 
Chicago  after  failing  to  secure  a  hearing,  Douglas  went  to 
Indianapolis  and  then  returned  to  Ilhnois,  addressing 
enthusiastic  meetings  at  Ottawa,  Joliet,  Rock  Island,  and 
other  places  before  the  first  week  in  October,  which  was 
the  date  of  the  State  Fair. 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  11 

Springfield  at  this  time  contained  about  fifteen  thousand 
inhabitants  and  the  visitors  to  the  fair  increased  the  popu- 
lation at  least  ten  thousand.  It  was  the  day  of  stump 
speaking.  The  farmers  held  sessions  daily  during  the 
week  at  which  they  discussed  topics  pertaining  to  agri- 
culture and  its  allied  interests ;  each  evening  a  woman  was 
lecturing  in  the  court  room  on  "  Woman's  Influence  in  the 
Great  Progressive  Movements  of  the  Day;"  and  the  poli- 
ticians occupied  the  senate  chamber  from  noon  to  mid- 
night with  a  short  intermission  for  supper.  In  a  card 
given  out  through  the  press,  the  members  of  the  Agri- 
cultural Society  protested  against  the  political  speakers 
taking  advantage  of  their  "  Annual  Jubilee  and  School  of 
Life  "  to  occupy  the  time  and  distract  the  attention  of  the 
people  by  a  public  discussion  of  questions  foreign  to  the 
objects  of  the  society.  "The  politicians  as  well  as  the 
farmers  are  out  in  force,"  wrote  a  reporter. 

On  Wednesday  of  Fair  week,  Douglas  spoke  in  the  Hall 
of  Representatives  in  the  State  House,  making  a  masterly 
defense  of  himseK  and  his  theory  of  popular  sovereignty. 
He  was  to  be  answered  at  the  same  place  the  following 
afternoon  by  Judge  Trumbull,  of  Alton,  the  most  prom- 
inent anti-Nebraska  Democrat  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  state.  Trumbull  failed  to  arrive  at  the  proper  time 
and  Abraham  Lincoln,  a  Whig,  arose  to  reply  to  Douglas. 
Lincoln  was  the  recognized  speaker  for  the  Whigs  in 
Springfield:  a  month  before,  he  had  replied  to  Calhoun, 
a  pro-Nebraska  Democrat. 

[Chicago  Democratic  Press,  October  6,   1854] 

POLITICAL  SPEAKING 

Today  we  listened  to  a  3^  hour's  speech  from  the  Hon.  Abram 
Lincoln,  in  reply  to  that  of  Judge  Douglas  of  yesterday.  He  made  a 
full  and  convincing  reply  and  showed  up  squatter  sovereignty  in  all  its 
unblushing  pretensions.  We  came  away  as  Judge  Douglas  com- 
menced to  reply  to  Mr.  Lincoln. 


12  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

LINCOLN  AT  THE  STATE  FAIR 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Lincoln  began  in  October,  1854.'  I  was 
then  in  the  employ  of  the  Chicago  Evening  Journal.  I  had  been  sent 
to  Springfield  to  report  the  political  doings  of  State  Fair  week  for 
that  newspaper.  Thus  it  came  about  that  I  occupied  a  front  seat  in 
the  Representatives'  Hall,  in  the  old  State  House  when  Mr.  Lincoln 
delivered  a  speech  already  described  in  this  volume.  The  impression 
made  upon  me  by  the  orator  was  quite  overpowering.  I  had  not 
heard  much  political  speaking  up  to  that  time.  I  have  heard  a 
great  deal  since.  I  have  never  heard  anything  since,  either  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  or  by  anybody,  that  I  would  put  on  a  higher  plane  of  oratory. 
All  the  strings  that  play  upon  the  human  heart  and  understanding 
were  touched  with  masterly  skill  and  force,  while  beyond  and  above 
all  skill  was  the  overwhelming  conviction  pressed  upon  the  audience 
that  the  speaker  himself  was  charged  with  an  irresistible  and  inspir- 
ing duty  to  his  fellowmen 

Although  I  heard  him  many  times  afterward,  I  shall  longest 
remember  him  as  I  then  saw  the  tall,  angular  form  with  the  long, 
angular  arms,  at  times  bent  nearly  double  with  excitement,  like  a 
large  flail  animating  two  smaller  ones,  the  mobile  face  wet  with 
perspiration  which  he  discharged  in  drops  as  he  threw  his  head  this 
way  and  that  like  a  projectile — not  a  graceful  figure  and  yet  not  an 
ungraceful  one. 

Lincoln  spoke  until  half-past  five;  Douglas  replied  for 
an  hour  and  then  announced  that  he  would  leave  off  to 
enable  the  listeners  to  have  their  suppers  and  would  re- 
sume at  early  candle  light.  But  when  that  time  arrived, 
Douglas  for  some  reason  failed  to  resume,  other  speakers 
took  the  platform,  and  Douglas'  "unfinished  speech" 
was  the  cause  of  endless  raillery  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs 
who  claimed  that  he  found  Lincoln's  arguments  un- 
answerable. The  style  of  argument  of  each  was  known 
to  the  other  because  they  had  debated  public  questions 
in  Springfield  as  early  as  seventeen  years  before.  Trum- 
bull arrived  in  time  to  speak  on  Thursday  evening  and 
his  speech  was  widely  copied  in  the  press  of  the  state  as 

»Mr.  Horace  White  in  Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co. 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  13 

representative  anti-Nebraska  doctrine.  Lincoln,  through 
the  influence  of  his  friend  Herndon,  was  given  extravagant 
praise  in  the  Journal  of  Springfield,  but  his  speech  created 
no  widespread  comment  throughout  the  state  such  as 
Herndon  would  have  us  believe.^ 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  October  5,  1854] 

HON.  A.  LINCOLN'S  SPEECH 

Agreeably  to  previous  notice,  circulated  in  the  morning  by  hand 
bill,  Hon.  A.  Lincoln  delivered  a  speech  yesterday,  at  the  State  House, 
in  the  Hall  of  Representatives  in  reply  to  the  speech  of  Senator 
Douglas,  of  the  preceding  day.  Mr.  L.  commenced  at  2  o'clock, 
p.  M.,  and  spoke  above  three  hours,  to  a  very  large,  intelligent  and 
attentive  audience.  Judge  Douglas  had  been  invited  by  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  be  present  and  to  reply  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  remarks,  if  he  should 
think  proper  to  do  so.  And  Judge  Douglas  was  present,  and  heard 
Mr.  Lincoln  throughout. 

Mr.  Lincoln  closed  amid  immense  cheers.  He  had  nobly  and  tri- 
umphantly sustained  the  cause  of  a  free  people,  and  won  a  place  in 
their  hearts  as  a  bold  and  powerful  champion  of  equal  rights  for  Amer- 
ican citizens,  that  will  in  all  time  be  a  monument  to  his  honor.  Mr. 
Douglas  replied  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  a  speech  of  about  two  hours.  It 
was  adroit,  and  plausible,  but  had  not  the  marble  of  logic  in  it. 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield  October  10,  1854] 

LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

The  debate  between  these  two  men  came  off  in  the  State  House  on 
the  fifth  of  October.  The  Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in 
which  the  speaking  was  heard,  was  crowded  to  overflowing.  The 
number  present  was  about  two  thousand,  Mr.  Lincoln  commenced  at 
2  o'clock  p.  M.,  and  spoke  three  hours  and  ten  minutes. 

We  propose  to  give  our  views  and  those  of  many  northerners  and 
many  southerners  upon  the  debate.  We  intend  to  give  it  as  fairly  as 
we  can.     Those  who  know  Mr.  Lincoln,  know  him  to  be  a  conscien- 

' .  "At  this  time  I  was  zealously  Interested  in  the  new  movement,  and  not  less  so  than  in  Lincoln. 

I  frequently  wrote  the  editorials  in  the  Springfield  Journal Many  of  the  editorials  I  wrote  were 

Intended  directly  or  indirectly  to  promote  the  interests  of  Lincoln."— Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln, 
II,  36,  38. 


14  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

tious  and  honest  man,  who  makes  no  assertions  that  he  does  not  know 
to  be  true. 

It  was  a  proud  day  for  Lincoln.  His  friends  will  never  forget  it. 
The  news  had  gone  abroad  that  "  Lincoln  was  afraid  to  meet  Douglas;" 
but  when  he  arose,  his  manly  and  fearless  form  shut  up  and  crushed 
out  the  charge.  We  will  not  soon  forget  his  appearance  as  he  bowed 
to  the  audience,  and  looked  over  the  vast  sea  of  human  heads. 

Douglas  arose  and  commenced  his  answers  to  Mr.  Lincoln — and 
his  eloquence  can  only  be  compared  to  his  person — false  and  brusque. 
He  is  haughty  and  imperative, — his  voice  somewhat  shrill  and  his 
manner  positive;— now  flattering,  now  wild  with  excess  of  madness 
That  trembling  fore-finger,  like  a  lash,  was  his  whip  to  drive  the  doubt- 
ing into  the  ranks.     He  is  a  very  tyrant. — 

When  he  arose  he  most  evidently  was  angry  for  being  bearded  in 
the  Capitol,  and  if  we  judge  not  wrongly,  we  affirm  that  he  is  con- 
scious of  his  ruin  and  doom.  The  marks  and  evidences  of  desolation 
are  furrowed  in  his  face, — written  on  his  brow. 

Lincoln  next  followed  Douglas  to  Peoria  and  replied  to 
him  at  that  point,  October  16,  1854.'  A  fortnight  later 
elections  were  held  for  members  of  the  state  legislature 
who  would  choose  in  joint  session  a  fellow-senator  for 
Douglas  from  Illinois. 

SENATORIAL   ELECTION   OF    1854 

The  legislative  elections  proved  unfortunate  for  the  in- 
dorsement of  Douglas  and  brought  a  large  number  of 
anti-Nebraska  men  into  the  joint  assembly.  It  seemed 
that  Lincoln's  senatorial  aspirations  were  in  a  fair  way  to 
be  realized ;  but  at  the  last  moment  it  was  found  necessary 
to  elect  Judge  Trumbull,  an  anti-Nebraska  Democrat,  to 
prevent  the  choice  falling  upon  Governor  Matteson,  who 
was  not  sound  on  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  in 
Kansas. 

^Nicolay  and  Hay,  Complete  TForfcs,  1, 180. 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  15 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  February  9,  1855] 

SENATORIAL  ELECTION 


Truiubull  Elected— The  Anti-Nebraska  Sentiment  of  Illinois  Vindicated 
The  Senatorial  election  took  place  on  yesterday Abraham  Lin- 
coln had  by  far  the  largest  number  of  votes  on  the  first  votes  [ballot] : 
but  it  having  become  apparent  that  he  could  not  be  elected,  his  friends 
to  a  man,  with  his  entire  approbation,  united  on  a  candidate  that  could 
be,  and  was,  elected.  Every  vote  Judge  Trumbull  received  came 
from  anti-Nebraska  and  anti-Douglas  men.  Thus  has  the  State  of 
Illinois  rebuked  the  authors  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  restriction. — 
They  have  done  it  in  a  manner  that  will  be  felt,  not  only  in  this  State, 
but  throughout  the  nation.  The  Douglas  party  would  have  greatly 
preferred  the  election  of  Lincoln,  Williams,  Odgen,  Kellogg,  or  Sweet, 
to  that  of  Judge  Trumbull.  They  were  most  anxious  to  crush  him 
for  daring  to  be  honest. 

Of  ]\Ir.  Lincoln,  we  need  scarcely  say, — that  though  ambitious  of 
the  office  himself, — when  it  was  apparent  that  he  could  not  be  elected, 
he  pressed  his  friends  to  vote  for  Mr.  Trumbull. — Mr.  Lincoln's 
friends  can  well  say,  that  while  with  his  advice  they  ultimately  cast 
their  votes  for,  and  assisted  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Trumbull,  it  was  not 
"  because  they  loved  Ceasar  less,  but  because  they  loved  Rome  more.  " 
It  has  long  been  certain  that  there  was  an  anti-Nebraska  majority 
in  the  Legislature.  The  Douglas  men  were  certain  of  this  fact — and 
their  anticipated  "triumph,"  as  announced  by  Mr.  Moulton  in  the 
House,  was  based  on  the  known  popularity  of  Gov.  Matteson  per- 
sonally, which  would  give  their  votes  for  him  and  which  would 
ensure  his  election. 

Although  Herndon  and  Lincoln's  other  friends  attemp- 
ted in  these  complimentary  terms  to  soften  the  blow  of 
his  defeat,  he  felt  keenly  the  sacrifice  he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  make  for  a  man  who  had  been  until  recently  his 
political  enemy,  "  I  regret  my  defeat  moderately, "  he 
wrote  to  a  friend,  "  but  am  not  nervous  about  it.  "^  Quite 
naturally  he  would  be  given  a  chance  when  the  next 
senatorial  vacancy  occurred  and  that  would  be  four  years 
hence. 

^Nicolay  and  Hay,  op.  cit.,  215. 


16  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

PRESIDENTIAL    ELECTION    OF    1856 

As  the  presidential  year  of  1856  came  on,  the  old  line 
Whigs  and  anti-Nebraska  men  were  fused  into  the  new 
Republican  party  through  spontaneous  conventions  held 
in  the  different  northern  states.  In  Illinois,  "People's" 
conventions  assembled  in  the  counties  and  named  dele- 
gates to  a  state  convention  which  was  held  in  Blooming- 
ton  in  May,  representing  "  those  regardless  of  party  who 
oppose  the  further  extension  of  slave  territory  and  who 
wish  to  curb  the  rising  pretentions  of  the  slave  oligarchy.  " 
Among  the  prominent  men  present  was  Abraham  Lincoln, 
who  spoke  at  the  close  of  the  convention.  Reporters 
afterward  testified  that  the  spell  of  his  simple  oratory  was 
so  entrancing  that  they  forgot  their  tasks  and  the  speech 
went  unreported.  In  later  years  it  was  written  out  from 
memory  by  one  of  the  hearers  and  became  known  as 
"Lincoln's  lost  speech,"  being  the  subject  of  no  little 
controversy. 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  June  3,   1856] 

HON.  A.  LINCOLN 

During  the  recent  session  of  the  State  anti-Nebraska   Convention, 

the  Hon.  A.  Lincoln  of  this  city  made  one  of  the  most  powerful  and 

convincing  speeches  which  we  have  ever  heard.     The  editor  of  the 

Chicago  Press,  thus  characterizes  it: 

Abram  Lincoln  of  Springfield  was  next  called  out,  and  made  the  speech  of 
the  occasion.  Never  has  it  been  our  fortune  to  listen  to  a  more  eloquent  and 
masterly  presentation  of  a  subject.  I  shall  not  mar  any  of  its  fine  propor- 
tions or  briUiant  passages  by  attempting  even  a  synopsis  of  it.  Mr.  Lincoln 
must  write  it  out  and  let  it  go  before  all  the  people.  For  an  hour  and  a  half 
he  held  the  assemblage  spell-bound  by  the  power  of  his  argument,  the  intense 
irony  of  his  invective,  and  the  deep  earnestness  and  fervid  brilliancy  of  his 
eloquence.  When  he  concluded,  the  audience  sprang  to  their  feet,  and  cheer 
after  cheer  told  how  deeply  their  hearts  had  been  touched,  and  their  souls 
warmed  up  to  a  generous  enthusiasm. 

In  the  Democratic  national  convention  which  met  at 
Cincinnati,  June  2,  1856,  Douglas  on  one  ballot  received 


LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  17 

121  votes,  but  the  nomination  eventually  went  to  James 
Buchanan.  In  the  Republican  national  convention, 
which  met  at  Philadelphia,  two  weeks  later,  Lincoln  was 
given  110  votes  on  the  informal  vote  for  the  vice-presi- 
dency, but  Dayton  was  nominated.  Lincoln  headed  the 
list  bi  Illinois  electors  for  Fremont  and  Dayton.  During 
the  campaign,  Douglas  took  the  stump  for  Buchanan  and 
Lincoln  for  Fremont.  After  the  defeat  of  Fremont, 
Lincoln  said  in  a  speech  at  a  banquet  in  Chicago:  "In 
the  late  contest  we  were  divided  between  Fremont  and 
Buchanan.  Can  we  not  come  together  in  the  future? 
Let  bygones  be  bygones;  let  past  differences  be  as  nothing; 
and  with  steady  eye  on  the  real  issue,  let  us  re-inaugurate 
the  good  old  'central  ideas'  of  the  republic.  We  can  do 
it.     The  human  heart  is  with  us;  God  is  with  us. " 

In  June,  of  the  following  year,  1857,  Douglas  spoke  in 
Springfield  on  current  political  topics  and  two  weeks  later 
Lincoln  answered  him  at  the  same  place. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE    SENATOKIAL   CAMPAIGN    OF    1858 

Douglas  was  chosen  to  the  United  States  Senate  from 
lUinois  for  the  first  time  in  1847  and  was  re-elected  in  1853 ; 
consequently  his  second  term  would  expire  in  1859  and  he 
must  at  that  time  seek  a  new  election  at  the  hands  of  the 
Illinois  legislature.  To  compass  this  end,  he  must  con- 
trol the  legislative  elections  of  1858.  The  state  was  never 
lost  to  the  Democratic  column  before  1860;  but  Douglas 
found  himself  obliged  to  enter  the  campaign  of  1858  under 
peculiar  and  embarrassing  circumstances.  The  plan  by 
which  he  had  hoped  to  establish  home  rule  in  Kansas  had 
caused  a  situation  in  the  territory  which  bade  fair  to  test 
the  principle  of  "popular  sovereignty"  and  to  create 
dissension  in  the  Democratic  party.  Some  of  the  resi- 
dents of  the  territory  late  in  1857  framed  and  adopted  a 
constitution  at  Lecompton;  but  the  free-soil  people  of  the 
territory  refused  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings.  The 
adoption  by  Congress  of  this  "Lecompton  constitution" 
was  favored  by  President  Buchanan,  but  was  opposed  by 
Senator  Douglas  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  a  fair  test 
of  "popular  sovereignty."  If  Douglas  were  successful 
in  securing  a  re-election  in  Illinois,  it  could  be  interpreted 
in  no  other  way  than  a  defeat  for  the  administration  and 
an  invitation  to  other  ambitious  statesmen  to  brook 
presidential  disfavor.  It  was  reported  that  Buchanan 
warned  Douglas  of  his  peril  and  that  Douglas  replied, 
"Mr.  President,  Andrew  Jackson  is  dead,"  implying  that 
the  days  of  presidential  dictation  were  past.  Conse- 
quently the  new  Republican  party  of  Illinois  had  an 

19 


20  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

unexpected  opportunity  of  aiding  a  Democratic  president 
to  defeat  a  Democratic  senator  for  re-election. 

If  Douglas  entered  the  canvass  beset  with  difficulty, 
Lincoln  was  far  from  being  able  to  place  the  contest 
purely  on  the  basis  of  merit.  The  patronage  of  the  state 
so  long  enjoyed  by  Senator  Douglas  under  Democratic 
administration  had  dotted  the  state  with  Douglas  post- 
masters, revenue  collectors,  and  other  federal  officers. 
That  Lincoln  fully  appreciated  this  handicap  is  evident 
from  one  of  his  Springfield  speeches  of  1858: 

"  Senator  Douglas  is  of  world-wide  renown.  All  the  anxious  poli- 
ticians of  his  party,  or  who  have  been  of  his  party  for  years  past,  have 
been  looking  upon  him  as  certainly,  at  no  distant  day,  to  be  the  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  They  have  seen  in  his  round,  jolly,  fruitful 
face,  post-offices,  land-offices,  marshallships,  and  cabinet  appoint- 
ments, chargeships  and  foreign  missions,  bursting  and  sprouting  out  in 
wonderful  exuberance,  ready  to  be  laid  hold  of  by  their  greedy  hands. 
And  as  they  have  been  gazing  upon  this  attractive  picture  so  long,  they 
cannot,  in  the  little  distraction  that  has  taken  place  in  the  party,  bring 
themselves  to  give  up  the  charming  hope :  but  with  greedier  anxiety 
they  rush  about  him,  sustain  him,  and  give  him  marches,  triumphant 
entries,  and  receptions  beyond  what  even  in  the  days  of  his  highest 
prosperity  they  could  have  brought  about  in  his  favor. 

"On  the  contrary,  nobody  has  ever  expected  me  to  be  president. 
In  my  poor,  lean,  lank  face,  nobody  has  ever  seen  that  any  cabbages 
were  sprouting  out.  These  are  disadvantages  all,  taken  together, 
that  the  Republicans  labor  under.  We  have  to  fight  this  battle  upon 
principle,  and  upon  principles  alone.  "^ 

There  was  also  a  possibility  that  at  the  last  moment  it 
might  become  necessary  to  name  as  the  Republican  can- 
didate for  the  senatorship  a  former  Democrat,  as  had  been 
done  in  the  election  of  1854.  It  was  also  rumored  that 
John  Wentworth  of  Chicago  was  the  real  candidate  and 

^Nicolay  and  Hay,  op.  cit.,  261. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  21 

that  Lincoln  was  to  be  used  as  a  stalking-horse  for  the 

defeat  of  Douglas  in  the  legislative  campaign. 

Mr.  A.  Lincoln  is  the  special  object  of  admiration  among  the  Black 
Republicans  of  Illinois  at  this  time.  How  long  it  will  last  no  one 
knows.  Two  years  ago  he  occupied  much  the  same  position,  but  he 
was  diddled  out  of  the  place  of  Senator  by  the  friends  of  Trumbull, 
and  the  same  thing  may  happen  to  him  again. ^ 

Lincoln's  prospects  for  the  senatorship  were  further 
menaced  by  the  danger  that  the  Republicans  of  the  state 
might  deem  it  wise  to  lend  their  support  to  Douglas,  re- 
elect him  to  the  Senate,  and  by  his  victory  impair  the 
chances  of  Buchanan  securing  a  second  term.  Greeley 
suggested  that  the  Illinois  senatorship  should  be  allowed 
to  go  to  Douglas  by  default  and  thus  by  increasing  the 
breach  between  Douglas  and  Buchanan  prepare  the  way 
for  the  Republicans  to  carry  the  state  in  1860.  Lincoln 
himself  expressed  his  fears  lest  Douglas  should  shift  from 
his  true  Democratic  principles,  and  "assume  steep  Free 
Soil  ground  and  furiously  assail  the  Administration  on  the 
stump. "  This  very  possible  action  would  take  away  the 
support  of  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats  and  of  many 
Republicans  from  Lincoln  and  center  it  on  the  Little 
Giant.  Against  such  a  coalition  Lincoln  took  the  pre- 
caution of  sending  letters  to  prominent  Republicans 
throughout  the  state,  before  the  Republican  convention 
met  at  Springfield  in  June,  1858,  and  they  soon  acknow- 
ledged the  danger  of  indorsing  so  uncertain  a  man  as 
Douglas  upon  no  other  recommendation  to  Republican- 
ism than  his  quarrel  with  Buchanan.  The  situation  might 
be  f  oreguarded  if  the  Republican  convention  would  indorse 
Lincoln  as  its  candidate,  thereby  pledging  the  legislators 
elected  on  its  ticket  in  the  November  election  to  vote  for 
Lincoln  in  the  joint  session  to  be  held  during  the  winter 
of  1859. 

1  Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  July  11,  1858. 


22  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  June  16,  1858] 

REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTION  OF  ILLINOIS 


Great  Harmony  and  Entlinsiasm 

B.  C.  Cooke,  of  LaSalle,  offered  the  following  resolution  which 
was  unanimously  adopted: 

Resolved  :  That  the  Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  has  illustrated  and  defined  the  principles  of  the  Republi- 
can party  with  distinguished  ability  and  fidelity,  and  we  hereby  ex- 
press our  emphatic  approval  of  his  course. 

Chas.  L.  Wilson,  of  Cook,  submitted  the  following  resolution, 
which  was  greeted  with  shouts  of  applause  and  unanimously  adopted : 

Resolved:  That  Abraham  Lincoln  is  the  first  and  only  choice 
of  the  Republicans  of  Ilhnois  for  the  United  States  Senate,  as  the  suc- 
cessor of  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

On  motion,  the  Convention  adjourned  to  meet  at  8  o'clock. 

8  o'clock  p.  M. 

Convention  met,  pursuant  to   adjournment. 

Resolutions  complimentary  to  the  officers  of  the  State  government, 
and  also  to  the  officers  of  the  Convention  were  unanimously  adopted. 

Speeches  were  made  by  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln,  T.  J.  Turner, 
I.  N.  Arnold,  J.  J.  Feree,  C.  B.  Denio,  Wyche,  Hopkins  and  others, 
and  the  Convention  adjourned  with  long  and  hearty  cheers  for  the 
ticket  and  the  cause. 

(Signed)    Gustavus    Koerner,  Pres't. 

D.  M,  Whitney,  etc.,  Vice  Pres'ts. 
W.  H.  Bailhache,  etc.,  Sec'ies. 

[Daily  Whig,  Quincy,  Illinois,  June  21,  1858] 
REPUBLICAN  STATE  TICKET 


For  State  Treasurer 
JAIVIES  IMILLER 
of  McLean  County 


For  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction 
NEWTON  BATEMAN 
of  Morgan  County 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  23 

THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

About  seven  o'clock,  the  Convention  adjourned  to  meet  in  the 
evening;  but  previous  to  doing  so,  an  incident  occured  worthy  of 
notice.  The  delegates  from  Cook  county  appeared  with  a  banner 
upon  which  was  inscribed,  "  Cook  county  for  Abram  Lincoln  for  Unit- 
ed States  Senator.  "  Mr.  Judd,  of  Cook,  in  a  very  appropriate  address 
referred  to  this  fact,  when  a  delegate  in  the  crowd  arose,  and,  waving 
a  flag  on  which  was  printed  the  word  "Illinois,"  moved  that  it  be 
nailed  over  "Cook  county"  in  the  banner  carried  by  the  Cook  dele- 
gation. The  motion  was  received  with  rounds  of  applause,  and 
carried  by  a  unanimous  vote.     The  inscription  then  read 

ILLINOIS 

FOR 

ABRAM  LINCOLN 

FOR  U.  S.  Senator 

In  the  evening,  the  Hall  was  again  crowded  to  excess  to  listen  to 
the  speeches  from  Lincoln,  Judd,  Wyche,  Feree,  Denio,  and 
others.  It  would  take  up  more  room  and  time  than  are  at  our  dis- 
posal to  comment  upon  the  speeches  delivered,  and  the  unbounded 
enthusiasm  which  prevailed. 

LINCOLN  AT  THE  REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTION 

Returning  to  the  campaign  of  1858 — I  was  sent  by  my  employers 
to  Springfield  to  attend  the  Republican  State  Convention  of  that  year.^ 
Again  I  sat  at  a  short  distance  from  Mr.  Lincoln  when  he  delivered  the 
"  House-divided-against-itself  "  speech  on  the  17th  of  June.  This  was 
delivered  from  manuscript  and  was  the  only  one  I  ever  heard  him  de- 
liver in  that  way.  When  it  was  concluded  he  put  the  manuscript  in 
my  hands  and  asked  me  to  go  to  the  State  Journal  office  and  read  the 
proof  of  it.  I  think  it  had  already  been  set  in  type.  Before  I  had 
finished  this  task,  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  came  into  the  composing  room 
of  the  State  Journal  and  looked  over  the  revised  proofs.  He  said  to 
me  that  he  had  taken  a  great  deal  of  pains  with  this  speech,  and  that 
he  wanted  it  to  go  before  the  people  just  as  he  had  prepared  it.  He 
added  that  some  of  his  friends  had  scolded  him  a  good  deal  about  the 
opening  paragraph  and  "  the  house  divided  against  itself, "  and  wanted 

"■Mr.  Horace  White  in  Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co. 


24  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

him  to  change  it  or  to  leave  it  out  altogether,  but  that  he  believed  he 
had  studied  this  subject  more  deeply  than  they  had,  and  that  he  was 
going  to  stick  to  that  text  whatever  happened. 

[Daily  Chicago  Times,  June  22,   1858] 
ALL  FOR  LINCOLN 

During  the  progress  of  the  convention  on  yesterday,  the  Chicago  delegation 
brought  in  a  banner  with  the  motto  upon  it  "  Cook  County  is  for  Abraham 
Lincoln."  It  was  received  with  shouts  and  hurrahs  of  the  most  vociferous 
character.  On  motion  of  one  of  the  Peoria  delegates,  the  motto  was  amended 
to  read — "Illinois  Is  for  Abraham  Lincoln,"  which  brought  down  the 
House  with  three  times  three  and  three  extra. — Springfield  Journal. 

The  Republican  enemies  of  Long  John  in  Chicago  thought  they  had 
put  a  nail  in  his  coffin  by  preparing  this  banner,  and  the  result  is  that 
they  think  they  have  effectually  killed  off  his  Senatorial  aspirations  by 
the  above  proceeding.  Another  move  is  to  nominate  E.  Peck  and 
Kriessman  for  the  legislature  from  North  Chicago,  and  Meech  and 
Scripps  from  South  Chicago.  We'll  see  if  Long  John  is  to  be  beaten 
or  not. 

It  was  now  less  than  two  years  until  the  Republicans 
would  nominate  a  candidate  for  the  presidency.  That 
Lincoln  was  not  regarded  as  a  possibility  even  in  Illinois 
is  shown  by  the  following: 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  June  24,  1858] 

Vote   on   the   Presidency. — The  vote   among  the   Republican 

Delegates  to  the  Illinois  State  Convention  and  passengers  on  the 

morning  train,  indicating  their  preference  for  the  Presidency,  stood 

as  follows: 

WiUiam  H.  Seward 139  S.  P.  Chase 6 

John  C.  Freemont 32  W.  H.  Bissell 2 

John  McLean 13  Scattering 26 

Lyman  Trumbull 7 

The  speech  in  which  Lincoln  acknowledged  the  courtesy 
of  the  convention  was  thought  out  in  advance  and  every 
sentence  carefully  weighed.  It  marked  the  new  lines 
upon  which  Lincoln  proposed  to  argue  the  situation  and 
which  ultimately  won  success.  Boldly  casting  aside  the 
long-prevalent  idea  that  the  Union  could  be  saved  by 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  25 

compromise  and  by  repressing  agitation,  Lincoln  voiced 
the  new  opinion  in  a  slightly  altered  Scriptural  quotation, 
"A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. "^  He 
declared  that  the  government  could  not  endure  perma- 
nently half  slave  and  half  free;  it  must  become  all  one 
thing  or  all  the  other.  Whether  Lincoln  foresaw  that  the 
astute  Douglas  would  construe  this  statement  into  a 
desire  to  dissolve  the  Union  is  a  matter  of  doubt,  as  is  also 
the  question  whether  he  appreciated  the  danger  that  his 
criticism  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  would  be  twisted  by 
Douglas  into  a  revolutionary  attack  on  the  Supreme 
Court. 

Since  the  campaign  was  to  be  waged  against  Senator 
Douglas,  Lincoln  devoted  a  large  part  of  his  speech  to 
showing  the  unfitness  of  the  Illinois  senator  to  lead  Re- 
publicans in  their  attempt  to  check  the  growing  terri- 
torial power  of  the  slaveholding  dynasty,  and  to  ridiculing 
the  pretended  greatness  of  the  senator.  "They  remind 
us, "  said  he,  "that  he  is  a  great  man  and  that  the  largest 
of  us  are  very  small  ones.  Let  that  be  granted.  But  'a 
living  dog  is  better  than  a  dead  lion.'  Judge  Douglas,  if 
not  a  dead  lion,  for  his  work,  is  at  least  a  caged  and  tooth- 
less one.     How  can  he  oppose  the  advances  of  slavery? 

He  don't  care  about  it But  clearly,  he  is  not  now 

with  us — he  does  not  pretend  to  be — he  does  not  promise 
ever  to  be. "  He  insinuated  that  the  Dred  Scott  decision 
was  a  part  of  a  Democratic  programme.  "We  cannot 
absolutely  know, "  said  he,  "that  all  these  exact  adapta- 
tions are  the  result  of  preconcert.  But  when  we  see  a  lot 
of  framed  timbers,  different  portions  of  which  we  know 
have  been  gotten  out  at  different  times  and  places  by 
different  workmen — Stephen,  Franklin,  Roger,  and  James, 
for  instance — and  we  see  these  timbers  joined  together, 

^"  And  if  a  house  be  divided  against  Itself,  that  house  cannot  stand."— Mark  3:2.5. 


26  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

and  see  them  exactly  make  the  frame  of  a  house  or  mill, 
all  the  tenons  and  mortises  exactly  fitting  and  all  the 
lengths  and  proportions  of  the  different  pieces  exactly 
adapted  to  their  respective  places,  and  not  a  piece  too 
many  or  too  few,  not  omitting  even  scaffolding — or,  if  a 
single  piece  be  lacking,  we  see  the  place  in  the  frame 
exactly  fitted  and  prepared  yet  to  bring  such  piece  in — 
in  such  a  case  we  find  it  impossible  not  to  believe  that 
Stephen  and  Franklin  and  Roger  and  James  all  under- 
stood one  another  from  the  beginning,  and  all  worked 
upon  a  common  plan  or  draft  drawn  up  before  the  first 
blow  was  struck." 

THE   DOUGLAS    " BOLTERS " 

The  breach  between  Douglas  and  the  administration 
was  reflected  in  the  Democratic  state  convention  which 
met  at  Springfield,  April  21,  1858.  As  soon  as  resolutions 
were  introduced  approving  the  course  of  Senator  Douglas, 
a  considerable  number  of  delegates  withdrew  from  the 
convention  and  formed  a  "rump"  assembly  in  another 
room.  They  were  mostly  from  Chicago  and  the  northern 
part  of  the  state.  These  "bolters"  called  another  con- 
vention which  met  at  Springfield,  June  9,  nominated 
candidates,  and  adopted  resolutions  denouncing  Douglas 
and  characterizing  his  opposition  to  the  administration 
on  the  Lecompton  question  as  "an  act  of  overweening 
conceit. " 

[Daily  Chicago  Times,  June  10,  1858] 

THE  BOLTERS  CONVENTION 

In  another  column  we  publish  the  telegraphic  report  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Bolters  Convention  at  Springfield  yesterday.  It  was  a 
miserable  farce.  It  is  represented  that  48  of  the  100  counties  were 
represented,  and  considering  that  the  delegates  were  self-appointed, 
and  that  offices  under  the  federal  government  were  promised  to  all  who 
would  attend,  the  fact  that  in  52  counties  there  could  not  be  found 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  27 

men  mean  enough  to  participate  in  the  proceedings,  is  a  glorious  trib- 
ute to  the  fidelity  of  the  Democracy  of  Illinois. 

Dougherty  and  Reynolds  were  nominated,  and  if  they  receive  2,500 
votes  in  the  whole  State  it  will  astonish  even  themselves. 

We  publish  also  the  letter  of  our  correspondent  detailing  the  events 
of  Tuesday — the  drunken  orgies  of  the  men,  who,  rioting  on  the  public 
money,  have  been  a  disgrace  to  the  State,  to  the  party  and  now  even 
to  themselves. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  September  25,  1858] 

SONG  OF  THE  HYENAS 

The  following,  which  we  clip  from  an  eastern  contemporary,  is 
entitled  "Senator  Douglas  and  His  Persecutors,  or,  the  Battle  Song 
of  the  Hyenas. "  It  undoubtedly  contains  "  more  truth  than  poetry, " 
and  we  cordially  commend  it  to  the  careful  perusal  of  the  Illinois  Dan- 

ites : — 

1.  We'll  hunt  the  lion  down, 

We  jolly  bold  Hyenas, 
Though  honest  folks  may  think 
We're  just  about  as  mean  as 

2.  The  devils  are,  who  make 

Poor  bigots  torture  people. 
Because  the  people  can't 
Uphold  said  bigots'  steeple, 

3.  O  won't  it  be  such  fun 

To  crush  the  "Little  Giant". 
Who,  conscious  of  the  right, 
Is  saucy  and  defiant? 

4.  Why  can't  he  do  like  us — 

Stoop  low  for  place  and  plunder? 
Such  independence  does 

Excite  our  wrath  and  wonder. 

5.  Of  course  in  open  day . 

We  never  will  attack  him, 
For  then  his  voice  would  call 
The  masses  up  to  back  him; 

6.  But  at  the  midnight  hour 

In  dark  and  gloomy  weather. 
In  some  old  grave-yard  foul, 
We'll  congregate  together. 

7.  And  lay  secret  plan 

To  stuff  with  spoils  our  leanness;. 
And  hunting  Douglas  down 
Will  gratify  our  meanness ! 


28  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Although  these  "bolters"  represented  fewer  than  half 
the  counties  of  the  state,  their  action  was  significant  and 
the  contagion  might  spread.  Consequently,  one  week 
later  Douglas  turned  aside  in  the  Senate  from  the  pending 
question  upon  which  he  was  speaking  to  address  his  fellow 
senators  on  the  condition  of  political  parties  in  Illinois.  In 
a  speech  characteristically  abusive  he  denounced  the  leader 
of  the  "bolters"  as  an  ex-Mormon  with  an  unwholesome 
record,  and  he  fastened  upon  the  recalcitrants  the  name 
of  "  Danite, "  by  which  they  were  known  during  the  re- 
mainder of  the  campaign.  He  took  care  during  the 
course  of  his  remarks  to  state  that  in  his  opinion  Buchanan 
was  not  a  party  to  the  attacks  made  upon  him  from  the 
ranks  in  Illinois. 

The  Democratic  press  of  the  state  immediately  lined  up 
with  the  rival  conventions.  A  majority  of  the  editors  of 
the  state  favored  Douglas,  who  had  thus  far  been  intrusted 
with  a  large  part  of  the  federal  patronage  of  the  state. 
The  Whig  editors  took  no  part  in  the  quarrel ;  the  Buchan- 
anites  were  sadly  in  the  minority.  Some  of  the  Doug- 
las supporters  went  so  far  as  to  place  the  name  of  Douglas 
at  the  head  of  a  column  on  the  editorial  page,  as  if  the  elec- 
tion of  a  senator  were  to  be  determined  by  popular  vote. 
This,  added  to  the  direct  nomination  of  Lincoln  by  the 
Republican  convention,  gave  additional  color  to  the  popu- 
lar aspect  of  the  campaign.  It  was  as  if  the  two  were 
running  for  the  presidency  rather  than  for  an  election 
to  a    senatorship  through  a  state  legislature. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  Springfield,  June  17] 

Mr.  Lincoln  is  recommended  for  Senator  and  however  unusual 
such  an  issue  may  be,  it  is  now  plainly  and  squarely  one  before  the 
people  of  the  State  for  United  States  senator — Stephen  A.  Douglas  on 
the  one  side  and  Abraham  Lincoln- of  the  other;  the  Democracy  of 
the  one  against  the  black  republican  principles  of  the  other. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  29 

[New  York  Daily  Tribune,  June  26,  1858] 

ILLINOIS 


Sketch  of  tlie  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln 
Correspondence  of  the  New  York  Tribune 

CoLLiNsviLLE,  III.,  Juiie'  15,  1858 
The  decided  expressions  of  the  RepubHcan  Convention  of  this 
State  in  favor  of  Abraham  Lincoln  for  Senator,  in  the  place  now  held 
by  Judge  Douglas,  will  give  interest  to  anything  throwing  light  upon 
the  character  and  abilities  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  especially  to  those  who  are 
not  acquainted  with  him.  As  he  has  served  only  one  term  in  the 
Lower  House  of  Congress,  and  that  so  long  ago  as  1846-8,  there  must 
be  many  who  would  like  to  know  how  he  will  be  likely  to  fill  the  place 
of  the  now  so  notorious — I  might  say  distinguished — Douglas.  Is  he 
a  match  for  his  ''illustrious  predecessor"? 

But  I  am  forgetting  myself,  which  was  chiefly  to  relate  an  incident 
showing  the  two  men  in  contact  and  somewhat  in  comparsion.  I 
think  it  has  never  been  in  print. 

It  was  in  the  Fall  of  1854,  when  the  Nebraska  bill  was  a  fresh  topic, 
Lincoln  was  speaking  to  some  two  thousand  persons  in  the  State 
House  at  Springfield.  Douglas  sat  on  the  Clerk's  platform,  just  under 
the  Speaker's  stand.  In  his  introduction,  Lincoln  complimented  his 
distinguished  friend ;  said  he  himself  had  not  been  in  public  life  as  he 
had;  and  if  he  should,  on  that  account,  misstate  any  fact,  he  would  be 
very  much  obliged  to  his  friend  the  Judge,  if  he  would  correct  him. 
Judge  Douglas  rose  with  a  good  deal  of  Senatorial  dignity,  and  said 
that  it  was  not  always  agreeable  to  a  speaker  to  be  interrupted  in  the 
course  of  his  remarks,  and  therefore,  if  he  should  have  anything  to  say,. 
he  would  wait  until  Mr.  Lincoln  was  done.  For  some  reason,  he  did 
not  keep  to  his  purpose,  but  quite  frequently  rose  to  put  in  a  word 
when  he  seemed  to  think  his  case  required  immediate  attention.  One 
of  these  passages — and  it  was  pretty  nearly  a  sample  of  the  rest — was 
in  this  wise :  Lincoln  had  been  giving  a  history  of  the  legislation  of  the 
Federal  Government  on  the  subject  of  Slavery,  and  referring  to  the 
opinions  held  by  public  men,  and  had  come  down  to  the  Nicholson 
letter,  wherein  the  denial  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  prohibit  Slavery 
in  the  Territories  was  first  presented  to  the  public.  Said  he,  "  I  don't 
know  what  my  friend  the  Judge  thinks"  [and  he  looked  down  upon 


30  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

him  with  a  smile  half  playful,  half  roguish],  "but  really  it  seems  to  me 
that  that  was  the  origin  of  the  Nebraska  bill. "  This  stroke  at  the 
Senator's  laurels  in  the  matter  of  the  "great  principle,"  created  a 
good  deal  of  laughter  and  some  applause,  which  brought  the  Judge  to 
his  feet.  Shaking  back  his  heavy  hair,  and  looking  much  like  a  roused 
lion,  he  said,  in  his  peculiarly  heavy  voice  which  he  uses  with  so  much 
effect  when  he  wishes  to  be  impressive,  "No,  Sir!  I  will  tell  you 
what  was  the  origin  of  the  Nebraska  bill.  It  was  this.  Sir!  God 
created  man,  and  placed  before  him  both  good  and  evil,  and  left  him 
free  to  choose  for  himself.  That  was  the  origin  of  the  Nebraska  bill.  " 
As  he  said  this,  Lincoln  looked  the  picture  of  good  nature  and  patience. 
As  Douglas  concluded,  the  smile  which  lurked  in  the  corners  of 
Lincoln's  mouth  parted  his  lips,  and  he  replied,  "Well,  then,  I  think 
it  is  a  great  honor  to  Judge  Douglas  that  he  was  the  first  man  to  dis- 
cover that  fact.  "  This  brought  down  the  house,  of  course,  but  I  could 
not  perceive  that  the  Judge  appreciated  the  fun  in  the  least.  .  .      W. 

Congress  adjourned  June  1,  1858,  and  Douglas  started 
for  Chicago  by  way  of  northern  New  York,  where  he 
intended  paying  a  visit  to  his  aged  mother.  So  promi- 
nently before  the  public  was  he  at  this  time,  in  view  of  the 
coming  contest  in  Illinois,  that  the  newspapers  chronicled 
his  every  movement  on  the  way. 

[Chicago  Times,  June  27] 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

Senator  Douglas,  accompanied  by  his  beautiful  and  accomplished  wife,  ar- 
rived at  the  Girard  House,  Monday  night,  from  Washington  en  route  for 
Chicago,  where  he  proposes  opening  his  campaign. — He  was  visited,  in  the 
course  of  yesterday,  by  a  large  number  of  our  most  influential  citizens — hold- 
ing quite  an  impromptu  levee,  in  fact,  for  no  special  announcement  of  his 
arrival  in  this  city  had  been  made.  He  appeared  in  excellent  health  and 
spirits.     He  left  New  York  by  the  afternoon  train. — Phila.  Press. 

[Daily  Whig,  Quincy,  Ills.,  July  1] 

Senator  Douglas  is  at  present  at  his  mother's  in  the  State  of  New 
York — recruiting  previous  to  entering  upon  the  campaign  in  this  State 
It  is  said  that  he  will  open  the  ball  at  Carlinville,  Macoupin  County. 

Col.  Carpenter  on  the  part  of  the  Administration  Democrats,  is  to 
take  the  stump,  it  is  said,  and  meet  Douglas  in  the  field. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  31 

The  Republican  standard  bearer  will  be  Hon.  Abe  Lincoln — and 
we  could  not  place  our  cause  in  abler  hands. 

Let  the  people  hear  and  judge  between  the  principles  of  these  con- 
tending parties. 

[Cincinnati,  Ohio,  Commercial,  July  6,  1858] 

ME.  DOUGLAS  IN  ILLINOIS 


The  Dismantled  Democracy  and  the  Administration 

We  have  been  informed,  from  a  satisfactory  source,  that  it  is  the 
purpose  of  Mr.  Senator  Douglas  (now  en  route  homeward)  to  enter 
at  once  upon  the  state  campaign  of  Illinois,  which,  in  the  approaching 
fall  election,  is  to  determine  the  complexion  of  the  Legislature,  and 
thus  whether  Mr.  Douglas  or  some  other  man  is,  for  the  next  term  of 
six  years,  to  take  the  chair  so  long  occupied  in  the  United  States 
Senate  by  the  "  Little  Giant. "  We  learn,  too,  that  adopting  a  con- 
ciliatory course  toward  the  administration,  the  plan  of  the  campaign 
of  Mr.  Douglas  will  be  war  to  the  knife  against  the  destructive  anti- 
slavery  heresies  of  the  late  Illinois  State  Convention,  and  of  their 
Senatorial  nominee,  Mr.  Lincoln;  and  that  thus,  taking  up  the  glove 
thrown  before  him,  Mr.  Douglas,  upon  the  broad  democratic  principles 
of  constitutional  obligations  and  state  rights,  wiU  make  a  fair  field 
fight  with  the  opposition  upon  the  ground  of  their  own  choosing. 

In  this  aspect  of  affairs,  the  Illinois  Republicans  having  coolly 
turned  their  backs  upon  Mr.  Douglas,  he  is  in  an  excellent  position  to 
understand  the  exact  necessities  of  his  case,  the  difficulties  of  his  party 
and  the  way  to  surmount  them. 

Considering,  therefore,  the  dangers  which  surround  the  Illinois 
Democracy,  with  the  critical  position  of  Mr.  Douglas  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  excessive  confidence  of  the  opposition  on  the  other,  we  may 
anticipate  a  campaign  out  there  as  desperate  as  that  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania October  election  of  1856,  and  perhaps  as  momentous  to  the 
Democratic  party  in  reference  to  the  Presidency, 

[Cincinyiati,  Ohio,  Commercial,  July  8,  1858] 

ILLINOIS  POLITICS 

A  correspondent,  a  particular  friend  and  admirer  of  Douglas,  writing 
from  Olney,  111.,  under  date  of  July  3d,  to  the  Vincennes  Sun,  gives  a 
glimpse  of  the  fight  in  Illinois. 


32  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  Little  Giant  will  soon  be  among  us,  and  as  he  moves  about  we  can 
tell  how  the  people  feel.     It  is  conceded  here  that  it's  all  right  in  this  district. 

Every  district  where  there  is  any  hope  will  be  looked  after  and  nothing 
left  undone  that  will  tend  to  success.  By  about  September  the  whole  state 
will  be  alive  with  stumpers, — Douglas  will  be  backed  by  the  "giants,"  and  the 
Black  Republican  Ajaxes  will  be  in  the  field  armed  for  the  conflict.  Distin- 
tinguished  speakers  from  all  parts  of  the  Union  on  both  sides  are  promised. 

Lincoln  is  popular — the  strongest  man  the  opposition  have, — is  nearly  fifty 
years  old— six  feet  two — slightly  stoop-shouldered — very  muscular  and  pow- 
erful— dark  eyes — a  quizzical,  pleasant,  raw-boned  face — tells  a  a  story  better 
than  anybody  else — is  a  good  lawyer — and  is  what  the  world  calls  a  devihsh 
good  fellow. — He  would  have  been  senator  before,  had  not  Trumbull's  su- 
perior cunning  overreached  him.  But,  in  dignity,  intellect  and  majesty  of 
mind  it  is  not  pretended  that  he  is  Douglas's  equal. 

[Cincinnati,   Ohio,    Commercial,  July   13] 

MR.   DOUGLAS-HIS  PASSAGE   THROUGH  OHIO-HIS 

COMFORTERS 

The  Honorable  Stephen  A.  Douglas  appears  to  have  put  himself  into 
not  very  desirable  hands  in  his  passage  through  the  state  of  Ohio. 
It  is  true  that  if  he  found  it  advisable  to  put  himself  into  any  hands 
whatever,  he  had  left  to  him  very  little  freedom  of  choice.  The  orig- 
inal Buchanan  men,  and  those  whose  interests  it  is  still  to  appear  to 
cling  to  the  presidential  faction,  could  not,  of  course,  have  anything 
to  do  with  him. 

Having  addressed  a  large  gathering  of  the  people  at 
Clifton  Springs,  N.  Y.,  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  Douglas 
departed  for  Chicago.  In  New  York,  at  Cleveland,  and 
at  Toledo,  Ohio,  he  was  tendered  serenades  and  receptions. 
Recalling  the  unfortunate  manner  in  which  the  people  of 
Chicago  had  greeted  him  four  years  before,  his  supporters 
now  planned  a  reception  which,  by  its  very  magnitude 
would  overwhelm  hostility  if  any  were  manifest  and 
would  also  show  Buchanan  that  Illinois  chose  to  follow 
her  senator  rather  than  the  President.  It  v»^as  the  first 
of  the  extraordinary  rallies  made  to  the  banner  of  Douglas 
in  the  campaign  of  1858. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  33 

[Illinois  State  Register,  Springfield,  July  12,  1858] 
[From  the  Chicago  Times  of  Saturday,  10th] 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS  AT  HOME 


Triumphant  Demonstration!— Enthusiastic  Welcome.— Cheering-  Tribute 
to  a  Public  Servant!— Grand  Ovation -30,000  People  Assembled!- 
Great  Speech  of  Senator  Doug-las.  Bonfires,  Fireworks,  Salutes, 
Ac— Chicag-o  to  her  Senator.— Departure  of  the  Committee 

As  per  announcement  in  the  programme  of  the  reception  of  Hon, 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  pubHshed  by  authority  of  the  committee  of  ar- 
rangements, an  extra  train  of  cars  v^^as  ready  at  1  o'clock,  yesterday, 
to  convey  the  committee  of  reception  to  Michigan  City — distant  from 
Chicago  sixty  mUes — at  w^hich  place  Senator  Douglas  was  to  take  the 
Illinois  Central  road  on  the  return  trip. 

In  the  meantime,  also,  a  great  number  of  national  flags  were  being 
elevated  at  conspicuous  points  near  the  depot  and  elsewhere,  and 
banners  of  different  shapes  and  colors,  besides  streamers,  pennants, 
etc.,  were  disposed  in  all  directions. 

It  was  now  1  o'clock.  The  train  was  to  start  at  that  hour,  and  all 
things  being  ready,  the  cars  moved  off  amid  shouts  from  the  outside, 
and  answering  shouts  and  music  from  within.  In  all  the  company 
numbered  four  hundred.  A  splendid  banner,  that  of  the  young  Men's 
Democratic  Club,  was  carried  upon  the  locomotive. 

The  train  proceeded  to  Michigan  City,  where  it  was  met  by  a  host 
of  gallant  Indianians,  who  accompanied  the  Judge  from  Laporte  to 
Michigan  City.  Some  malicious  person  having  secretly  spiked  the 
only  gun  in  the  town,  the  democracy  obtained  a  large  anvil,  and  plac- 
ing it  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  made  the  welkin  echo  with  its 
repeated  discharges. 


THE    RETURN    TO    THE    CITY. 

At  a  few  minutes  after  five  o'clock  the  procession  was  formed  and 
proceeded  to  the  depot.  Judge  Douglas  being  now  the  guest  of  the 
committee.  The  train  soon  started,  and  all  along  the  road — at  every 
station,  at  almost  every  farmhouse  and  laborer's  cabin — in  every 
cornfield  and  at  every  point  where  laborers  were  engaged — there  was 


34  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

exhibited  by  cheers,  by  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and  other  demon-' 
strations,  that  cordial  "  welcome  home  "  to  the  great  representative  of 
popular  rights. 

At  the  outer  depot  of  the  Illinois  Central  railroad  the  national  flag 
had  been  raised  by  the  operatives,  and  a  swivel  belched  forth  its  roar- 
ing notes  of  welcome.  The  hardy  hands  of  the  mechanics  resounded 
with  applause,  and  cheers  and  huzzas  continued  until  the  train  had 
passed  on  to  the  city. 

As  the  train  passed  along  from  Twelfth  street  to  the  depot,  crowds 
of  ladies  were  assembled  on  the  doorsteps  of  the  residences  on  Mich- 
igan avenue,  waving  banners  and  handkerchiefs;  the  lake  part  was 
crowded  by  persons  hastily  proceeding  to  the  depot.  Long  before  the 
train  could  enter  the  station  house,  thousands  had  crossed  over  the 
breakwater,  got  upon  the  track,  and  climbed  into  the  cars,  and  when 
the  latter  reached  the  depot  they  were  literally  crammed  inside  and 
covered  on  top  by  ardent  and  enthusiastic  friends  and  supporters  of 
the  illustrious  Illinoisan, 

Capt.  Smith's  artillery  were,  in  the  meantime,  firing  from  Dear- 
born Park  a  salute  of  150  guns,  (guns  were  also  firing  in  the  west  and 
north  divisions)  the  booming  of  the  cannon  alone  rising  above  the 
cheering  plaudits  of  the  assembled  multitude.  The  hotels  and  prin- 
cipal buildings  of  the  city  were  adorned  with  flags. 

The  Adams  House,  near  the  Central  depot,  was  most  handsomely 
decorated.  The  national  flag,  a  banner  bearing  the  motto  ''Douglas, 
the  champion  of  Popular  Sovereignty,"  as  well  as  numerous  flags 
belonging  to  vessels  in  the  harbor  were  suspended  across  the  street, 
presenting  a  grand  display.  The  doors,  windows,  balconies,  and 
roofs  of  the  Adams  House,  as  well  as  the  private  residences  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  the  large  stores  and  warehouses  along  Lake  Street 
were  crowded  with  ladies  and  other  persons — all  cheering  and  wel- 
coming the  senator.  At  the  depot,  a  procession  consisting  of  the 
"Montgomery  Guards,"  Capt.  Gleason  and  the  "Emmet  Guards," 
&c.,  Lieut.  Stuart  commanding,  acting  as  the  military  escort,  was  then 
formed.  Judge  Douglas  was  in  an  open  barouche  drawn  by  six 
horses,  and  was  followed  by  the  committee  of  arrangements  in  other 
carriages.  The  procession  proceeded  up  Lake  to  Wabash  Avenue, 
down  Wabash  Avenue  to  Dearborn  street,  and  thence  by  Dearborn 
to  the  Tremont  House. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  35 

Throughout  the  whole  route  of  the  procession,  the  senator  was 
greeted  from  house  top  and  window,  from  street,  from  awning  post 
and  balcony  by  every  demonstration  of  grateful  welcome. 

THE    SCENE    AT   THE   TREMONT 

As  early  as  half  past  six  o'clock  people  began  to  collect  around  the 
Tremont  House.  The  omnibusses  from  Union  Park,  and  from  the 
southern  and  northern  limits  of  the  city,  were  crowded  with  suburban 
residents,  and  people  came  on  foot  from  the  remotest  parts  of  the 
city,  taking  up  eligible  standing  places  around  the  hotel. 

At  about  half  past  seven  the  booming  of  cannon  on  the  lake  shore 
having  announced  the  arrival  of  the  train,  it  was  the  signal  for  the 
assembling  of  thousands  of  others  who  rapidly  filled  up  every  vacant 
spot  in  Lake  street,  from  State,  for  the  distance  of  a  block  and  a  half. 
Dearborn  street  was  also  thronged  from  Lake  to  Randolph.  The 
area  occupied  by  the  people,  packed  together  in  one  dense  mass,  was 
considerably  over  fifty  thousand  square  feet.  In  addition  to  this,  every 
window  and  roof  within  hearing  distance  was  occupied,  a  large  portion 
of  the  occupants  being  ladies.  The  assemblage  of  people  who  wel- 
comed in  vociferous  and  prolonged  shouts  of  joy  the  return  of  Senator 
Douglas  numbered  at  the  least  calculation  thirty  thousand. 

Chicago  has  never  before  witnessed  such  a  sight.  A  field  of  human 
forms  parted  with  difficulty  as  the  procession  passed  through,  and 
closed  instantly  behind  it,  with  the  surge  and  roar  of  the  waters  of  a 
sea;  an  ocean  of  upturned  faces,  extending  beyond  the  furthest  limits 
to  which  the  senator's  powerful  voice  could  reach,  from  which  broke 
one  spontaneous  burst  of  applause  as  he  appeared  upon  the  balcony 
before  them!  Over  all  the  light  of  the  illumination,  and  the  glare 
and  glitter  of  the  fireworks,  spread  an  appearance  which  is  indes- 
cribable ! 

The  building  just  across  the  street  fron  the  Tremont,  on  Lake, 
occupied  by  Jno.  Parmly,  hat  manufacturer,  and  others,  was  finely 
illuminated,  and  a  handsome  transparency  was  displayed,  bearing  the 
words  "Welcome  to  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  Defender  of  Popular 
Sovereignty. " 

THE    SPEECHES 

Chas.  Walker,  Esq.,  then  appeared  on  the  Lake  Street  balcony 
and  in  a  very  neat  address,  welcomed  Senator  Douglas  to  his  con- 
stituents from  a  prolonged,  but  glorious  struggle  in  which  he  defended 
and  maintained  the  right. 


36  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Senator  Douglas  responded  in  a  speech  of  over  an  hour  in  which  he 
briefly  reviewed  the  history  of  the  past  and  the  prospect  of  the  future. 

We  could  not  but  remember  the  scene  of  1854,  when  instead  of  wel- 
coming huzzas  he  was  greeted  with  denunciation.  The  past,  how- 
ever, is  gone ;  the  present  is  upon  us ;  and  instead  of  the  mere  handful 
who  indorsed  his  course  in  1854,  he  now  can  count  thousands  who 
have  approved  his  course,  and  an  united  constituency  who  applaud 
and  admire  the  fidelity  with  which  he  has  adhered  to  his  principles 
and  to  the  pledges  he  made  to  the  people. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  July  9,  1858] 

THE  OVATION  TO  SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

The  followers  of  Senator  Douglas  are  straining  their  utmost  powers 
to  make  the  demonstration  in  behalf  of  their  champion  on  his  return 
home,  a  great  and  "  glorious  "  affair,  this  evening.  If  it  does  not  prove 
imposing,  and  if  there  is  not  a  tremendous  outward  show  of  "  enthusi- 
asm "  displayed  on  the  occasion,  it  will  not  be  for  lack  of  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  Senator's  more  active  worshippers  to  render  it  so.  They 
have  been  begging  and  scraping  together  aU  the  spare  dollars,  shil- 
lings, dimes  and  six  pences  that  could  be  obtained,  for  the  last  few 
weeks, — have  bought  powder  enough  to  supply  the  Utah  war — have 
expended  large  sums  in  getting  up  banners  and  devices — and  have 
laid  out  not  a  small  sum  in  hiring  men  and  boys  to  make  up  a  big 
procession  and  make  a  big  noise.  Surely,  after  such  extensive 
preparations,  we  have  a  right  to  anticipate  a  great  time,  and  shall 
expect  to  see  the  lionized  Senator  perfectly  emblazoned  in  the  glory 
of  triumphant  honors. 

[From  the  same  paper] 

Personal, — Hon.  A.  Lincoln,  0.  H.  Browning,  Judge  I.  0.  Wilkin- 
son of  Rock  Island,  and  other  distinguished  gentlemen  from  different 
parts  of  the  State  are  at  present  in  the  city,  in  attendance  on  the  L^.  S. 
District  Court. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  July  10,  1858] 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  DOUGLAS  LAST  NIGHT 

Several  thousand  people,  amongst  whom  were  many  Republicans, 
who  were  present  as  a  matter  of  curiosity — assembled  in  front  of  the 
Tremont  House  last  evening,  on  the  occasion  of  the  reception  of 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  37 

Senator  Douglas,  to  hear  what  account  he  had  to  give  of  hmiself 
and  what  he  had  to  say  in  reference  to  the  pohtical  topics  of  the  day. 
He  spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  in  his  usual  style — dispensing 
"  soft-soap  "  quite  freely,  setting  himself  forth  as  a  hero  of  no  common 
order,  and  indulging  even  more  than  ordinarily  in  that  inexorable 
habit  of  misrepresentation,  and  prevarication  which  appears  in  poli- 
tical matters  to  have  become  a  sort  of  second  nature  to  him. 

Dropping  the  Kansas  question,  he  next  paid  his  respects  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  the  speech  that  gentleman  made  at  Springfield  at  the 
late  Republican  State  Convention.  He  considered  Mr.  Lincoln  a 
"  kind,  amiable,  high-minded  gentleman,  a  good  citizen,  and  an  honor- 
able opponent, "  but  took  exception  to  the  sentiments  of  his  speech. 

He  repeated,  almost  word  for  word,  the  language  of  his  last  year's 
Springfield  speech  in  regard  to  "  negro  equality  "  and  very  falsely  im- 
puted to  Mr.  Lincoln  this  doctrine  of  "negro  equality, "  while  the  fact 
is  that  Mr.  Lincoln  has  no  more  to  do  with  negroes,  or  the  question  of 
placing  negroes  on  an  equality  with  white  men,  than  Douglas  has  to 
do  with  the  Americanizing  of  the  Hottentots  or  the  Fejee  Islanders. 

[From  the  same  paper] 

The  following  scene,  as  described  by  the  Tribune,  took  place  pre- 
liminary to  the  speech : 

Shortly  before  eight  o'clock  the  procession  from  the  depot,  preceded  by  a 
band  of  music,  and  two  companies  of  militia,  reached  the  corner  of  Lake  and 
Dearborn  streets,  from  Randolph.  The  hack  drivers  charged  furiously  on  the 
dense  throng  and  by  dint  of  whipping  and  swearing,  the  carriage  containing 
Mr.  Douglas  was  brought  up  to  the  north  entrance  of  the  house.  At  this 
juncture  a  blockhead  on  the  upper  balcony  commenced  firing  off  rockets,  and 
of  course  made  a  dozen  horses  crazy.  Those  attached  to  the  carriage  in  which 
Mr.  Douglas  sat,  plunged  frantically  in  every  direction.  Several  persons 
were  bruised.  One  man  had  his  leg  broken  in  three  places,  and  was  borne 
fainting  into  a  drug  store.  Mr.  Douglas  escaped  indoors,  and  ahnost  imme- 
diately reappeared  on  the  north  balcony,  when  Charles  Walker,  Esq.,  com- 
menced his  reception  speech. 

At  this  point  of  the  proceedings  a  furious  battle  commenced  in  the  street  be- 
tween the  crowd  and  the  remaining  hack  drivers,  who  persisted  insanely  in 
plowing  through  the  living  sea  in  front  of  the  building.  In  the  confusion  and 
excitement,  Mr.  Walker's  speech  came  to  an  abrupt  and  embarrassing  ter- 
mination— leaving  people  uncertain  whether  he  had  forgotten  the  balance,  or 
had  adopted  the  novel  and  pecuUar  way  of  welcoming  a  Senator.  Not  one 
man  in  fifty  of  the  entire  audience  knew  that  he  had  made  a  speech  at  all. 


38  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  battle  in  the  street  below  was  kept  up  for  some  ten  minutes  with  various 
results, — one  man  being  knocked  down  with  the  butt  end  of  a  whip,  and  a 
driver  being  pulled  off  his  seat  three  times  in  five  minutes.  The  horses  were 
finally  extricated  and  Mr.  Douglas  commenced. 

[Daily  Herald,  Quincy,  Illinois,  July  16,  1858] 

THE  DIFFERENCES 

Four  years  ago  Senator  Douglas  returned  to  Chicago  from  Wash- 
ington and  attempted  to  speak  to  the  people  in  justification  of  his 
course  in  the  United  States  Senate,  but  was  denied  a  hearing.  And, 
indeed,  as  most  of  our  readers  will  recollect,  when  he  did  make  the 
effort  he  was  assailed  and  driven  from  the  platform.  The  Chicago 
people  would  not  listen  to  him;  nor  did  they  permit  him  the  right  of 
speech  at  all,  so  incensed  were  they  against  him  for  his  support  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill. 

Four  years  have  elapsed  since  then  and  the  city  which  hunted, 
denounced  and  assailed  the  "  little  giant, "  makes  the  occasion  of  his 
arrival  a  source  of  public  rejoicing.  In  another  place  we  have  alluded 
to  his  triumphant  entry  into  the  city  on  last  Friday.  Indeed,  it  is 
conceded  that  for  magnificence  and  unanimity  it  excelled  any  demon- 
stration of  the  kind  ever  witnessed  west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains. 

.   [From  the  Joliet  Signal] 

[Alissouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  July  12,  1858] 

RECEPTION  AND  SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

Chicago,  July  9,  11  p.  m. 

Senator  Douglas  was  received  here  this  evening,  with  great  dis- 
play. At  one  o'clock,  a  committee  of  four  hundred  persons  of  Chicago 
and  the  adjoining  counties,  proceeded  to  IMichigan  City,  where  they 
met  the  train,  and  escorted  IMr.  Douglas  to  this  city,  and,  on  his  arrival, 
he  was  greeted  with  vociferous  cheering  from  the  people,  and  the  firing 
of  cannon.  A  procession  was  immediately  formed,  and  IVIr.  Douglas 
was  conducted  to  the  Tremont  House,  where  he  was  welcomed  in  a 
brief  speech  in  behalf  of  the  citizens,  by  Charles  Walker,  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade. 

IMr.  Lincoln  was  present  and  heard  Mr.  Douglas.  Fireworks  were 
discharged  in  several  parts  of  the  city.  The  number  of  persons  in 
attendance  is  variously  estimated  at  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five  thou- 
sand. 

At  the  Douglas  meeting,  Lincoln  was  accorded  the 
courtesy  of  "a  good  seat,"  as  he  said,  and,  according  to 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF   1858  39 

his  custom  four  years  before  in  the  senatorial  campaign, 
he  arose  the  following  evening  at  the  same  place  to  reply 
to  Douglas.  Quite  naturally,  the  Chicago  newspapers 
varied  in  their  report  of  the  meeting,  according  to  their 
political   complexions. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  July  12,  1858] 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN  EEPLY  TO 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS 


Enthusiastic  Reception  of  Mr.  Lincoln  by  tlie  Republicans  of 

Chicago 

The  audience  assembled  to  hear  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  on  Satur- 
day evening  was  in  point  of  numbers,  about  three-fourths  as  large  as 
that  of  the  previous  evening,  when  Douglas  held  forth ;  and  in  point  of 
enthusiasm,  about  four  times  as  great.  The  crowd  extended  from  the 
corner  of  Lake  and  Dearborn  Streets  the  whole  length  of  the  Tremont 
House,  and  as  on  the  evening  previous,  the  balconies,  windows  and 
roofs  of  the  adjoining  buildings  were  filled  with  attentive  spectators — 
ladies  and  gentlemen.  The  only  advertisement  of  the  meeting  con- 
sisted of  a  notice  in  the  Saturday  morning  papers,  and  a  few  handbills 
distributed  during  the  day.  The  essential  difference  in  the  two  dem- 
onstrations was  simply  that  the  Lincoln  audience  was  enthusiastically 
for  Lincoln,  and  the  Douglas  was  but  qualified  in  favor  of  anybody. 
This  will  be  admitted  by  any  fair-minded  man  who  witnessed  both 
demonstrations.  The  Douglas  authorities  estimated  the  crowd  of 
Friday  evening  at  30,000 — or  something  more  than  the  whole  male 
adult  population  of  the  city.  We  presume  that  12,000  is  a  liberal 
reckoning  for  that  evening,  and  that  9,000  would  about  cover  the 
gathering  of  Saturday  night. 

During  the  progress  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  a  procession  of  four 
hundred  men  from  the  Seventh  ward  including  the  German  Repub- 
lican Club,  arrived  on  the  ground,  preceded  by  a  band  of  music,  and 
carrying  the  Seventh  ward  banner.  They  were  received  with  loud 
and  continued  cheers  from  the  audience. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  introduced  by  C.  L.  Wilson,  Esq.,  and  as  he  made 
his  appearance  he  was  greeted  with  a  perfect  storm  of  applause.  For 
some  moments  the  enthusiasm  continued  unabated.     At  last,  when 


40  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

by  a  wave  of  his  hand  partial  silence  was  restored,  Mr.  Lincoln 
spoke. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  July  12,  1858] 

THE  MEETING  SATURDAY  NIGHT 

At  an  early  hour  Saturday  evening,  the  street  in  front  of  the  Tre- 
mont  House  began  to  be  filled  with  an  eager  crowd.  A  band  of  music 
discoursed  from  the  balcony  of  the  Tremont,  and  rockets  blazed  in 
different  directions  until  about  8^  o'clock,  the  gathering  in  the  mean- 
time having  been  swelled  to  thousands,  presenting  literally  a  sea  of 
faces. 

Shortly  afterward  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  on  the  balcony,  and  was 
greeted  with  a  perfect  storm  of  cheers. 

The  feature  of  the  evening,  was  the  arrival  of  the  German  Repub- 
lican Club  of  the  Seventh  Ward,  with  a  band  of  music,  and  their  new 
banner.  They  were  vociferously  greeted  with  the  wildest  kind  of 
hurrahs. 

Mr.  Lincoln  devoted  himself  to  replying  to  the  speech  of  Senator 
Douglas,  and  considering  the  brief  time  he  had  for  preparation,  it 
must  be  conceded  that  he  did  it  effectually. 

[Daily  Herald,  Quiney,  111.,  July  14,  1858] 
From  the  Chicago  Union 

LINCOLN  ON  THE  STUMP 


Burlesque  on  the  Douglas  Ovation 

Yesterday  (Saturday)  placards  appeared  on  the  streets;  and  a  band 
went  round  in  a  wagon  to  announce  to  the  Republicans  that  Hon. 
Abraham  Lincoln  would  reply  to  Hon.  S.  A.  Douglas  from  the  Tremont 
House  balcony. — Rockets  were  fired  to  show  the  spot  where  Lincoln 
would  talk,  and  at  8^  o'clock,  not  less  than  3,000  persons  of  all  parties 
had  assembled.  The  lamps  marked  with  the  names  of  States,  which 
had  been  set  up  for  Douglas,  were  re-lit;  but  it  was  remarkable  that 
those  of  the  slave  States  burned  very  badly,  and  some  one  from  the 
crowd  suggested  that  a  black  republican  meeting  could  do  with  seven- 
teen lamps.  Bye-and-Bye  Bross  came  forward  and  stood  between 
two  lamps,  the  light  playing  on  his  generous  countenance,  when  there 
arose  a  shout  of  "Bross,"  "Lincoln."  A  stentorian  voice  cried, 
"  Fellows,  Bross  will  do  as  well, "  when  there  arose  a  shout  of  Bross, 
amidst  which  the  worthy  Deacon  retired,  blushing.     He  remarked. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF   1858  41 

when  behind  (Bross  is  his  own  Boswell,)  "  They  got  their  eyes  on  me, 
did  they  not?"  Band  of  music  plays. — Then  there  were  cries  of 
Long  John,  Little  John,  George  Brown,  Smart,  etc.  After  a  dis- 
agreeable wait,  C.  L.  Wilson,  Esq.,  of  the  Journal,  introduced  Mr. 
Lincoln.  Bross  went  forward  and  called  for  cheers,  when  the  crowd 
cried  out  " Lincoln,  stand  where  Bross  is,"  and  he  did.  We  shall  not 
attempt  to  give  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech.  It  was  a  rambling  affair.  Mr. 
L.  thought  he  was  mentioned  in  such  a  way  that  he  could  not  refuse 
to  reply  to  him.  He  commenced  to  read  from  the  Senator's  speech 
[cries  of  put  on  your  specs]. 

He  argued  against  the  allegation  of  Judge  Douglas  that  an  alliance 
existed  between  the  Republicans  and  the  National  Democrats. — [A 
rocket  went  off.]  He  denied  it.  [The  audience  cheered  instead  of 
groaning — and  another  rocket.]  Douglas  is  not  a  live  lion  but  a  Rus- 
sian rugged  bear.  [Bross, — "splendid;"  Shuman  of  the  Journal, 
"That's  argument. "]  He  objected  to  being  slain.  [Small  boy  from 
the  crowd,  "  Don't.  "]  Let  him  remember  the  allies  took  Sebastopol. 
[Shuman — That's  profound.]  He  confessed  he  rather  liked  the  dis- 
affection of  the  Buchanan  Democracy,  because  it  would  divide  the 
party.  But  he  had  never  paid  to  them.  [Cries  of  "  No,  sir.  "]  He 
wanted  to  know  what  had  become  of  squatter  sovereignty.  [A  voice 
— "Throw  back  your  ears  Douglas  will  swallow  you  whole.  "  Voices 
— "  Three  cheers  for  James  Buchanan. "]  He  would  read  them  some- 
thing from  Douglas. — [Cries  of  "do"  and  others  of  "do,  and  we'll 
go.  "  Bross  catches  hold  of  Lincoln's  farmer  satin  coat  and  tears  it 
"  Don't  Lincoln,  don't  read  it. "]  He  thought  Douglas  did  right  in 
opposing  Lecompton,  because  all  the  Republicans  voted  with  him. 
He  did  not  leave  them  to  vote  against  it.  [A  voice — No,  they  stuck 
to  him  pretty  well.]  Who  defeated  Lecompton — was  it  Judge 
Douglas!  [Voices — Yes.]  He  furnished  three  votes,  and  the  Black 
Republicans  twenty  against  it.  Now,  who  did  it. — [Voices — Douglas] 
He'd  put  the  proposition  in  a  different  way.  [Voices — You'd  better.] 
The  Republican  party  would  have  defeated  Lecompton  without 
Douglas.  [A  voice — Why  did  not  they  come  out  first?]  He  reiter- 
ated his  views  upon  the  matter  of  the  ultimate  extinction  of  slavery. 
The  speaker  attempted  a  reply  to  Democratic  principles,  amid  some 
applause,  and  some  spicy  interruptions.  We  left  when  Deacon  Bross 
announced  that  the  Seventh  Ward  are  coming.  Band  played, 
Hocklets  fizzled,  and  we  mizzled. 


42  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Illinois  Journal,  Springfield,  July  12,  1858] 

LINCOLN'S  REPLY  TO  DOUGLAS 

We  today  occupy  considerable  of  our  space  with  the  speech  of  Hon. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  in  reply  to  Senator  Douglas'  speech  of  Friday  even- 
ing  The  war  has  begun.     The  first  fire  has  been  exchanged 

by  the  two  contestants.  Those  who  will  read  the  speech  we  publish 
today,  will  perceive  that  the  Little  Giant  is  already  wounded  in  several 
vital  parts.  In  sound,  manly  argument,  Lincoln  is  too  much  for 
him.  While  the  former  shakes  his  black  locks  vain-gloriously  and 
explodes  in  mere  fustian  of  sound  and  smoke,  the  latter  quietly  unas- 
sumingly but  effectually  drives  home  argument  after  argument,  heavy 
as  cannon  balls,  and  sharp  as  two-edged  swords,  until  his  adversary  is 
so  thoroughly  riddled,  cut  up  and  "  used  up, "  that  in  the  view  of  dis- 
criminating men,  nothing  remains  of  him  but  a  ghostly  appearance, 

[Cincinnati,  Ohio,  Commercial,  July  12,  1858] 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS  IN  CHICAGO 

We  devote  much  space  in  our  news  colums  to  the  reproduction  of 
reports  in  the  Chicago  papers  of  the  reception  of  Senator  Douglas  in 
that  city  Friday  last,  and  his  speech  on  that  occasion.  His  compet- 
itor, Hon.  Abram  Lincoln,  sat  near  him,  marked  attentively  all  he 
said,  and  replied  to  him  from  the  same  place  the  following  evening. 
We  have  not  yet  a  report  of  IVIr.  Lincoln's  remarks.  The  speech  of 
Douglas  was  able  and  bold,  and  it  appears  from  some  things  said  of 
Lincoln,  that  his  personal  relations  with  that  gentleman  are  friendly, 
— The  indications  are  that  the  political  campaign  in  Illinois  will  be 
quite  exciting  and  the  contest  close,  and  that  Douglas  will  succeed 
in  being  re-elected  to  the  U.  S.  Senate, 

[Louisville  Democrat,  LouisviUe,  Ky.,  September  5,  1858] 

The  debate  in  Illinois,  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  is  the  ablest 
and  the  most  important  that  has  ever  taken  place  in  any  of  the  States, 
on  the  great  question  which  has  so  long  agitated  the  country,  elected 
and  defeated  Presidential  candidates,  built  up  and  broken  down  par- 
ties. It  is  the  opening  of  the  question  for  1860,  There  the  real 
battle  has  begun,  by  broadsides  too,  from  the  heaviest  artillery. 
Douglas  is  matchless  in  debate,  and  stands  upon  the  only  national 
platform.     Lincoln  is  able,  and  does  full  justice  to  the  bad  cause  he 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  43 

advocates.     He  is  the  champion  of  anti-slavery  in  the  North.     It  is 
the  one  idea  that  has  brought  him  forward  as  the  candidate  of  his 

party 

[Daily  Whig,  Quiney,  111.,  July  21,  1858] 

PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATES 

As  to  the  Southern  Democratic  candidates,  the  leading  men  are 
Senator  Hunter  and  Gov.  Wise  of  Virginia,  the  former  representing 
Administration,  the  latter  anti-Administration  views  on  the  Kansas 
question.  Senator  Slidell,  of  Louisiana,  Secretary  Floyd,  of  Virginia, 
and  Hon.  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  are  also  spoken  of. 

The  Times  postpones  the  chances  of  Senator  Douglas  indefinitely, 
on  account  of  his  quarrel  with  the  administration,  and  the  fact  that  he 
is  from  a  Northern  State,  two  circumstances  which  render  his  nomina- 
tion entirely  out  of  the  question. 

Among  the  Republican  candidates,  the  Times  places  the  name  of 
Col.  Fremont  first  on  the  list;  next  Mr.  Seward,  followed  by  Mr.  Critten- 
den, Gov.  Banks,  of  Mass.,  Gov.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  and  Judge  McLean. 

From  its  beginning  the  Illinois  campaign  attracted 
widespread  attention.  It  meant  more  than  state  issues 
and  state  results.  The  fate  of  "squatter  sovereignty," 
the  triumph  or  defeat  of  the  administration,  the  presiden- 
tial nominations  to  be  made  in  the  next  national  conven- 
tions, indeed,  the  future  of  the  Union  was  felt  to  depend 
in  no  small  degree  upon  the  outcome  of  these  debates. 
Eastern  newspapers  at  once  dispatched  special  reporters 
to  the  scene  and  they  outlined  the  situation  for  their 
readers. 

[New  York  Semi-Weekly  Post,  August  18,  1858] 

POLITICS  IN  ILLINOIS 


Abe  Lincoln.— Doug-las  Eejoicing*  over  Blair's  Defeat.— Senator 

Trumbull's  Speecli 

[From  our  special  correspondent] 

Chicago,  III.,  August  13,  1858 

The  interest  in  politics  increases  here  as  the  campaign  progresses. 

Illinois  is  regarded  as  the  battle-ground  of  the  year,  and  the  results  of 


44  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

this  contest  are  held  to  be  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  wellfare  of 
the  country  and  the  success  of  the  great  contending  parties.  The 
Repubhcan  Convention  of  June  16,  after  placing  a  state  ticket  in  nom- 
ination, named  as  its  choice  for  United  States  senator  to  succeed  Mr. 
Douglas,  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  Springfield.  This  expression  met  at  once  the 
approval  of  the  Republicans  of  the  state.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  regarded 
as  the  man  for  the  place.  A  native  of  Kentucky,  where  he  belonged 
to  the  class  of  "poor  whites,"  he  came  early  to  Illinois.  Poor  unfriend- 
ed, uneducated,  a  day-laborer,  he  has  distanced  all  these  disadvan- 
tages, and  in  the  profession  of  the  law  he  has  risen  steadily  to  a 
competence,  and  to  the  position  of  an  intelligent,  shrewd  and  well 
balanced  man.  Familiarly  known  as  "  Long  Abe, "  he  is  a  popular 
speaker,  and  a  cautious,  thoughtful  politician,  capable  of  taking 
a  high  position  as  a  statesman  and  legislator.  His  nomination  was 
proof  that  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  were  determined  in  their  hos- 
tility to  Mr.  Douglas,  and  that  no  latter-day  conversion  of  his,  how- 
ever luminous  it  might  appear  to  some  eastern  eyes,  could  blind  them 
to  the  fact  that  in  him  were  embodied  the  false  and  fatal  principles 
against  which  they  were  organized.  They  had  grown  mighty  in  their 
opposition  to  Douglas,  and  in  his  defeat  they  were  certain  of  an  en- 
larged and  a  well-established  party.  Even'  Mr.  Douglas's  anti- 
Lecomptonism  could  not  excuse  or  palliate  his  past  errors ;  nor  did  it 
incline  them  in  the  least  degree  to  sympathize  with  him.  Save  in 
this  one  respect,  he  was,  as  ever,  the  firm  upholder  of  Dred  Scottism, 
and  the  constant  apologist  and  defender  of  the  Federal  Administra- 
tion and  the  measures  which  it  urged  upon  an  unwilling  country. 
The  people  of  Illinois  felt  certain  that  they  knew  best  the  sentiment 
of  their  state,  and  they  repudiated  the  counsels  of  those  who  suggested 
that  Douglas  was  a  good-enough  Republican,  and  that  he  might  be 
used  to  break  down  the  democratic  party  here  and  in  the  northwest. 
The  present  attitude  of  Mr.  Douglas,  so  entirely  consistent  with  his 
antecedents,  is  good  evidence  that  the  Republicans  in  Illinois  did 
well  to  contemn  the  time-serving  and  dangerous  suggestions  that 
emanated  from  Washington  and  New  York,  and  which  had  voice  in 
many  influential  journals  at  the  East.  Mr.  Douglas,  in  all  his 
speeches,  claims  to  be  a  democrat,  and  demands  the  support  of 
democrats  in  his  assault  upon  Republicanism.  The  "Little  Giant"  is 
unchanged  in  no  respect;  and  as  the  canvass  grows  warmer,  the 
breech  widens,  and  his  actual  position  becomes  more  clearly  defined. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  45 

He  is  of  other  material,  altogether,  than  that  which  makes  Republi- 
eanism.  He  is  still  an  out-and-out  pro-slavery  man.  In  one  of  his 
recent  speeches  he  stopped  to  read  the  dispatch  announcing  Blair's 
defeat  in  St.  Louis,  as  the  overthrow  of  "  negro  equality  "  and  all  that 
sort  of  stuff  that  forms  the  staple  of  democratic  rhetoric. 

It  is  a  foregone  conclusion,  therefore,  that  under  no  circumstances 
can  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  show  any  favor  to  Mr.  Douglas.  In 
fighting  him,  they  fight  democracy  in  one  of  its  worst  forms.  It  seems 
to  be  equally  a  conclusion  that  the  administration  democrats  of  Illi- 
nois are  utterly  hostile  to  Douglas.  The  democratic  split,  while  widen- 
ing ev-ery  day,  is  as  marked  and  bitter  as  in  the  battle  of  the  Shells. 
"  Danite  "  and  Douglasite  are  names  of  hostility  as  deep  as  that  once 
existing  between  Hard  and  Soft.  Perhaps  another  truce  at  Charles- 
ton, as  hollow  as  that  at  Cincinnati,  may  be  needed  to  "  harmonize  " 
things.  Senator  Slidell  has  been  here  to  look  on,  perhaps  to  "fix" 
matters.  Stephens  of  Georgia  is  here  now,  ostensibly  to  have  his 
portrait  painted  by  Healy,  but  really  to  see  what  can  be  done  to  ad- 
just these  difficulties.  The  prospect  is  reported  to  be  not  flattering. 
The  Buchanan  ,men  propose  to  carry  their  anti-Douglas  feeling  even  to 
the  least  important  county  nominations.  The  democracy  must 
choose  whom  they  will  serve,  and  come  out  flat-footed  for  the  Post- 
office,  or  for  the  Douglas  exegesis  of  popular  sovereignty. 

Douglas  is  working  like  a  lion.  He  is  stumping  the  state,  every- 
where present,  and  everywhere  appealing  to  his  old  lieges  to  stand  by 
him.  Never  did  feudal  baron  fight  more  desperately  against  the 
common  superior  of  himself  and  his  retainers.  In  the  Egypt  of  South- 
ern Illinois  the  senator  has  been  always  strong,  but  the  ties  that 
bound  him  to  the  Egyptians  are  melting  before  the  incessant  charges 
that  he  is  no  democrat.  That  cry  is  fatal  to  the  faith  of  many  of  his 
onee  most  reliable  friends.  Democracy  must  be  done,  though 
Douglas  falls. 

Lincoln,  too,  is  actively  engaged.  His  senatorial  nomination  has 
sent  him  to  the  field,  and  he  is  working  with  an  energy  and  zeal  which 
counterbalance  the  spirit  and  dogged  resolution  of  his  opponent.  Lin- 
coln is  battling  for  the  right,  and  Douglas  is  desperately  struggling  to 
save  himself  from  utter  political  ruin.  He  is  losing  strength  daily, 
while  Lincoln  is  surely  gaining  upon  him.  You  will  observe  as  a  new 
feature,  even  in  western  politics,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  has  a  State  Con- 
vention nomination  for  the  Senate,  and  that  he  is  stumping  the  state 


46  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

for  his  party,  while  the  legislature  to  be  elected  is  to  have  the  responsi- 
bility of  electing  the  senator.  But  with  this  endorsement,  no  Repub- 
lican member  of  the  state  legislature  would  dare  to  bolt  the  significant 
expression  of  the  Springfield  Convention.  Mr.  Douglas,  on  the  other 
hand,  has  no  nomination.  Returning  home,  he  found  Mr.  Lincoln 
prepared,  and  at  once  he  mounted  the  platform  and  opened  upon 
him.  He  is  stumping  for  himself,  and  trying  to  vindicate  his  course 
to  the  people  at  large  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  the  administration 
scoffers  on  the  other. 

[New  York  Times,  July  16,  1858] 

SENATORIAL  CONTEST  IN  ILLINOIS 

The  Republican  candidate  for  United  States  Senator,  the  Hon. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  was  present  on  Saturday  evening  when  Mr.  Douglas 
made  his  address  published  in  Tuesday's  Times  to  the  crowd  assembled 
in  honor  of  his  arrival  in  Chicago.  On  Monday  evening  Mr.  Lincoln 
replied  to  his  distinguished  competitor,  and  we  give  his  speech  in  full 
this  morning.  He,  too,  received  an  enthusiastic  welcome  and  the 
war  between  the  two  champions  was  fitly  inaugurated  in  the  chief 

city  of  Illinois Until  November,  therefore,  the  contest  will 

go  on  with  increasing  vigor.  Mr  Douglas  has  an  undertaking  on 
hand  which  will  task  his  utmost  powers,  and  he  is  not  the  man  to 
flinch  from  a  contest  because  the  odds  are  against  him, 

[New  York  Herald,  July,  27,  1858] 

RECEPTION  OF  LINCOLN 

On  Monday  night  there  was  a  large  gathering  in  the  legislative  hall 
of  the  Capitol  to  hear  the  Honorable  Abraham  Lincoln  in  reply  to  Mr. 
Douglas.  Mr.  Lincoln,  though  not  perhaps  so  well  calculated  for  a 
leader  as  Senator  Douglas,  is  a  remarkably  able  man.  In  addition  to 
his  talents  as  a  lawyer,  he  has  many  personal  qualities  which  have 
endeared  him  to  the  people  of  Illinois,  and  will  be  beyond  all  question 
the  strongest  opponent  that  could  be  found  in  the  State  to  oppose 
Mr.  Douglas. 

It  is,  we  believe  somewhat  of  an  anomaly  for  a  Senator  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  to  be  stumping  the  State,  and  another  who  wishes  to  be 
Senator  following  in  his  wake,  yet  thus  it  is  at  the  present  time  in 
Illinois,  and  none  can  have  heard  either  these  gentlemen  speak  with- 
out being  impressed  and  highly  gratified  with  the  fact  that  whenever 
reference  is  made  by  either  to  the  other,  it  is  in  the  kindest,  most 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  47 

courteous  and  dignified  manner.  The  approaching  political  contest 
between  Senator  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln  will  be  one  of  the  severest 
we  have  had  in  the  State,  but  that  it  will  result  in  the  reelection  of 
Douglas  there  appears  to  be  at  present  very  little  doubt. 

[New  York  Daily  Tribune,  July  16,  1858] 

The  admirable  and  thoroughly  Republican  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
in  reply  to  Judge  Douglas,  published  in  our  last,  seemed  to  require  no 
comment;  yet  a  single  remark  with  reference  to  the  origin  and  attitude 
of  the  rival  canvassers  may  not  be  out  of  place.  Judge  Douglas,  who 
regards  Slavery  as  an  affair  of  climate  and  latitude,  is  a  native  of  Free 
Vermont ;  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  esteems  Slavery  a  National  evil,  and  hopes 
that  our  Union  may  one  day  be  all  Free,  was  born  and  reared  in  slave- 
holding  Kentucky.  These  gentlemen  would  seem  respectively  to 
have  "conquered  their  prejudices"  founded  in  early  impressions. 
We  shall  watch  with  interest  the  progress  of  their  canvass. 

[Philadelphia  North  American,  August  25,  1858] 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

Senator  Douglas,  little  giant  though  he  be,  can  hardly  fail  to  suffer 

somewhat  from  the  wear  and  tear  of  the  life  he  leads The 

adjournment  of  Congress  brings  no  peace  to  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
Strong  as  he  was  in  that  state, — holding  as  he  thought  he  did,  the 
democratic  party  at  home  in  his  hand — he  finds  that  he  has  lost  ground 
there.  The  Administration  has  been  at  work  with  all  the  power  which 
its  patronage  and  influence  gives  it  to  prevent  the  re-election  of  Mr. 
Douglas  to  the  Senate.  And  he  is  obliged  to  go  to  work  again,  this 
time  with  his  coat  off,  stumping  the  State  and  addressing  the  people, 
with  the  thermometer  ranging  somewhere  between  96  and  100  in 
the  shade.  And  not  only  this,  while  the  democracy  are  very  forgetful 
of  their  old  comrade  and  ungrateful  for  the  services  he  has  so  frequent- 
ly done  them  in  past  years,  the  republicans,  generally  speaking  have 
not  a  particle  of  faith  in  Mr.  Douglas'  professions.  He  has  not  their 
confidence  and  is  plainly  unable  to  win  them  to  his  support.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  the  republican  candidate,  follows  him  wherever  he  addresses 
the  people,  and  has  the  best  of  the  argument.  ...  As  it  is,  he  lost  his 
temper  and  in  reply  to  some  remarks  of  Mr.  Trumbull  made  at  a 
public  meeting  at  Chicago,  indulged  in  language  which  he  will  prob- 
ably be  ashamed  to  read  in  print. 


48  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  favorable  manner  in  which  Douglas'  speech  was 
received  by  the  Democrats  in  the  city  of  Chicago  was  a 
disappointment  to  the  supporters  of  Buchanan  in  his  con- 
test with  Douglas  and  immediate  steps  were  taken  to  curb 
the  latter 's  popularity  in  Illinois.  The  administration 
machinery  was  put  in  motion  and,  before  many  days  had 
passed,  lists  of  proscribed  postmasters  and  of  other  federal 
employees  favorable  to  Douglas  began  to  appear  in  the 
newspapers.  The  Union,  the  administration  organ  in 
Washington,  devoted  columns  of  space  to  show  why  the 
Democrats  of  Illinois  should  not  support  Douglas,  and 
urged  them  to  vote  for  Judge  Breese,  who  was  faint- 
heartedly put  forward  in  opposition  to  the  Little  Giant. 
Senator  Trumbull,  bound  to  support  Lincoln  because  of 
his  sacrifice  four  years  before,  as  well  as  by  party  ties  and 
natural  hostility  toward  Douglas,  took  the  stump  in  a 
series  of  abusive  attacks  on  Douglas,  which  drew  from 
the  latter  equally  caustic  and  offensive  rejoinders.  With- 
out a  formal  nomination  or  indorsement  by  the  people 
of  Illinois,  ridiculed  as  a  "my-party"  candidate,  and 
facing  the  loss  of  the  federal  patronage,  Douglas  entered 
upon  the  greatest  of  his  many  battles  for  supremacy — a 
contest  surpassing  that  waged  two  years  later  for  the 
presidency,  when  he  was  in  a  hopeless  situation  from  the 
beginning  of  the  campaign.  Alone  and  unaided,  he  faced 
in  the  lists  Trumbull  and  Lincoln,  the  best  debators 
afforded  by  the  Republicans  in  the  West,  and  probably 
equaled  only  by  Seward  in  the  East. 

[Daily  Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  June  23,   1858] 

DOUGLAS  TO  TAKE  THE  STUMP 

Judge  Douglas  has  left  the  Democratic  party,  or  the  party  has  left 
him.     He  opposed  the  Administration  in  its  darling  measure  to  en- 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  49 

slave  Kansas — and  there  is  no  forgiveness  for  him.  He  sees  that  his 
fate  is  sealed ;  but  he  is  determined  to  die  hard.  Before  he  retires  from 
the  field,  a  defeated  and  disappointed  man,  he  will  give  the  "  Nation- 
als "  such  stabs  as  will  forever  finish  the  party  in  this  State.  He  has 
already  turned  State's  evidence  against  them — as  the  greatest  rogues 
always  do — and  show  up  their  rascalities.  We  shall  have  more  of  it 
this  fall;  and  we  would  advise  the  Buchaneers  to  be  prepared  for  a 
skinning. 

[Daily  Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  July  20,  1858] 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

His  campaign  through  this  state  will  pretty  effectually  destroy  the  hopes  of 
the  Republican  party;  and  Abe  Lincoln,  who  compared  himself  to  a  "living 
dog"  and  Douglas  to  a  "dead  lion"  will  rapidly  discover  that  instead  of 
"living"  he  is  one  of  the  smallest  of  defunct  puppies.  He  measures  strength 
with  Douglas!  His  comparison  in  some  degrees  was  true — it  is  very  much 
like  a  puppy-dog  fighting  a  Uon. — Pittsfield  Democrat. 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  July  13,  1858] 

THE  CANVASS  IN  ILLINOIS 

Illinois  is  just  now  the  theatre  of  the  most  momentous  political 
contest,  whether  we  consider  the  eminence  of  the  contestants  or  the 
consequences  which  may  result  from  it,  that  has  occured  in  this 
country  in  any  state  canvass  since  the  defeat  of  Silas  Wright  for 
Governor  in  1846.  Nor  are  the  contestants  dissimilar.  Both  were 
regarded  by  their  friends  as  material  from  which  Presidents  should 
be  made;  both  were  victims  of  treachery  at  Washington,  and  both 
were  betrayed  for  venturing  to  propose  a  limit  to  the  exactions  of  the 
nuUifiers  and  disunionists 

One  week  after  his  triumphant  reception  at  Chicago, 
Douglas  began  a  tour  of  the  state  which  was  to  continue 
during  the  four  summer  months.  He  made  elaborate 
preparations  for  the  beginning  of  the  journey,  traveUng 
in  a  special  train  of  coaches  which  included  a  flat  car  upon 
which  was  mounted  a  small  cannon.  The  opposition 
press  did  not  fail  to  ridicule  the  novel  method  of  firing 
salutes  as  the  train  drew  near  a  station  instead  of  running 
the  risk  of  not  receiving  a  welcoming  salute  from  the 


50  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

inhabitants  of  the  city  being  approached,  "Douglas' 
powder"  suffered  a  run  of  pleasantries;  kegs  of  powder 
tagged  for  Douglas  were  reported  seen  at  various  stations ; 
and  Republican  papers  circulated  the  story  that  Douglas 
was  obliged  to  mortgage  his  Chicago  home  and  even  then 
to  solicit  funds  in  New  York  to  carry  on  the  expensive 
campaign.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Democratic  press 
praised  his  action  in  transferring  to  the  new  University 
of  Chicago  the  ground  on  which  its  buildings  stood  as  the 
deed  of  a  noble  man  of  means.  The  first  important  stop 
made  by  the  special  train  was  at  Bloomington. 

[Bloomington,  III.,  Pantagraph,  July  17,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AT  BLOOMINGTON 

Hon.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  arrived  in  this  city  at  half  past  three 
o'clock  yesterday  afternoon.  The  train  on  which  he  arrived  was 
tastefully  decorated  with  flags  and  on  each  side  of  the  baggage  car 
were  the  words  "  S.  A.  Douglas,  the  Champion  of  Popular  Sovereign- 
ty. "  About  a  thousand  persons — more  than  one  half  of  whom  were 
Republicans — witnessed  Judge  D's  arrival.  Just  before  the  cars 
reached  the  depot  Pullen's  Brass  Band  commenced  playing  "Hail 
Columbia"  and  when  the  cars  stopped,  the  Bloomington  Guards 
commenced  firing  a  national  salute  of  thirty-two  guns.  Judge  Doug- 
las was  in  the  hindmost  passenger  car — an  open  car,  upon  which  was 
placed  a  brass  sixpounder,  bringing  up  the  rear. 

At  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  Court  House  bell  rang  and 
Judge  Douglas  escorted  by  the  Guards,  the  Brass  Band  and  a  goodly 
number  of  Democrats,  proceeded  to  the  public  square.  He  was 
welcomed  by  Dr.  Roe,  who  spoke  for  about  five  minutes  and  con- 
cluded by  introducing  Judge  Douglas. 

The  Judge  commenced  speaking  at  half  past  seven,  and  concluded 
at  a  quarter  before  ten.  His  speech  did  not  differ  materially  from  the 
one  made  by  him  in  Chicago  on  the  evening  of  the  ninth. 

He  spoke  to  an  audience  of  about  two  thousand  persons.  His 
Democratic  listeners  were  highly  pleased  with  his  speech.  They 
viewed  it  as  a  masterly  effort — and  we  are  willing  to  admit  that  the 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  51 

Judge  did,|'on  the  whole,  make  a  very  good  speech  in  a  very  bad 
cause. 

As  soon  as  Judge  Douglas  retired,  loud  calls  were  made  for  Hon, 
Abraham  Lincoln.  Mr.  Lincoln  held  back  for  a  Httle  while,  but  the 
crowd  finally  succeeded  in  inducing  him  to  come  upon  the  stand.  He 
wasjreceived  with  three  rousing  cheers  much  louder  than  those  given 
to  Judge  Douglas.  He  remarked  that  he  appeared  before  the  audience 
for  the  purpose  of  saying  that  he  would  take  an  early  opportunity  to 
give[his  views  to  the  citizens  of  this  place  regarding  the  matters  spoken 
of  in  Judge  Douglas'  speech. — "This  meeting,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln, 
"  was  called  by  the  friends  of  Judge  Douglas,  and  it  would  be  improper 
for  me  to  address  it. "     Mr.  Lincoln  then  retired  amid  loud  cheering. 

Leaving  Bloomington,  the  senatorial  train  proceeded  to 
the  real  objective  point — Springfield,  the  state  capital,  the 
home  of  Lincoln,  and  a  stronghold  of  Douglas  supporters. 
Here  the  senator  addressed  an  enormous  gathering  of 
people  in  a  grove  adjacent  to  the  city.  He  explained  his 
objections  to  the  Lecompton  constitution,  asserting  that 
it  did  not  represent  the  free  will  of  the  whole  people  of 
Kansas,  although  he  did  not  object  to  its  pro-slavery 
tendency.  Turning  his  attention  to  Lincoln,  he  pro- 
nounced his  attitude  toward  the  non-extension  of  slavery 
as  virtually  a  war  upon  that  institution  and  ridiculed  his 
proposition  to  get  a  new  law  from  Congress  which  would 
undo  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  He  bore  especially  hard 
on  Lincoln's  defense  of  the  black  man  and  charged  that 
he  desired  black  and  white  to  be  social  equals. 

[Illinois' State' Register,  Springfield,  July  19,  1858] 

SENATOR  DOUGLAS  AT  THE  CAPITAL 


His  Journey  from  Chicag-o.— Enthusiastic  Receptions.— Immense 
Assemblag-es  of  the  People 


WILLIAMSVILLE 


Here  the  train  with  Senator  Douglas  was  met, — the  rain  pouring 
down  in  torrents  the  while.     The  cannon  thimdered  welcome  for 


U.  OF  ILL  ua  "^"''"''  ""^ 


52  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

welcome — the  shouts  of  the  passengers  joined  in  sweUing  the  uproari- 
ous greeting;  the  several  bands  struck  up  stirring  airs,  and  amid  the 
storm,  of  rain,  shouts,  guns  and  music,  the  trains  were  joined  and 
sped  southward.  When  within  two  miles  of  Springfield  the  cannon, 
at  minute  intervals,  announced  the  coming  of  our  great  guest.  At 
precisely  three  o'clock  the  train  arrived. 

AT    SPRINGFIELD 

According  to  the  arrangements  the  train  stopped  beside  the  beauti- 
ful grove  of  Mr.  Edwards,  on  the  northern  boundary  of  the  cit)^,  where, 
notwithstanding  the  previous  drenching  rain,  thousands  of  people 
were  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  distinguished  visitor.  The  cannon 
on  the  cars  boomed  in  response  to  cannon  on  the  grounds,  barely 
equalled  in  their  thunders  by  the  hurras  of  the  crowd.  The  grove  was 
gaily  decorated  with  national  flags,  wdth  significant  mottoes,  the  whole 
forming  a  scene  which  filled  the  heart  of  every  democrat  present  with 
pride — Conspicuous  among  these  banners  we  will  note  was  one  very 
large  pennant,  with  "  Douglas, "  in  broad  letters  upon  its  folds,  got  up 
by  the  Springfield  employees  of  the  work  shops  of  the  Chicago  and 
St.  Louis  Road.  Upon  the  stoppage  of  the  train  the  committee  of 
reception,  preceded  by  the  "Capital  Guards"  and  the  capital  band, 
escorted  Mr.  Douglas  to  the  stand,  where  Mr.  B.  S.  Edwards  wel- 
comed him  in  a  neat  address,  which  welcome  was  reiterated  by  the 
hearty  cheers  of  the  large  assemblage  which  he  represented.  To  this 
Senator  Douglas  responded.  We  give  both  the  address  and  reply  in 
today's  paper. 

Senator  Douglas'  speech  was  received  as  it  justly  deserved,  the 
reader  will  admit.  Cheer  upon  cheer  responded  to  his  many  happy 
points  and  forcible  argumentation. 

The  crowd  upon  the  ground  numbered  between  five  and  six  thou- 
and.  The  drenching  rain  which  immediately  preceded  the  arrival  of 
the  train,  and  which  made  the  grounds  muddy  and  uncomfortable, 
kept  away  as  many  more,  who  were  present  in  the  city  to  participate 
in  the  reception.  Especially  is  it  to  be  regretted,  that  the  committee's 
arrangements  for  the  accommodation  of  the  ladies  were  rendered 
unavailable  on  account  of  the  rain,  but  notwithstanding,  there  were 
hundreds  of  them  present  in  carriages,  and  many  on  foot,  in  mud 
joining  in  the  cheering  welcome  to  our  distinguished  guest. 

The  counties  immediately  around  us  furnished  large  delegations. 


THE  SENATORIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1858  53 

and  hundreds  were  here  from  remote  parts  of  the  state.  From  the 
south  a  train  of  twelve  cars  were  filled  with  people  from  Madison, 
Macoupin,  Jersey,  Greene,  Montgomery,  St.  Claire,  Monroe  and  other 
counties — one  of  these  cars  bearing  a  conspicuous  pledge,  in  bold 
lettering — "Madison  for  Douglas!" — Another,  "Jersey  all  right  for 
Douglas!" — with  a  sixpounder  on  a  platform  car  in  the  rear,  this 
train  came  thundering  into  town  at  noon. 

From  the  east  a  train,  decorated  with  national  banners,  bearing 
delegations  from  the  counties  along  the  line  of  the  G.  W.  Road, 
Macon,  Piatt,  Champaign,  &c.,  arrived  at  12,  and  simultaneously, 
from  the  west,  another  train  of  ten  cars,  with  delegations  from  Morgan, 
Scott,  and  Pike,  covered  with  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  a  cannon  to 
tell  their  coming,  arrived. 

From  our  own  county,  notwithstanding  the  busy  time  of  our  farm- 
ers, and  the  rainy  dsij,  the  people  poured  into  town  from  all  direc- 
tions— The  town  was  alive  with  the  masses,  who  wanted  to  see  and  to 
welcome  Douglas.  From  the  state  house  flag-staff  streamed  the 
national  flag  across  the  streets  around  the  square  hung  immense 
banners,  many  of  the  buildings  fronting  the  square  were  tastefully 
ornamented  with  flags,  interspersed  with  mottoes,  all  speaking  the 
one  idea — "  welcome  to  Douglas.  " 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

Mr.  Edwards  having  introduced  Senator  Douglas  to  the  audience, 
Senator  Douglas  said: 

"  I  will  not  recur  to  the  scenes  which  took  place  all  over  this  country 
in  1854  when  that  Nebraska  bill  passed.  I  could  then  travel  from 
Boston  to  Chicago  by  the  light  of  my  own  effigies,  in  consequence  of 
having  stood  up  for  it.  ["  It  did  not  hurt  you. "  "  Hurra  for  Douglas," 
etc.]  I  leave  it  to  you  to  say  how  I  met  that  storm,  and  whether  I 
quailed  under  it :  ["  never,  "  "  no  "]  whether  I  did  not  'face  the  music,' 
justify  the  principle  and  pledge  my  life  to  carry  it  out. "  ["  You  did, " 
and  three  cheers.].  .   .   . 

Meanwhile  Lincoln  had  returned  to  Springfield  and 
although  he  was  not  present  at  the  Douglas  meeting  in  the 
afternoon,  he  took  advantage  of  the  presence  of  many 

—3 


54  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

strangers  in  the  city  to  address  the  people  at  a  pubHc 
meeting  at  the  State  House  in  the  evening.  He  devoted 
the  speech  largely  to  repelling  the  charges  made  by 
Douglas  against  him  of  disunion  sentiment,  forcible  resis- 
tance to  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  a  desire  for  negro 
equality.  He  also  renewed  his  charge  that  the  Dred 
Scott  decision  was  a  conspiracy  to  which  Douglas  was  a 
party.  Douglas  was  not  present  at  the  meeting,  having 
already  departed  on  his  tour  of  the  state.  In  this  irreg- 
ular manner  began  a  campaign,  which  was  speedily  turned 
into  a  series  of  formal  debates  through  a  challenge  sent 
by  Lincoln  to  Douglas. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  CHALLENGE 

After  conferring  with  the  Democratic  Committee  at 
Springfield,  Douglas  gave  out  a  list  of  his  appointments 
covering  July  and  a  large  part  of  August,  ending  with 
Ottawa,  August  21.  Lincoln's  friends  also  prepared  a  list 
of  Republican  meetings,  in  some  cases  coinciding  with  the 
Democratic  dates  but  generally  following  them  a  day  later. 
In  his  Springfield  speech,  Lincoln  distinctly  stated  that  he 
was  not  present  when  Douglas  made  his  speech  in  the 
grove  during  the  afternoon  and  had  no  intention  of  mak- 
ing his  remarks  a  reply.  The  previous  day  at  Bloomington 
he  refused  to  heed  the  calls  of  the  crowd  for  a  reply  at  the 
close  of  a  Douglas  meeting.  Nevertheless,  soon  after  the 
appointed  meetings  began,  the  Douglas  papers  made  com- 
plaint that  Lincoln  was  transgressing  the  ethics  of  cam- 
paigning by  following  their  candidate  and  taking  advan- 
tage of  his  crowds. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Spi'ingfield,  July  23,  1858] 

The  Chicago  Times  launches  out  into  a  personal  attack  upon  Mr. 
Lincoln  for  presuming  to  be  present  when  Mr.  Douglas  speaks.  One 
would  think  from  this  that  Mr.  Douglas  has  a  patent  right  to  audiences 
in  Illinois.  We  hope  that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  continue  to  follow  up 
Senator  Douglas  with  a  sharp  stick,  even  if  it  does  make  his  organ 
howl  with  rage. 

[Journal  and  Courier,  Lowell,  Mass.,  August  24,  1858] 

Geneseo,  III.,  August  18,  1858 
Douglas  and  Lincoln  are  stumping  the  state  and  a  right  merry  time 
they  have  of  it;  wherever  the  Little  Giant  happens  to  be,  Abe  is  sure  to 
turn  up  and  be  a  thorn  in  his  side.  X. 

55 


56  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Chicago  Times,  July  30,  1858] 

AN  AUDIENCE  WANTED 

It  was  Japhet,  we  believe,  whose  adventures  in  search  of  his  father, 
furnished  the  novelist  with  the  plot  of  a  popular  romance.  There  are 
but  few  of  our  readers  who  have  not  known,  or  at  least  heard  of 
physicians  unable,  even  in  the  midst  of  sickness,  to  obtain  patients, 
lawyers  unable  to  obtain  clients,  and  actors  unable  to  draw  houses. 
But  we  venture  to  say  that  never  before  was  there  heard  of  in  any 
political  canvass  in  Illinois,  of  a  candidate  unable  to  obtain  an  au- 
dience to  hear  him !  But  such  is  the  fact.  Abe  Lincoln,  the  candidate 
of  all  the  Republicans,  wants  an  audience.  He  came  up  to  Chicago, 
and,  taking  advantage  of  the  enthusiasm  of  Douglas'  reception,  made  a 
speech  here;  he  went  to  Bloomington,  and,  at  the  Douglas  meeting, 
advertised  himself  for  a  future  occasion;  at  Springfield  he  distributed 
handbills  at  the  Douglas  meeting  imploring  the  people  to  hear  him. 
The  Springfield  attempt  was  a  failure.  He  came  to  Chicago,  and 
declared  it  impossible  for  him  to  get  the  people  to  turn  out  to  hear 
him,  and  then  it  was  resolved  to  try  and  get  him  a  chance  to  speak 
to  the  crowds  drawn  out  to  meet  and  welcome  Douglas.  That  pro- 
position was  partially  declined  and  another  substituted;  but  yet  the 
cringing,  crawling  creature  is  hanging  at  the  outskirts  of  Douglas' 
meetings,  begging  the  people  to  come  and  hear  him.  At  Clinton  he 
rose  up  at  the  Democratic  meeting,  and  announced  his  intention  to 

speak  at  night,    but  only  250  persons  could  be  induced  to  attend 
his  meeting. 

He  went  yesterday  to  Monticello  in  Douglas'  train;  poor,  desperate 
creature,  he  wants  an  audience;  poor  unhappy  mortal,  the  people 
won't  turn  out  to  hear  him,  and  he  must  do  something,  even  if  that 
something  is  mean,  sneaking  and  disreputable! 

We  have  a  suggestion  to  make  to  Mr.  Judd — the  next  friend  of 
Lincoln.  There  are  two  very  good  circuses  and  menageries  traveling 
through  the  State;  these  exhibitions  always  draw  good  crowds  at 
country  towns.  Mr.  Judd,  in  behalf  of  his  candidate,  at  a  reasonable 
expense,  might  make  arrangements  with  the  managers  of  these  exhibi- 
tions to  include  a  speech  from  Lincoln  in  their  performances.  In  this 
way  Lincoln  could  get  good  audiences,  and  his  friends  be  relieved  from 
the  mortification  they  all  feel  at  his  present  humiliating  position. 

[Chicago  Journal,  July  30,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN 

The  Times  growls  because  Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  speech  at  Clinton, 
at  night,  in  reply  to  that  of  Senator  Douglas,  delivered  in  the  after- 
noon, and  that  he  "went  to  Monticello  in  Douglas'  train". 


THE  CHALLENGE  57 

We  suppose  Douglas  owns  neither  the  railroad  trains  he  travels  on, 
nor  the  people  whom  he  addresses.  We  hope  Mr.  Lincoln  will  answer 
Senator  Douglas  at  every  point.  If  he  will  not  invite  him  to  address 
the  same  audiences,  Lincoln  will  have  the  ''closing  argument"  to 
meetings  of  his  own. 

According  to  authority  quoted  in  the  Senator's  Springfield  speech, 
"  there  is  no  law  against  it. " 

[Peoria,  Illinois,  correspondence  to  the  Philadelphia  Press,  August  4,  1858] 
Lincoln,  unable  to  gather  a  crowd  himself,  follows  up  Douglas  and 
attempts  to  reply ;  but  they  are  mere  attempts.     His  hearers  soon  be- 
come satisfied  and  by  the  time  he  is  done  begging  for  a  seat  in  the 
Senate  he  finds  himself  minus  an  audience. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  September  25,  1858] 

"WHO  FURNISHES  THE  AUDIENCES  f 

Under  this  caption  the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  of  the  23d  inst., 
proceeds  to  argue  that  at  the  joint  discussions  between  Douglas  and 
Lincoln  thus  far,  the  friends  of  the  latter  have  been  largely  in  the 
ascendant — hence  Mr.  Lincoln  draws  the  greatest  crowds.  This 
conclusion  is  characteristic  of  the  logical  proclivities  of  that  paper, 
and  only  lacks  one  feature — truth. 

If  this  assertion  is  true,  why  then  does  Mr.  Lincoln  persist  in  fol- 
lowing up  Judge  Douglas  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  large  audiences  assembled  to  hear  him?  For  instance 
look  at  his  last  demonstration  at  Sullivan,  where,  through  his  uncourt- 
eous  behavior,  a  riot  was  almost  precipitated. 

The  fact  is,  Mr.  Lincoln  can't  draw  large  crowds — the  sympathy  of 
the  people  is  not  with  him — consequently  he  resorts  to  this  highly  dis- 
reputable course  to  make  a  show.  The  Chicago  organ  cannot  palm 
off  such  logic  upon  the  people  of  Illinois. 

[New  York  Herald,  August  3,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  ON  THE  STUMP 

The  Chicago  Times  states  that  Douglas  and  Lincoln  met  on  the 
27  ult.  at  Clinton.  The  former  spoke  for  three  hours,  and  the  latter 
replied  at  an  evening  meeting.  The  Times  indulges  in  a  tirade 
against  Mr.  Lincoln,  an  extract  from  which  will  serve  to  indicate 
the  bitterness  of  feeling  that  enters  into  this  contest: 

Lincoln  was  present  during  the  delivery  of  the  speech,  sitting  immediately 
in  front  of  Senator  Douglas,  but  rendered  invisible  from  the  stand  by  a  gentle- 


58  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

man  in  green  goggles,  whom  he  used  as  a  shield  and  cover.  After  Senator 
Douglas  had  concluded,  and  the  cheers  which  greeted  him  ceased,  green 
goggles  rose  and  proposed  three  cheers  for  Lincoln,  which  were  given  by  about 
ten  men  who  stood  immediately  around  him.  Mr.  Lincoln  then  gradually 
lengthened  out  his  long,  lank  proportions  until  he  stood  upon  his  feet,  and 
with  a  desperate  attempt  at  looking  pleasant,  said  that  he  would  not  take 
advantage  of  Judge  Douglas'  crowd,  but  would  address  "sich"  as  liked  to 
hear  him  in  the  evening  at  the  Court  House.  Having  made  this  announce- 
ment in  a  tone  and  with  an  air  of  a  perfect  "  L'riah  Heep,  "  pleading  his  humil- 
itj',  and  asking  for  forgiveness  of  Heaven  for  his  enemies,  he  stood  washing 
his  hands  with  invisible  soap  in  imperceptible  water,  until  his  friends,  seeing 
that  his  mind  was  wandering,  took  him  in  charge,  and  bundled  him  off  the 
ground 

Mr.  Lincoln's  course  in  following  Senator  Douglas  is  condemned 
here  even  by  his  friends.  He  explains  it  by  saying  that  he  challenged 
Judge  Douglas  to  meet  the  people  and  address  them  together,  which 
challenge  had  not  been  accepted.  The  unfairness  and  untruth  of  this 
statement  made  in  Chicago  3^ou  who  have  seen  the  correspondence 
know. 

Douglas  was  devoting  a  large  share  of  attention  in  these 
speeches  to  his  fellow-senator,  Trumbull,  who  had  charged 
Douglas  with  a  corrupt  bargain  in  espousing  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  measure.  Strong  language  was 
used  by  each  and  rumors  of  a  personal  encounter  likely  to 
follow  between  the  two  men  were  common.  Trumbull's 
speeches  were  widely  quoted  in  the  eastern  press  as  "  repre- 
sentative Republican  doctrines."  The  Boston  Daily 
Traveler  headed  its  campaign  letter,  "  Illinois,  Trumbull 
and  Douglas. "  Lincoln  saw  that  he  was  likely  to  be 
ignored  if  Trumbull  were  permitted  to  monopolize  the 
attention  of  Douglas  and  in  that  case  his  political  chances 
would  be  jeopardized.  Manifestly  his  only  course  was  to 
challenge  Douglas  to  a  series  of  set  debates  in  which  the 
political  issues  of  the  day  would  replace  the  personal 
matters  at  stake  between  Douglas  and  Trumbull.  After 
consulting  with  representative  Republicans  of  the  State, 
Lincoln  sent  the  following  letter  to  Douglas: 


THE  CHALLENGE  59 

Chicago,  III.,  July  24,  1858 
Hon.  S.  A.  Douglas. 

My  dear  Sir  :     Will  it  be  agreeable  to  you  to  make  an  arrangement 

for  you  and  myself  to  divide  time,  and  address  the  same  audiences  the 

present  canvass?     Mr.  Judd,^  who  will  hand  you  this,  is  authorized 

to  receive  5-our  answer;  and,  if  agreeable  to  you,  to  enter  into  the 

terms  of  such  agreement.  Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  Lincoln 

The  same  day  Douglas  replied  to  Lincoln: 

Chicago,  July  24,  1858 
Hon.  A.  Lincoln. 

Dear  Sir  :  Your  note  of  this  date,  in  which  you  inquire  if  it  would 
be  agreeable  to  me  to  make  an  arrangement  to  divide  the  time  and 
address  the  same  audiences  during  the  present  canvass,  was  handed  to 
me  by  Mr.  Judd.  Recent  events  have  interposed  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  such  an  arrangement. 

I  went  to  Springfield  last  week  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with 
the  Democratic  State  Central  Committee  upon  the  mode  of  conducting 
the  canvass,  and  with  them,  and  under  their  advice,  made  a  list  of 
appointments  covering  the  entire  period  until  late  in  October.  The 
people  of  the  several  localities  have  been  notified  of  the  times  and 
places  of  the  meetings.  Those  appointments  have  all  been  made  for 
Democratic  meetings,  and  arrangements  have  been  made  by  which 
the  Democratic  candidates  for  Congress,  for  the  Legislature,  and 
other  offices,  will  be  present  and  address  the  people.  It  is  e\-ident, 
therefore,  that  these  various  candidates,  in  connection  with  myself, 
wiU  occupy  the  whole  time  of  the  day  and  evening,  and  leave  no 
opportunity  for  other  speeches. 

Besides,  there  is  another  consideration  which  should  be  kept  in 
mind.  It  has  been  suggested  recently  that  an  arrangement  had  been 
made  to  bring  out  a  third  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate,  who, 
with  yourself,  should  canvass  the  State  in  opposition  to  me,  with  no 
other  purpose  than  to  insure  my  defeat,  by  dividing  the  Democratic 
party  for  your  benefit.  If  I  should  make  this  arrangement  with  you, 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  this  other  candidate,  who  has  a  common 
object  with  you,  would  desire  to  become  a  part}*  to  it,  and  claim  the 
right  to  speak  from  the  same  stand;  so  that  he  and  you,  in  concert, 
might  be  able  to  take  the  opening  and  closing  speech  in  every  case. 

^Norman  B.  Judd  (1815-78),  a  prominent  Chicago  attorney,  was  at  this  time  chairman  of  the 
Republican  State  Central  Committee. 


60  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  my  surprise,  if  it  was  your  original 
intention  to  invite  such  an  arrangement,  that  you  should  have  waited 
until  after  I  had  made  my  appointments,  inasmuch  as  we  were  both 
here  in  Chicago  together  for  several  days  after  my  arrival,  and  again 
at  Bloomington,  Atlanta,  Lincoln,  and  Springfield,  where  it  was  well 
known  I  went  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  with  State  Central 
Committee,  and  agreeing  upon  the  plan  of  the  campaign. 

While,  under  these  circumstances,  I  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  make 
any  arrangement  which  would  deprive  the  Democratic  candidates  for 
Congress,  State  offices,  and  the  Legislature,  from  participating  in  the 
discussion  at  the  various  meetings  designated  by  the  Democratic  State 
Central  Committee,  I  will,  in  order  to  accommodate  you  as  far  as  it  is 
in  my  power  to  do  so,  take  the  responsibility  of  making  an  arrange- 
ment with  you  for  a  discussion  between  us  at  one  prominent  point  in 
each  Congressional  District  in  the  State,  except  the  second  and  sixth 
districts,  where  we  have  both  spoken,'  and  in  each  of  which  cases  you 
had  the  concluding  speech.  If  agreeable  to  you,  I  will  indicate  the 
following  places  as  those  most  suitable  in  the  several  Congressional 
Districts  at  which  we  should  speak,  to  wit :  Freeport,  Ottawa,  Gales- 
burg,  Quincy,  Alton,  Jonesboro,  and  Charleston.  I  will  confer  with 
you  at  the  earliest  convenient  opportunity  in  regard  to  the  mode  of 
conducting  the  debate,  the  times  of  meeting  at  the  several  places, 
subject  to  the  condition  that  where  appointments  have  already  been 
made  by  the  Democratic  State  Central  Committee  at  any  of  those 
places,  I  must  insist  upon  you  meeting  me  at  the  times  specified. 

Very  respectfully,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

S.  A.  Douglas 

This  correspondence  was  at  once  given  to  the  press  and 
excited  a  variety  of  comment. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  July  27,  1858] 

LINCOLN'S  CHALLENGE  TO  DOUGLAS 

Below  will  be  found  the  challenge  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  Mr.  Douglas, 
and  the  reply  of  the  latter. 

We  do  not  think  it  argues  very  well  for  the  courage  of  the  Senator 
that  he  evades  the  challenge  in  the  manner  he  does,  nor  much  for  his 
courtesy  when  asked  to  confer  with  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican 

'Chicago  was  in  the  second  congressional  district  and  Springfield  was  in  the  sixth.  See  the  map 
in  this  volume. 


THE  CHALLENGE  61 

State  Central  Committee  in  regard  to  the  times  and  places,  that  he 
should  himself  proceed  to  designate  seven  places  where  Mr.  Lincoln 
must  meet  him,  if  at  all. 

The  friends  of  Senator  Douglas  claim  that  Mr.  Lincoln  is  no  match 
for  him,  before  the  people.  Every  canvass  for  the  last  twenty  years 
has  found  these  two  champions  of  their  respective  parties  side  by  side 
with  each  other,  and  often  addressing  the  same  audience,  and  Mr. 
Lincoln  never  asked  any  favor  of  his  adversary.  He  does  not  now.  If 
Mr.  Douglas  really  felt  his  superiority,  those  who  know  him  will  be 
slow  to  believe  that  he  would  not  take  advantage  of  it.  He,  however, 
shows  the  white  feather,  and,  like  a  trembling  Felix  skulks  behind  the 
appointments  of  the  emasculate  Democratic  State  Central  Committee ! 

The  challenge  should  properly  have  proceeded  from  Senator  Doug- 
las, but  it  having  become  apparent  that  he  did  not  intend  to  meet  Mr. 
Lincoln,  it  was  thought  proper  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends  that  the  chal- 
lenge should  come  from  our  side.  The  delay  was  a  matter  of  courtesy 
toward  Mr.  Douglas,  and  not  for  the  reasons  the  Senator  intimates  in 
his  reply.  In  courteous  demeanor,  as  well  as  in  the  honorable  conduct 
of  an  argument  before  the  people  Mr.  Douglas  will  ever  find,  as  in 
many  campaigns  he  has  heretofore  found,  Mr.  Lincoln  to  be  at  least 
his  equal. 

We  much  regret  that  the  two  candidates  cannot  canvass  the  whole 
State,  by  speaking  together  at  every  county,  and  in  every  town  of  any 
size  or  importance.  We  desire  the  people  to  have  a  fair  hearing  and  a 
full  understanding  of  the  positions,  sentiments  and  argumentative 
ability  of  the  two  men.  But  the  seven  meetings  proposed,  will  be 
better  than  none.  They  will  give  the  people  of  the  several  Congress- 
ional districts  an  opportunity  to  get  together  on  the  days  appointed, 
in  great  mass  meetings,  to  hear  the  great  political  topics  of  the  day 
discussed,  (fairly  and  ably  we  trust)  and  to  "reason  together"  in  the 
spirit  of  candor,  and  with  the  desire  to  get  at  the  truth. — Let  Con- 
gressional Mass  Meetings  be  the  order  of  the  day. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  July  29,  1858] 
From  the  Chicago  Times 

LINCOLN'S  CHALLENGE.-D01IGLAS'  REPLY 

On  the  9th  of  July  Judge  Douglas  made  his  speech  in  Chicago,  and 
the  next  evening  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  to  it.  Both  gentlemen  remained 
in  Chicago  for  several  days  thereafter.     Subsequently,  Judge  Douglas 


62  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

proceeded  to  Springfield  to  be  present  at  a  meeting  of  the  democratic 
state  committee — held  for  the  purpose  of  making  appointments  for 
public  meetings  from  that  period  until  the  election.  On  his  way  to 
Springfield  he  stopped  at  Bloomington,  Atlanta  and  Lincoln,  and  at  all 
these  places  met  Mr.  Lincoln  and  conversed  with  him.  When  Mr. 
Douglas  reached  Springfield,  there  were  hand-bills  conspicuousl}^ 
posted  all  over  the  city  announcing  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  speak  that 
evening.  Judge  Douglas  remained  at  Springfield  two  or  three  days, 
and  then  returned  to  this  city.  In  the  meantime  the  state  committee 
had  made  out  their  programme  for  democratic  meetings  all  over  the 
state,  commencing  at  Clinton,  July  27,  and  ending,  we  believe,  at 
Atlanta,  on  the  last  of  October.  On  Saturday  evening  last,  July  24, 
Mr.  Lincoln,  having  read  in  the  papers  the  announcement  of  Judge 
Douglas'  appointments  for  August,  came  up  to  Chicago,  and  sent  him 
a  note  proposing  a  joint  discussion,  which  note,  as  well  as  the  reply, 
we  publish  below. 

Mr.  Lincoln  evidently  has  been  consulting  his  own  fears  and  the 
result  likely  to  follow  a  separate  canvass.  He  dreaded  personally  the 
consequence  of  a  joint  discussion,  yet  he  knew  that  his  only  chance  to 
obtain  respectable  audiences,  was  to  make  an  arrangement  to  speak 
at  the  same  meetings  with  Douglas ;  between  the  two  causes  of  dread 
he  has  been  shivering  for  nearly  a  month,  and  at  last,  believing  that 
Douglas,  having  announced  his  meetings  would  not  change  his  pro- 
gramme, has  allowed  his  friends  to  persuade  him  to  make  a  challenge 
for  a  joint  discussion.  The  reply  of  Judge  Douglas,  while  it  explains 
fully  the  reasons  why  he  cannot  now  agree  to  a  joint  discussion  at  all 
his  meetings,  tenders  Mr.  Lincoln  a  meeting  at  seven  different  points 
in  the  state.  The  points  designated  are  important  ones;  one  in  each 
congressional  district,  and  while  it  disturbs  the  arrangements  hereto- 
fore made  by  the  democracy,  and  communicated  to  all  parts  of  the 
state,  the  proposition  of  Judge  Douglas,  if  accepted  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
will  in  all  probability  afford  the  latter  about  as  much  of  a  joint  debate 
as  he  will  fancy.  We  doubt  very  much  even  if  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends 
can  screw  his  courage  up  sufficiently  to  enable  him  to  accept  this 
offer,  whether  he  will  even  go  through  with  the  seven  appointments. 
We  think  one,  or  at  all  events  two  of  such  meetings,  will  be  sufficient 
to  gratify  Mr.  Lincoln's  ambition. 

We  will  see,  however,  whether  he  will  accept  Douglas'  offer. 


THE  CHALLENGE  63 

LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

In  today's  paper  we  cop}^  from  the  Chicago  Times  a  correspondence 
between  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  in  which  the  former  suggests 
an  arrangement  by  which  the  two  senatorial  candidates  will  canvass 
the  state  together.  After  Mr.  Douglas  had  issued  notice  of  his  appoint- 
ments to  meet  the  people,  prior  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  ample  time 
and  opportunity  to  make  and  receive  a  response  to  such  a  proposition, 
it  will  surprise  the  public  that  he  has  made  such  an  offer.  Upon  this 
the  Times  pointedly  comments,  and  to  which  Mr.  Douglas  refers  in  his 
reply.  He  however,  offers  Mr.  Lincoln  ample  opportunity  to  discuss 
the  issues  between  them  before  the  people.  Mr.  Douglas  proposes  to 
meet  Mr.  Lincoln  at  one  point  in  each  of  the  congressional  districts 
of  the  state,  except  in  this  and  in  the  2d  district,  where  they  have 
already  spoken.  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  expect  his  opponent  to  break 
his  appointments  already  made,  preparations  for  which  the  people 
at  the  several  points  are  already  making;  but  we  have  no  doubt  in 
the  seven  encounters  proposed  by  Mr.  Douglas,  if  Mr.  Lincoln  will 
accept,  he  will  get  enough  of  debate  and  discomfiture  to  last  him  the 
balance  of  his  life.     Will  he  accept? 

[Peoria,  III.,  Daily  Transcript,  July  29,  1858] 

LINCOLN  CHALLENGES  DOUGLAS  TO  STUMP  THE 

STATE  WITH  HIM 

After  waiting  several  weeks  hoping  that  Judge  Douglas  would, 
according  to  the  western  custom,  challenge  him  to  stump  the  state, 
Honorable  Abram  Lincoln  sent  a  note  to  Judge  D.  the  other  day  invit- 
ing him  to  make  an  arrangement  to  divide  time  and  address  the  same 
audiences.  The  Judge  has  returned  a  lengthy  reply,  excusing  himself 
from  accepting  such  a  challenge.  His  excuse  is  that  he  has  placed  his 
time  at  the  disposal  of  the  Democratic  State  Committee,  who  have 
made  appointments  for  him  which  will  consume  his  time  until  about 
the  middle  of  October.  The  excuse  will  hardly  relieve  Mr.  Douglas 
from  the  suspicion  that  he  fears  to  meet  so  powerful  opponent  as  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  argument  before  the  people.  He  intimates,  in  his  note, 
that  it  was  well  known  that  his  recent  journey  to  Springfield  was  made 
for  the  purpose  of  consulting  with  the  state  committee,  and  that  if 
Mr.  Lincoln  desired  to  canvass  the  state  with  him  he  should  have  made 
the  fact  known  before  that  consultation  was  had.  How  the  fact 
should  be  well  known  that  Judge  Douglas'  journey  to  Springfield  was 


64  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 

for  the  purpose  of  such  a  consultation  as  he  describes,  or  any  other 
kind  of  consultation,  is  certainly  beyond  our  comprehension.  It  was 
not  made  public  through  the  press  and  we  are  not  aware  that  it  was 
announced  outside  of  his  immediate  circle  of  friends,  if  indeed  it  was 
announced  there.  It  may  be  relied  upon,  at  all  events,  that  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  known  that  his  opponent  was  about  to  make  engagements 
that  would  preclude  the  possibility  of  arranging  a  canvass  of  the  state 
with  him,  a  challenge  would  have  been  forthcoming  immediately.  It 
was  properly  Mr.  Douglas'  duty  to  challenge  Mr.  Lincoln,  without 
waiting  to  receive  one. 

Mr.  Douglas  announces,  towards  the  close  of  his  reply,  that  it  is 
probable  that  he  can  meet  Mr.  Lincoln  before  the  people  once  in  each 
Congressional  district.  We  hope  he  will  be  able  to;  and  in  the  mean- 
time, if  he  is  disposed  to  be  an  honest  man,  let  him  desist  from  such 
gross  misrepresentations  of  Mr,  Lincoln's  position  as  he  has  thus  far 
indulged  in. 

[Freeport,  III,  Journal,  July  29,  1858] 

AT  FEEEPORT 

Mr.  Lincoln  having  challenged  Senator  Douglas  to  meet  him  on 
the  stump  all  over  the  state,  the  latter  declines  the  general  invitation, 
but  agrees  to  meet  him  at  seven  places,  as  follows :  Freeport,  Ottawa, 
Galesburg,  Quincy,  Alton,  Jonesboro,  and  Charleston,  provided  Lin- 
coln will  come  at  the  times  that  Douglas'  friends  may  have  chosen,  if 
any.  Though  this  is  a  half  way  evasion  of  the  challenge,  we  are  glad 
that  we,  in  Freeport  at  least,  will  have  an  opportunity  to  hear  these 
two  champions  from  the  same  stand.  We  bespeak  for  them  the  larg- 
est gathering  ever  known  here,  and  are  willing  to  let  the  people 
judge  for  themselves  as  to  who  shall  be  their  choice,  after  a  fair 
hearing  of  them  both  in  person. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  July  31,  1858] 

LINCOLN'S  CHALLENGE 

The  republican  organs  make  a  most  clumsy  effort  to  have  it  appear 
that  Senator  Douglas  declines  a  general  canvass  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 
because  the  former  dreads  the  combat!  The  very  tone  of  these 
organs,  in  their  silly  assertions  on  this  point,  denies  their  sincerity. 
The  idea  that  a  man  who  has  crossed  blades  in  the  senate  with  the 
strongest  intellects  of  the  country,  who  has  as  the  champion  of 
democratic  principles  in  the  senatorial  arena,  routed  all  opposition — 


THE  CHALLENGE  65 

that  such  a  man  dreads  encounter  with  Mr.  A.  Lincoln  is  an  absurdity 
that  can  be  uttered  by  his  organs  only  with  a  ghastly  phiz.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  if  he  desired  what  his  organs  claim,  had  ample  opportunity 
to  make  his  proposition.  He  could  have  made  such  an  arrangement 
as  would  have,  had  he  held  out,  shown  him  in  withering  contrast  in 
every  county  seat  in  the  state.  He  was  not  anxious  for  the  fray!  or  he 
would  have  made  his  proposition  at  Chicago,  or  here,  where  he  had 
ample  opportunity;  but  he  waits  until  Mr.  Douglas  makes  other 
arrangements,  and  advertises  them,  in  a  manner  that  they  must, 
with  propriety,  be  fulfilled,  when  he  banters  for  battle,  knowing  his 
proposition  cannot  be  accepted. 

Mr.  Douglas'  reply  to  his  note  affords  him  fray  enough.  He  has 
opportunity,  at  seven  different  points  in  the  state,  to  show  his  metal. 
If  he  was  good  for  fifty  or  a  hundred  encounters,  he  certainly  ought  to 
be  for  seven.  Will  he  accept?  The  joint  efforts  of  the  two  parties 
certainly  will  insure  large  turn-outs  of  the  people,  and  we  have  no 
doubt  the  railroads,  which  have  latterly  become  a  nightmare  to  the 
republican  candidate,  will  assist,  and  make,  in  a  "business"  way, 
a  "good  thing"  of  it. 

Let  us  have  a  gl'and  turn-out  of  the  people  at  one  point  in  each 
congressional  district.  The  democracy  of  Illinois  will  submit  the 
whole  case  to  such  popular  jurors,  called  together  by  the  joint  effort  of 
the  two  parties. 

[Burlington,  Iowa,  Gazette,  July  31,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN 

So  perverse  in  their  nature  are  some  black  republican  editors  that  it 
seems  an  impossibility  for  them  to  tell  the  truth.  Our  home  con- 
temporary [Hawkeye]  is  of  this  class.  Mark  what  he  says  in  the  fol- 
lowing lines: 

Lincoln  has  challenged  Douglas  to  canvass  Illinois  together,  addressing  the 
people  from  the  same  stump.     Judges  Douglas  dodges. 

Judge  Douglas  dodges,  eh?  Well,  let  us  see  if  he  dodges.  Here 
is  the  correspondence  entire  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  relating  to 
the  matter. 

No  sir,  Douglas  will  meet  Lincoln  if  Lincoln  dare  to  meet  Douglas; 
and  the  only  dodging  there  will  be  on  the  part  of  the  "  Little  Giant " 
will  take  place  when  the  people  of  Illinois,  through  their  representa- 
tives elect,  dodge  him  into  the  Senatorship  again,  as  they  most  assured- 
ly!'will. 


66  ILLINOIS    HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Daily  Herald,  Quiney,  111.,  July  29,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  ON  THE  STUMP 

We  copy  below,  from  the  Chicago  Times,  a  correspondence  that 
recently  took  place  between  Judge  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  regard 
to  the  plan  of  the  present  campaign.  Lincoln,  having  thus  far  failed 
to  attract  a  respectable  audience,  seems  to  be  entirely  willing  to  avail 
himself  of  Judge  Douglas'  great  fame  and  popularity  to  get  up  crowds 
for  him  to  speak  to.  Nobody  seems  to  care  about  hearing  anything 
from  Lincoln — but  the  masses  of  all  parties,  wherever  he  goes,  turn 
out  to  see  and  hear  Douglas.  Hence,  Lincoln  asks  him  if  he  won't  let 
him  follow  along  after  him  and  permit  him  to  speak  to  the  crowds  that 
turn  out,  not  to  hear  him,  but  to  hear  Douglas. 

In  response  to  the  suggestion  of  Douglas  for  seven 
meetings,  Lincoln  framed  a  reply.  Before  it  was  delivered, 
he  met  Douglas  by  accident  near  Monticello  in  the  course 
of  the  campaign  and  tendered  him  the  paper.  Douglas' 
reporters  took  advantage  of  the  incident  to  ridicule 
Lincoln. 

[Chicago  Times,  August  1,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN 


Douglas  at  Monticello.— Great  Enthusiasm  Everywliere 

Monticello,  July  29,  1858 
....  The  meeting  then  adjourned,  and  Senator  Douglas,  who 
was  to  fill  an  appointment  at  Paris  on  Saturday  next,  was  escorted  to 
the  railway  station  at  Bement  by  the  delegation  from  Okaw,  Bement 
and  that  vicinity.  About  two  miles  out  of  the  town  the  procession 
met  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Monticello.  As  he  passed, 
Senator  Douglas  called  to  him  to  stop,  that  he  wanted  to  see  him. 
Lincoln  jumped  out  of  his  carriage  and  shook  hands  with  the  Senator, 
who  said  to  him,  "Come,  Lincoln,  return  to  Bement.  You  see  we 
have  only  a  mile  or  two  of  people  here.  I  will  promise  you  a  much 
larger  meeting  there  than  you  will  have  at  Monticello".  "No, 
Judge,"  replied  Lincoln,  "I  can't.  The  fact  is  I  did  not  come  over 
here  to  make  a  speech.  I  don't  intend  to  follow  you  any  more; 
I  don't  call  this  following  you.  I  have  come  down  here  from  Spring- 
field to  see  you  and  give  you  my  reply  to  your  letter.     I  have  it  in 


THE  CHALLENGE  67 

my  pocket,  but  I  have  not  compared  it  with  the  copy  yet.  We  can 
compare  the  two  now,  can't  we?"  Senator  Douglas  told  him  that 
he  had  better  compare  the  two  at  Monticello,  and,  when  he  had  his 
answer  ready,  send  it  to  him  at  Bement,  where  he  intended  to  remain 
until  the  one  o'clock  p.  m.  train  for  the  East.  This  Lincoln  promised 
to  do,  and  after  again  assuring  the  Senator  that  he  must  not  consider 
his  visit  to  Monticello  "following"  him — that  such  a  ''conclusion" 
would  be  erroneous — the  two  separated,  after  shaking  hands.    .    .    . 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  August  1,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


An  Account  of  Piatt  County.— Speeches,   etc. 

Monticello,  Piatt  Co  ,  Ills.,  July  30 

When  he  [Douglas]  had  finished  he  was  escorted  to  the  railroad 
depot  by  a  large  procession.  Col.  W.  N.  Color,  the  Democratic 
nominee  for  the  Legislature  in  this  district,  was  present  during  the 
speech.  At  its  conclusion  he  was  announced  to  reply  to  Mr.  Lincoln 
on  Friday. 

On  the  way  to  the  railway  track  the  procession  of  the  Judge  was 
met  by  Abe,  who  in  a  kind  of  nervous-excited  manner  tumbled  out  of 
his  carriage,  his  legs  appearing  sadly  in  the  way  or  out  of  place. 
Lincoln  is  looking  quite  worn  out,  his  face  looks  even  more  haggard 
than  when  he  said  it  was  lean,  lank  and  gaunt.  He  got  to  the  Judge's 
carriage  with  a  kind  of  hop,  skip  and  jump,  and  then,  with  a  con- 
siderable of  bowing  and  scraping,  he  notified  Mr.  Douglas  that  he 
had  an  answer  to  his  letter,  of  which  we  have  spoken  heretofore ;  that 
it  was  long,  that  he  had  not  compared  the  original  and  the  copy,  and 
could  the  Judge  just  wait,  that  the  comparsion  might  be  made  by 
the  roadside.  Just  think  of  staying  out  in  the  middle  of  a  vast 
prairie,  surrounded  by  hundreds  of  followers,  to  compare  notes. 
Douglas  of  course  declined,  requesting  Mr.  L.  to  compare  to  his  own 
satisfaction,  and  then  forward  the  communication. 

Lincoln  proceeded  on  his  way  to  Monticello,  some  of  us  bearing 
him  company,  the  Judge  returning  on  his  proper  route.  A  meeting 
was  at  once  organized  to  hear  him  speak.  He  mounted  in  the  Court 
House  Square  and  thus  spoke  for  about  half  an  hour.  He  would  not 
speak  then,  he  would,  however,  read  the  correspondence  with  the 


68  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 

Judge,  together  with  the  reply  he  was  going  to  send  the  Judge,  all  of 
which  he  did. 

B.  B. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  August  2,  1858] 

MoNTiCELLO,  July  29 

I  returned  to  Monticello  to  hear  Lincoln.  He  spoke  in  the  grove 
where  Senator  Douglas  had  spoken  an  hour  or  two  before  and  promised 
the  people  that  before  the  canvass  was  over  he  would  visit  them  again 
in  company  with  Judge  Trumbull,  who  would  reply  to  Douglas. 

It  was  expected  that  he  would  remain  here  for  a  day  or  two,  or 
follow  Senator  Douglas  to  Paris,  but  he  left  suddenly  on  the  midnight 
train  for  Springfield  and  one  of  his  friends  told  me  that  he  did  not 
intend  to  follow  Judge  Douglas  any  more,  but  was  going  immediately 
to  Chicago  to  consult  with  Cook,  Bross,  and  other  friends,  and 
make  out  a  list  of  his  own  appointments.  Piatt 

Lincoln's  reply  to  the  suggestion  of  Douglas  was  as 

follows : 

Springfield,   July   29,    1858 
Hon  S.  A.  Douglas. 

Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  24th  in  relation  to  an  arrangement  to 
divide  time,  and  address  the  same  audiences,  is  received;  and,  in  apol- 
ogy for  not  sooner  replying,  allow  me  to  say,  that  when  I  sat  by  you 
at  dinner  yesterday,  I  was  not  aware  that  you  had  answered  my  note, 
nor,  certainly  that  my  own  note  had  been  presented  to  you.  An  hour 
after,  I  saw  a  copy  of  your  answer  in  the  Chicago  Times,  and  reaching 
home,  I  found  the  original  awaiting  me.  Protesting  that  your  insin- 
uations of  attempted  unfairness  on  my  part  are  unjust,  and  with  the 
hope  that  you  did  not  very  considerately  make  them,  I  proceed  to 
reply.  To  your  statement  that  "  It  has  been  suggested,  recently,  that 
an  arrangement  had  been  made  to  bring  out  a  third  candidate  for  the 
United  States  Senate,  who,  with  yourself,  should  canvass  the  State  in 
opposition  to  me,"  etc.,  I  can  only  say,  that  such  suggestion  must 
have  been  made  by  yourself,  for  certainly  none  such  has  been  made  by 
or  to  me,  or  otherwise,  to  my  knowledge.  Surely  you  did  not  deliber- 
ately conclude,  as  you  insinuate,  that  I  was  expecting  to  draw  you  into 
an  arrangement  of  terms,  to  be  agreed  on  by  yourself,  by  which  a 
third  candidate  and  myself,  "  in  concert,  might  be  able  to  take  the 
opening  and  closing  speech  in  every  case. " 


THE  CHALLENGE  69 

As  to  your  surprise  that  I  did  not  sooner  make  the  proposal  to  divide 
time  with  you,  I  can  only  say,  I  made  it  as  soon  as  I  resolved  to  make 
it.  I  did  not  know  but  that  such  proposal  would  come  from  you;  I 
waited,  respectfully,  to  see.  It  may  have  been  well  known  to  you 
that  you  went  to  Springfield  for  the  purpose  of  agreeing  on  the  plan 
of  campaign;  but  it  was  not  so  known  to  me.  When  your  appoint- 
ments were  announced  in  the  papers,  extending  only  to  the  21st  of 
August,  I,  for  the  first  time  considered  it  certain  that  you  would  make 
no  proposal  to  me,  and  then  resolved  that,  if  my  friends  concurred, 
I  would  make  one  to  you.  As  soon  thereafter  as  I  could  see  and  con- 
sult with  friends  satisfactorily,  I  did  make  the  proposal.  It  did  not 
occur  to  me  that  the  proposed  arrangement  could  derange  your  plans 
after  the  latest  of  your  appointments  already  made.  After  that, 
there  was,  before  the  election,  largely  over  two  months  of  clear  time. 

For  you  to  say  that  we  have  already  spoken  at  Chicago  and  Spring- 
field, and  that  on  both  occasions  I  had  the  concluding  speech,  is  hardly 
a  fair  statement.  The  truth  rather  is  this :  At  Chicago,  July  9th,  you 
made  a  carefully  prepared  conclusion  on  my  speech  of  June  16th. 
Twenty-four  hours  after,  I  made  a  hasty  conclusion  on  yours  of  the 
9th.  You  had  six  days  to  prepare,  and  concluded  on  me  again  at 
Bloomington  on  the  16th.  Twenty-four  hours  after,  I  concluded 
again  on  you  at  Springfield.  In  the  mean  time,  you  had  made 
another  conclusion  on  me  at  Springfield,  which  I  did  not  hear,  and  of 
the  contents  of  which  I  knew  nothing  when  I  spoke;  so  that  your 
speech  made  in  daylight,  and  mine  at  night,  of  the  17th,  at  Springfield, 
were  both  made  in  perfect  independence  of  each  other.  The  dates  of 
making  all  these  speeches  will  show,  I  think,  that  in  the  matter  of 
time  for  preparation,  the  advantage  has  all  been  on  your  side,  and  that 
none  of  the  external  circumstances  have  stood  to  my  advantage. 

I  agree  to  an  arrangement  for  us  to  speak  at  the  seven  places  you 
have  named,  and  at  your  own  times,  provided  you  name  the  times  at 
once,  so  that  I,  as  well  as  you,  can  have  to  myself  the  time  not  covered 
by  the  arrangement.  As  to  the  other  details,  I  wish  perfect  recipro- 
city and  no  more.  I  wish  as  much  time  as  you,  and  that  conclusions 
shall  alternate.     That  is  all.  Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  Lincoln 

P.  S. — As  matters  now  stand,  I  shall  be  at  no  more  of  your  exclusive 
meetings;  and  for  about  a  week  from  today  a  letter  from  you  will 
reach  me  at  Springfield.  A.  L. 


70 


LLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


To  this  Mr.  Douglas  replied: 

Bement,  Piatt  Co.,  III.,  July  30,  1858 
Dear  Sir  :     Your  letter  dated  yesterday,  accepting  my  proposition 
for  a  joint  discussion  at  one  prominent  point  in  each  Congressional 
District,  as  stated  in  my  previous  letter,  was  received  this  morning. 
The  times  and  places  designated  are  as  follows: 
Ottawa,  LaSalle  County, August     21, 


Freeport,  Stephenson  County, 
Jonesboro,  Union  County, 
Charleston,  Coles  County, 
Galesburg,  Knox  County, 
Quincy,  Adams  County,  . 
Alton,  Madison  County,   . 


1858 


27, 

September  15, 

.       "       18, 

October       7, 

.     "         13, 

.     "         15, 


I  agree  to  your  suggestion  that  we  shall  alternately  open  and  close 
the  discussion.  I  will  speak  at  Ottawa  one  hour,  you  can  reply, 
occupying  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  I  will  then  follow  for  half  an  hour. 
At  Freeport,  you  shall  open  the  discussion  and  speak  one  hour;  I  will 
follow  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  you  can  then  reply  for  half  an  hour. 
We  will  alternate  in  like  manner  in  each  successive  place. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  A.  Douglas 

Hon.  a.  Lincoln,  Springfield,  111. 

This  arrangement  was  accepted  by  Mr.  Lincoln: 

Springfield,  July  31,  1858 
Hon.  S.   A.  Douglas. 

Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  yesterday,  naming  places,  times,  and  terms, 
for  joint  discussions  between  us,  was  received  this  morning.  Al- 
though, by  the  terms,  as  you  propose,  you  take  four  openings  and 
closes,  to  my  three,  I  accede,  and  thus  close  the  arrangement.  I 
direct  this  to  you  at  Hillsboro,  and  shall  try  to  have  both  your  letter 
and  this  appear  in  the  Journal  and  Register  of  Monday  morning. 
Your  obedient  servant,  A.  Lincoln 

[Chicago  Times,  August  1,  1858] 

THE  AGREEMENT  BETWEEN  SENATOR  DOUGLAS 

AND  MR.  LINCOLN. 

We  received  yesterday,  and  print  this  morning,  the  final  corre- 
spondence between  Senator  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  relation  to 


CONGRESSIONAL  MAP  OF  ILLINOIS,  1858 

Showing  places  where  the  seven  debates  were  held,  numbered  in  order 


THE  CHALLENGE  71 

addressing  the  people  in  company.  Those  readers  who  examine  the 
letter  of  our  Monticello  correspondent  will  learn  somewhat  of  the  cir- 
cumstances which  attended  the  conclusion  of  this  arrangement.  Mr. 
Lincoln's  letter  is  dated  Springfield,  but  it  was  sent  by  the  author 
from  some  place  in  Piatt  county  to  Senator  Douglas  in  Bement.  We 
are  not  disposed  to  criticise  too  harshly  the  style  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
letter.  It  is  now  printed  and  speaks  for  itself  its  own  praise  or  con- 
demnation. But,  the  public  will  have  their  opinion  of  it,  and  it  can 
be  none  other  than  that  it  is  as  badly  conceived  as  bunglingly  express- 
ed. We  hope,  however,  that  we  have  seen  the  "conclusion"  of  the 
correspondence,  and  do  not  question  that  by  the  time  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
"concluded"  on  Senator  Douglas,  once  or  twice,  and  permitted 
Senator  Douglas  to  "  conclude  "on  him  an  equal  number  of  times,  he 
will  "  conclude  "  that  he  better  haul  off  and  lay  by  for  repairs. 

We  need  not  describe  the  arrangement,  as  it  is  made  fully  to  appear 
in  the  correspondence  itself. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  July  31,  1858] 

MR.  LINCOLN'S  CHALLENGE  TO  MR.  DOUGLAS.- 
REJOINDER  OF  MR.  LINCOLN 

We  have  already  published  the  letter  of  Mr.  Lincoln  challenging 
Mr.  Douglas  to  a  joint  canvass  of  the  State,  and  also  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Douglas  in  reply,  declining  the  invitation  in  the  most  pettifogging  and 
cowardly  manner.  Today  we  publish  a  rejoinder  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
exposing  the  flimsy  pretexts  upon  which  Mr.  Douglas  places  his  de- 
clension and  at  the  same  time  cordially  responding  to  that  part  of  the 
reply  in  which  Mr.  Douglas  reluctantly  consents  to  allow  himself  to  be 
used  up  by  Mr.  Lincoln  at  seven  different  places.  It  is  clear  that  Mr. 
Douglas  is  not  fond  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  rough  handling  and  is  anxious 
to  get  out  of  an  ugly  scrape  on  any  terms.  In  this  matter  Douglas 
goes  on  the  principle  that  discretion  is  the  better  part  of  valor. 

We  knew  from  the  first  that  Douglas  would  not  dare  to  make  a 
general  canvass  of  the  state  with  Lincoln.  He  had  to  run  away  from 
that  gentleman  in  1854  and  dared  not  stand  his  broadsides  now.  If 
he  dared  not  meet  Lincoln  in  the  first  dawnings  of  his  conspiracy  to 
Africanize  the  whole  American  Continent,  of  course  he  would  object 
still  more  to  such  a  canvass  in  1858,  when  the  evidences  of  that  con- 
spiracy are  so  numerous  and  overwhelming  that  even  his  audacity 
shrinks  from  denying  it.     But  we  did  expect  that  Mr.  Douglas  would 


72  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

at  leastfput  his  refusal  on  some  more  plausible  ground  than  a  mere 
squibble.  The  idea  that  Mr.  Douglas  is  unable  to  meet  Mr.  Lincoln 
in  debate  because  forsooth  a  Democratic  Central  Committe  had 
already  made  some  half  dozen  appointments  for  him,  is  pitiful — 
just  as  though  those  appointments  could  not  be  changed,  or  so  modi- 
fied as  also  to  embrace  a  discussion  with  Mr.  Lincoln  or  leaving  those 
appointments  out  of  the  question,  just  as  though  there  was  not  yet  re- 
maining full  two  months  in  which  to  make  the  canvass  with  Mr. 
Lincoln!  However  it  is  viewed,  Mr.  Douglas'  attempt  to  Skulk 
behind  a  Central  Committee,  is  a  cowardly  showing  of  the  white 
feather. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  August  2,  1858] 
The  Times  finds  fault  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  letter  to  Mr.  Douglas 
because  it  is  "  bunglingly  expressed. " 

Our  neighbor  should  recollect  that  he  has  not  the  advantage  of 
having  the  Douglas  candidate  for  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion to  correct  it  for  him! 

[Illinois  State  Register,  Springfield,  August  2,  1858] 

DISCUSSION  BETWEEN  MESSRS.  DOUGLAS  AND 

LINCOLN 

We  were  furnished  on  Saturday,  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  the  following 
correspondence,  from  which  it  will  be  seen  that  he  agrees  to  meet  Mr. 
Douglas  in  discussion  at  seven  points  in  the  state,  which  are  named  in 
the  note  of  the  letter.  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  forego,  even  in  this  brief 
note,  the  expression  of  the  idea  uppermost  with  him,  that  he  is  "a, 
victim,"  Douglas  has  one  more  "opening"  than  himself,  which,  if  it 
were  not  so,  Mr.  Lincoln  would  have  one  more  than  Mr.  Douglas.  As 
we  are  told  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  organs  that  Douglas  felt  incapable  of  de- 
bating successfully  with  Mr.  L.,  the  latter  should  have  forborne  his 
lament,  in  a  spirit  of  magnanimity. 

Now  there  is  a  bit  of  egotism  in  all  this,  pardonable,  probably,  in 
view  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  extremity.  Why  had  he,  any  more  than  Went- 
worth,  or  Browning,  or  Gillespie,  or  Palmer,  or  Dougherty,  or  Judd, 
or  any  other  republican  or  Danite  notability,  a  right  to  expect  a  chal- 
lenge for  debate  from  Douglas.  True,  Lincoln  had  thrust  himself 
before  all  the  reception  meetings  gotten  up  in  honor  of  Mr.  Douglas, 
and  had  taken  shape  as  a  senatorial  candidate;   but  as  Mr.  Douglas 


THE  CHALLENGE  73 

suggests,  there  are  others  with  similar  aspirations.  He  had  in  this 
manner  of  doubtful  propriety,  made  himself  a  figure  out  of  place,  but 
we  cannot  see  that  the  circumstances  were  such  as  to  induce  Mr. 
Douglas  to  single  him  out  from  the  number  of  his  opponents — black 
republican  and  Danite,  and  challenge  him  to  a  general  canvass.  Mr. 
Lincoln's  political  necessities  may  have  needed  this  boosting  of  him 
into  prominence,  but  he  is  scarcely  justified  in  lamenting  that  Mr. 
Douglas  did  not  contribute  to  it. 

Mr.  Douglas,  as  a  representative  of  his  state  in  the  senate,  was  a 
prominent  actor  in  the  exciting  debates  of  the  last  session.  His  action 
and  his  motives  therefor  had  been  condemned  and  impugned,  and  he 
had  concluded,  on  his  return  home,  to  go  before  his  constituents  to 
render  an  account  of  the  course  he  had  deemed  proper  to  pursue,  as 
well  as  to  advocate  the  principles,  policy  and  the  election  of  the  candi- 
dates of  his  party.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  as  well  qualified  to  know  that 
Mr.  Douglas  came  to  this  city  to  arrange  with  his  party  friends  for  this 
purpose,  as  was  Mr.  Douglas  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  party  friends  had 
arranged  that  he  was  to  champion  their  cause;  and  as  such,  if  it  was 
his  desire  to  have  had  a  general  canvass,  single-handed,  he  could  have 
made  it  known  at  the  threshold — at  Chicago.  Why  he  did  not  do  it, 
is  simply  because  he  had  not  "  resolved  "  to  do  it  and  we  think  he  did 
not  resolve  to  do  it  because  he  thought  he  could  cut  a  better  figure  by 
waiting  until  Mr.  Douglas  had  made  other  arrangements,  and  then 
pompously  send  a  challenge  which  he  knew  could  not  be  accepted. 

Mr.  Lincoln  knew  it  was  Mr.  Douglas'  intention  to  canvass  the 
state  long  before  Mr.  D's  return  home.  If  it  was  his  desire  to  canvass 
with  him — if  it  was  the  desire  of  his  party  that  he  should  do  so,  he 
should  have  met  the  ''lion,"  with  a  watchful  resistance,  at  the  gate, 
and  not  have  waited  for  his  terms,  and  the  mode  and  manner  of 
being  eaten  up. 

This  bit  of  pettifogging  jugglery  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
his  backers  can  only  be  viewed  as  such  by  the  people  of  the  state.  The 
twaddle  of  his  organ  about  Douglas'  dread  of  his  prowess  is  unworthy 
of  comment.  Mr.  Douglas'  agreement  to  meet  him  as  proposed  in  the 
correspondence  above,  which  could  not,  under  the  circumstances,  be 
declined  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  is,  doubtless,  more  than  they  bargained  for 
in  their  epistolary  efforts  to  make  a  brave  front  on  paper,  as  they  will 
certainly  learn  before  they  are  through  with  a  small  portion  of  the 
large  job  they  profess  to  bid  for. 


74  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Eastern  newspapers  at  first  failed  to  appreciate  the  im- 
portance of  this  challenge  and  acceptance,  although  the 
arrangement  caused  extensive  comment  in  the  Illinois 
press,  as  the  above  quotations  would  indicate.  In  the 
older  section  the  breach  between  Douglas  and  Buchanan 
continued  to  be  extensively  treated  by  editorial  writers. 


CHAPTER  IV 

REPORTING  THE  DEBATES 
MR.  HORACE  WHITE 

Mr.  White,  the  official  reporter  of  the  Debates  for  the 
Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  was  born  in  New  Hampshire 
in  1834.  When  three  years  of  age,  he  was  taken  with  the 
family  to  Wisconsin  Territory,  where  the  city  of  Beloit  now 
stands.  In  1849,  Horace  entered  Beloit  College,  was 
graduated  in  1853,  and  became  a  reporter  on  the  Chicago 
Evening  Journal.  In  1857  he  spent  a  short  time  in 
Kansas,  returning  to  Chicago  to  become  an  editorial 
writer  on  the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune.  While  holding 
this  position,  he  was  designated  as  chief  correspondent  to 
accompany  Abraham  Lincoln  in  1858  on  his  campaign 
against  Stephen  A.  Douglas  for  the  United  States  sena- 
torship. 

The  notable  features  of  this  campaign  were  given  to  the 
public  chiefly  through  Mr.  White's  letters  to  the  Chicago 
Tribune,  and  were  subsequently  condensed  by  him  at  the 
instance  of  William  H.  Herndon  and  published  in  the 
latter's  Life  of  Lincoln  (2d  ed.,  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New 
York).  In  1861  Mr.  White  was  sent  to  Washington  as 
correspondent  of  the  Chicago  Tribune,  and  while  there  he 
filled  successfully  the  places  of  clerk  of  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs  and  clerk  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment. In  the  latter  capacity  he  was  assigned  to  the 
special  service  of  P.  H.  Watson,  assistant  secretary  of 
war,  and  later  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  secretary.  In  1865 
he  became  part  owner  and  chief  editor  of  the  Chicago 
Tribune,   which  place  he  filled  until  September,   1874, 

75 


76  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

when  he  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  Joseph  Medill ;  he 
spent  the  year  1875  in  Europe.  In  1877  he  removed  to 
Xew  York  and  became  associated  ^ith  Henry  Mllard  in 
the  latter *s  railroad  enterprises,  especially  that  of  the 
Oregon  Railway  and  Navigation  Co.,  of  which  he  was 
treasurer  for  the  next  few  years.  In  1881  he  joined  wdth 
Mr.  Mllard  in  the  purchase  of  the  Xeiv  York  Evening  Post, 
of  which  he  became  the  president  and  one  of  the  editoi-s, 
in  conjunction  with  Carl  Schurz  and  Edwin  L.  Godkin. 
Mr.  Schurz  retired  in  1884,  Mr.  Godkin  in  1899,  and  Mr. 
White  in  1903.  Mr.  White  is  best  known  by  his  contri- 
butions to  the  various  campaigns  for  sound  money  that 
have  been  fought  in  the  political  arena  since  the  close  of 
the  Ci\al  War.  In  addition  to  his  editorial  work  he  has 
been  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  magazines  and  pamph- 
let literature  of  that  period.  He  resides  (1908)  in  New 
York  aty. 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  accompany  Mr.  Lincoln  during  his  poli- 
tical campaign  against  Senator  Douglas  in  1858,  not  only  at  the  joint 
debates  but  also  at  most  of  the  smaller  meetings  where  his  competitor 
was  not  present. J-  We  traveled  together  many  thousands  of  miles. 
I  was  in  the  employ  of  the  Chicago  Tribune,  then  called  the  Press  and 
Tribune.  Senator  Douglas  had  entered  upon  his  campaign  with  two 
short-hand  reporters,  James  B.  Sheridan  and  Henr>-  Binmore,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  "  write  it  up  "  in  the  columns  of  the  Chicago  Times. 
The  necessity  of  counteracting  or  matching  that  force  became  appar- 
ent very  soon,  and  I  was  chosen  to  write  up  Mr.  Lincoln's  campaign. 

I  was  not  a  short-hand  reporter.  The  verbatim  reporting  for  the 
Chicago  Tribune  in  the  joint  debates  was  done  by  Mr.  Robert  R.  Hitt, 

late  assistant  secretary-  of  state Verbatim  reporting  was  a  new 

feature  in  journalism  in  Chicago  and  Mr.  Hitt  was  the  pioneer  thereof. 
The  publication  of  Senator  Douglas'  opening  speech  in  that  campaign, 
delivered  on  the  evening  of  Julv  9,  bv  the  Tribune  the  next  morning;, 
was  a  feat  hitherto  unexampled  in  the  West,  and  most  mortifying  to 
the  Democratic  newspaper,  the  Times,  and  to  Sheridan  and  Binmore, 

•■Mr.  Horace  White  in  Hemdon's  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co. 


HORACE  WHITE 

From  a  photograph  made  in  1854,  and  loaned  by  Mr.  White,  now  a  resident  of  Xew  York  City. 


REPORTING  THE  DEBATES       ,  77 

who,  after  taking  down  the  speech  as  carefully  as  Mr.  Hitt  had  done, 
had  gone  to  bed  intending  to  write  it  out  the  next  day,  as  was  then 
customary. 

All  of  the  seven  joint  debates  were  reported  by  Mr.  Hitt  for  the 
Tribune,  the  manuscript  passing  through  my  hands  before  going  to  the 
printers,  but  no  changes  were  made  by  me  except  in  a  few  cases  where 
confusion  on  the  platform,  or  the  blowing  of  the  wind,  had  caused 
some  slight  hiatus  or  evident  mistake  in  catching  the  speaker's  words. 
I  could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  italicise  a  few  passages  in  Mr. 
Lincoln 's  speeches,  where  his  manner  of  delivery  had  been  especiallj^ 
emphatic. 

Here  [Ottawa]  I  was  joined  by  Mr.  Hitt  and  also  by  Mr.  Chester 
P.  Dewey  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  who  remained  with  us  until 
the  end  of  the  campaign.  Hither,  also,  came  quite  an  army  of  young 
newspaper  men,  among  whom  was  Henry  Villard,  in  behalf  of  For- 
ney's Philadelphia  Press. 

MR.    ROBERT    R.    HITT 

Robert  Roberts  Hitt  was  born  in  Urbana,  Champaign 
County,  Ohio,  January  16,  1834.  In  1837,  the  Hitts 
moved  to  Illinois  and  with  their  following  settled  in  Ogle 
County,  and  established  what  became  the  village  of 
Mount  Morris.  Educated  at  the  Rock  River  Seminary  at 
Mount  Morris,  an  institution  founded  by  his  father  and 
uncle,  and  later  graduated  from  the  Asbury  (now  Depauw) 
University  of  Indiana,  the  subject  of  this  sketch  trained 
himself  in  the  art  of  phonography  and  in  1856  opened  an 
office  in  Chicago  and  established  himself  as  a  court  and 
newspaper  shorthand  reporter,  the  first  expert  stenogra- 
pher permanently  located  in  that  city.  His  work  as  a 
stenographer  first  brought  him  into  the  notice  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  then  practicing  law,  and  later  as  a  newspaper 
reporter  in  reporting  the  campaign  speeches  of  Lincoln 
and  other  prominent  orators  of  the  day,  including  Douglas, 
Logan,  Lovejoy,  and  indeed  of  all  the  great  speakers  of 
the  Middle  West  of  that  time.     During  the  Lincoln-Doug- 


78  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

las  debates  he  was  the  verbatim  reporter,  receiving  the 
highest  praise  from  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  accuracy  of  his 
work. 

During  the  sessions  of  1858,  1859,  and  1860,  Mr.  Hitt 
was  the  official  stenographer  of  the  Illinois  legislature, 
having  the  contract  for  both  the  senate  and  the  house. 
In  1867  and  1868  he  made  a  tour  of  Europe  and  Asia, 
daily  taking  down  in  shorthand  notes  his  impressions  of 
the  peoples  and  conditions  of  the  countries  and  places 
visited.  Upon  his  return  he  was  again  employed  by  the 
government  in  confidential  cases,  including  missions  to 
Santo  Domingo  and  to  the  southern  states  to  investigate 
the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  after  which  he  became  private  secre- 
tary to  Senator  O.  P.  Morton,  and  in  December  of  the 
sa.me  year  was  appointed  secretary  of  legation  at  Paris, 
by  President  Grant,  which  position  he  held  for  six  years. 

In  1880,  upon  the  request  of  Mr.  Blaine,  then  secretary 
of  state.  President  Garfield  appointed  him  assistant  secre- 
tary, which  position  he  resigned  to  become  a  candidate 
for  Congress,  to  which  he  was  elected  in  1882.  He  served 
continuously  from  the  Forty-eighth  to  the  Fifty-eighth 
Congress.  While  serving  his  twelfth  term,  Mr.  Hitt  died 
on  September  20, 1906  at  Narragansett  Pier,  Rhode  Island. 

[Phonographic  Magazine,  VII,  205;  June  1,  1893] 

AN  INTERVIEW  WITH  HON.  R.  E.  HITT 

When  I  was  a  lad  of  nearly  fifteen,  I  saw  some  little  pamphlets 
which  were  handed  me  by  a  man  named  Pickard,  in  1850,  in  advocacy 
of  phonetic  reform,  and  it  was  through  the  advertisements  in  them 
that  I  procured  the  phonographic  manuals.  From  these  works  I 
obtained  enough  knowledge  of  the  principles  and  rules  of  shorthand 
to  begin  to  use  it. 

The  first  fruitful  use  of  it  was  in  taking  notes  of  lectures  at  college. 
After  graduating  at  Mt.  Morris  College  I  went  to  New  Orleans,  con- 
stantly practicing  the  art  and  gaining  speed.  In  the  spring  of  1857 
I  returned  to  Illinois,  then  removed  to  Chicago  and  began  to  report 


ROBERT  R.  HITT 

From  a  daguerreotype  made  in  1858,  and  loaned  by  Mrs.  Hitt,  of  Washington,  D  C 


REPORTING  THE  DEBATES  79 

court  cases.  In  1858  the  contest  between  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Mr. 
Lincoln  for  the  Senate  brought  Mr.  Lincoln  into  national  view. 
Seven  debates  were  arranged  between  them  and  I  was  employed  to 
report  them  on  the  Republican  side. 

There  was  no  one  to  assist  in  reporting  but  a  young  man  named 
Laraminie  from  Montreal,  who  was  a  skillful  reader  of  shorthand  and 
could  transcribe  my  notes  with  perfect  accuracy.  At  Quincy,  Illinois, 
where  one  of  the  debates  was  held,  he  took  the  train  for  Chicago, 
which  left  before  the  debate  was  finished,  carrying  with  him  my  notes 
of  the  earlier  part  of  the  debate,  and  I  first  saw  the  work  printed 
in  a  newspaper.  Mr.  Lincoln  never  saw  the  report  of  any  of  the 
debates.  I  mention  this  as  it  was  often  charged  at  that  time  in  the 
fury  of  partisan  warfare  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  speeches  were  doctored 
and  almost  re-written  before  they  were  printed;  that  this  was  neces- 
sary because  he  was  so  petty  a  creature  in  ability,  in  thought,  in 
style,   in   speaking   when   compared    with   the   matchless    Douglas. 

[New  York  Herald,  May  29,  1904] 

To  tell  the  story  of  Mr.  Hitt's  public  career  with  anything  like 
completeness  would  require  columns  of  space.  He  first  came  into  the 
public  eye  just  after  he  left  college.  He  had  learned  the  system  of 
shorthand  then  in  use  and  was  probably  the  only  stenographer  in  the 
West  at  that  time  who  could  take  a  speech  verbatim  as  it  was  delivered 
from  the  rostrum. 

Abraham  Lincoln  had  heard  of  his  rare  accomplishment  and  made 
a  requisition  on  the  young  man  to  report  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debate 
at  Freeport,  Illinois.  It  is  chronicled  that  when  the  debate  was  about 
to  begin,  Mr.  Lincoln  lifted  his  long  form  from  a  chair,  looked  out  over 
the  immense  audience,  and  shouted,  "  Where's  Hitt?  Is  Hitt  present?" 

The  future  representative  and  possible  vice-president  was  far  out  on 
the  edge  of  the  crowd. 

"Here  I  am,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  he  cried,  "but  I  can't  get  through  this 
crowd  to  the  stand".  Whereupon  strong  men  lifted  the  frail,  slender 
young  man  into  the  air  and  passed  him  along  over  the  heads  of  the 
crowd  to  the  platform.  Mr.  Hitt  took  complete  notes  of  the  speech  and 
afterward  transcribed  most  of  them  himself.  Some  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
political  enemies,  who  had  brought  an  indictment  of  illiteracy  against 
the  gaunt  Illinois  statesman,  charged  Mr.  Hitt  with  "doctoring"  the 
English  of  the  speech,  but  he  denied  that  he  had  taken  any  liberties 


80  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

with  Lincoln's  phraseology His  notes  of  the  Lincoln-Douglas 

debates  would  be  invaluable  literary  documents  today,  but  he  did  not 
preserve  them.  .  .  .  Because  of  the  prestige  growing  out  of  his 
services  in  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debate,  he  was  selected  to  make  the 
official  report  of  the  trouble  that  arose  in  1860  in  the  Department  of 
Missouri  under  General  Fremont. 

HENRY   BINMORE 

Henry  Binmore  was  born  in  London,  England,  Sep- 
tember 23,  1833;  educated  in  the  schools  of  England  and 
at  Wickhall  College,  and  came  to  Montreal,  Canada,  at  the 
age  of  16.  He  at  once  entered  the  profession  of  journal- 
ism and  invented  a  system  of  phonographic  reporting 
peculiar  to  himself.  With  it  he  was  able  to  attain  a 
desirable  speed,  but  could  not  exchange  reading  with 
other  systems.  He  continued  at  newspaper  work  in 
Montreal,  New  York,  and  St.  Louis  for  several  years, 
including  a  term  as  reporter  in  the  Missouri  state  senate. 
In  1858  he  was  employed  on  the  St.  Louis  Republican,  a 
Douglas  organ,  and  was  sent  to  Illinois  to  report  the 
triumphant  home-coming  of  the  senator.  His  reports 
appearing  in  the  Republican  showed  such  skill  in  his  art 
that  he  was  employed  by  the  Chicago  Times,  the  official 
newspaper  of  Douglas,  to  report  the  set  debates  with 
Lincoln.  He  shared  this  task  with  James  B.  Sheridan,  a 
regular  phonographic  reporter,  brought  from  Philadelphia. 

At  the  close  of  the  campaign,  Mr.  Binmore  became  a 
private  secretary  to  Douglas  and  in  1860  was  made  report- 
er in  the  House  of  Representatives.  From  this  position 
he  resigned  to  accept  a  secretarial  appointment  on  the 
staff  of  General  Prentiss  and  later  on  that  of  General 
Hurlbut.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  he  returned  to  Chicago, 
became  a  law  reporter,  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  died 
in  that  city,  November  4,  1907.  He  left  an  unpublished 
manuscript  on  the  art  and  experiences  of  reportorial 
writing. 


HENRY  BINMORE 

From  a  conteniijorary  pliotogmph  in  the  possession  of  the  family,  Chicago 


REPORTING  THE  DEBATES  81 

JAMES   B.    SHERIDAN 

The  art  of  phonography  was  early  developed  in  Phila- 
delphia where  was  located  a  prominent  school.  Among 
its  early  disciples  was  Mr.  Sheridan,  who  became  a  promi- 
nent reporter  on  Forney's  Philadelphia  Press.  Forney 
espoused  the  cause  of  Douglas  in  his  breach  with  Buchanan 
and  when  the  senator  entered  upon  his  great  canvass  for 
re-election,  Forney  sent  Sheridan  to  Illinois  to  follow  the 
campaign.  It  was  not  the  original  intention  to  have  him 
remain  throughout  the  autumn,  but  the  value  of  his  ser- 
vices as  a  reporter  was  so  evident  that  he  was  employed 
to  take  the  debates  for  the  Democratic  Chicago  Times,  in 
connection  with  Mr.  Binmore.  He  continued  to  write 
descriptive  articles  for  the  Press,  many  of  the  quotations 
from  that  paper  printed  in  this  volume  being  no  doubt 
contributed  by  him. 

At  the  close  of  the  campaign,  Sheridan  went  to  New 
York,  enlisted  as  a  northern  Democrat  in  the  Civil  War, 
attained  the  rank  of  colonel,  and  later  became  the  official 
reporter  of  the  New  York  Supreme  Court.  In  1875,  he 
was  elected  justice  of  the  Marine  Court  of  New  York  City. 
He  died  about  1905. 

Owing  to  the  prevalent  partisan  feeling,  there  was  com- 
plaint on  both  sides  of  unfairness  in  reporting  the  debates. 
Immediately  after  the  appearance  in  print  of  the  speeches 
in  the  first  debate,  each  side  accused  the  other  of  misrepre- 
senting the  ideas  expressed  by  its  spokesman.  The  Re- 
publican press  claimed  that  Lincoln  was  not  given  a  fair 
report,  and  the  Democratic  editors  replied  that  Lincoln 
was  by  nature  ungrammatical  and  uncouth  in  his  utter- 
ances. It  is  true  that  the  variations  to  be  noted  in  Mr. 
Lincoln's  speeches  as  reported  in  the  Republican  and  in 
the  Democratic  papers  decreased  steadily  throughout  the 


82  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

campaign.  Quite  naturally  the  Democratic  reporters  did 
not  exercise  the  same  care  in  taking  the  utterances  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  as  with  those  of  Mr.  Douglas,  and  vice  versa.  Mr. 
White  described  later  the  difficulties  under  which  the 
reporting  was  done — the  open  air,  the  rude  platforms,  the 
lack  of  accommodations  for  writing,  the  jostling  of  the 
crowds  of  people,  and  the  occasional  puffs  of  wind  which 
played  havoc  with  sheets  of  paper. 

[Chicago  Times,  August  25,  1858] 

LINCOLN'S  SPEECH 

We  delayed  the  issue  of  our  Sunday  morning's  paper  some  hours 
in  order  that  we  might  publish  in  full  the  speeches  of  Lincoln  and 
Douglas,  at  Ottawa.  We  had  two  phonographic  reporters  there  to 
report  these  speeches.  One  of  them  (Mr.  Sheridan)  we  have  known 
personally  for  years,  and  know  him  to  be  one  of  the  most  accomplished 
phonographers  in  the  United  States  Senate.  The  other  (Mr.  Bin- 
more)  is  reputed  to  be  a  most  excellent  reporter,  and  having  had 
occasion  to  mark  the  manner  in  which  he  has  on  several  occasions 
executed  his  duty,  we  are  satisfied  that  he  is  not  only  a  competent  but 
a  most  faithful  reporter.  These  two  gentlemen  reported  the  two 
speeches,  and  they,  shortly  after  their  arrival  in  Chicago  from  Ottawa, 
commenced  transcribing  the  speeches  from  their  notes.  We  publish 
both  speeches  as  they  were  furnished  us  by  the  reporters. 

THE  SPEECHES  AT  OTTAWA 


Auotlier  Gross  Charge.— Dialectics,  Log-ic,  and  Other  Things 

Any  person  who  heard  at  Ottawa  the  speech  of  Abraham,  alias  Old 
Abe,  alias  Abe,  alias  "Spot,"  Lincoln,  must  have  been  astonished  at 
the  report  of  that  speech  as  it  appeared  in  the  Press  and  Tribune  of 
this  city.  Our  version  of  it  was  literal.  No  man,  who  heard  it 
delivered,  could  fail  to  recognize  and  acknowledge  the  fidelity  of  our 
reporters.  We  did  not  attempt,  much,  to  "fix  up"  the  bungling 
effort;  that  was  not  our  business.  Lincoln  should  have  learned, 
before  this,  to  "  rake  after  "  himself — or  rather  to  supersede  the  neces- 
sity of  "raking  after"  by  taking  heed  to  his  own  thoughts  and 
expressions.     If  he  ever  gets  into  the  United  States  Senate — of  which 


JAMES  B.  SHERIDAN 
From  a  photograph  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Sheridan,  New  York,  made  about  1857 


REPORTING  THE  DEBATES  83 

there  is  no  earthly  probability — he  will  have  to  do  that;  in  the 
congressional  arena,  the  words  of  debaters  are  snatched  from  their 
lips,  as  it  were,  and  immediately  enter  into  and  become  a  permanent 
part  of  the  literature  of  the  country.  But  it  seems,  from  the  dif- 
ference between  the  two  versions  of  Lincoln's  speech,  that  the 
Republicans  have  a  candidate  for  the  Senate  of  whose  bad  rhetoric 
and  horrible  jargon  they  are  ashamed,  upon  which  before  they 
would  publish  it,  they  called  a  council  of  "  literary  "  men,  to  discuss, 
re-construct  and  re-write;  they  dare  not  allow  Lincoln  to  go  into 
print  in  his  own  dress;  and  abuse  us,  the  Times,  for  reporting  him 
literally. 

We  also  printed  Senator  Douglas  literally.  Our  accomplished 
reporters  alone  are  responsible  to  us  for  the  accuracy  of  our  version  of 
both  speeches.  There  is  no  orator  in  America  more  correct  in  rhetoric, 
more  clear  in  ideas,  more  direct  in  purpose,  in  all  his  public  addresses, 
than  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  That  this  is  so,  is  not  our  fault,  but 
rather  it  is  the  pride  of  the  Democracy  of  Illinois  and  of  the  Union. 

[Galesburg,  III.,  Democrat,  October  13,  1858] 

OUTRAGEOrS  FRAUDS 


One  Hundred  and  Eig-lity  Mutilations  Made  in  Lincoln's   Speech   by 

The  Chieag"o  Times!  ! 

We  had  heard  of  the  numerous  frauds  to  which  the  Douglas  party 
resort  to  mislead  the  public  mind,  beginning  with  the  forgery  of  the 
platform  at  Ottawa  and  ending  with  Douglas'  declaration  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  is  hired  by  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  Company,  at  $5,000 
per  year,  to  cheat  the  State  of  its  7  per  cent,  dividends  of  the  earnings 
of  the  Road  (the  very  post  occupied  by  Mr.  Douglas),  but  were  not 
prepared  for  such  rascality  as  is  exhibited  in  the  Times'  report  of  the 
debate  in  this  place.  There  is  scarcely  a  correctly  reported  paragraph 
in  the  whole  speech!  Many  sentences  are  dropped  out  which  were 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  sense ;  many  are  transposed  so  as  to  read 
wrong  end  first;  many  are  made  to  read  exactly  the  opposite  of  the 
orator's  intention,  and  the  whole  aim  has  been  to  blunt  the  keen  edge 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  wit,  to  mar  the  beauty  of  his  most  eloquent  passages, 
and  make  him  talk  like  a  booby,  a  half-witted  numbskull.  By  placing 
him  thus  before  their  readers  they  hope  to  disgust  the  people  with  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  at  least  keep  them  at  home  if  they  do  not  vote  for  Doug- 
las.    Even  that  beautiful  apostrophe,  quoted  from  the  "  Revered 


84  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Clay,  "  as  Douglas  hypocritically  called  him  at  the  Bancroft  House, 
could  not  go  unmutilated. 

We  have  taken  the  pains  to  go  over  the  reports  of  the  speeches  care- 
fully and  note  the  material  alterations — saying  nothing  of  long  pas- 
sages, where  the  Times'  Reporter  appeared  to  aim  only  at  the  sense, 
without  giving  the  language — and  find  that  the  number  One  Hun- 
dred AND  Eighty! 

We  believe  that  an  action  for  libel  would  hold  against  these  villians, 
and  they  richly  deserve  the  prosecution. 

[Chicago  Times,  October  12,  1858] 

GARBLIXCI  SPEECHES.- THE  OLD  CHARGE 

We  do  not  mean,  by  this  remark,  to  cast  any  imputation  of  unfair- 
ness on  Mr.  Hitt,  the  reporter  for  the  Press  and  Tribune;  such  impu- 
tation would  be  unjust,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe.  Our  controversy 
is  no.  with  the  reporter  at  all;  for  even  if  he  should  maltreat  Senator 
Douglas'  speeches,  he  would  do  so  under  instructions;  he  being  the 
employee  of  our  neighbor,  he  could  not  relieve  the  editors  of  the  odium 
of  the  fact.  But  such  are  the  facts;  we  give  them,  not  because  we  feel 
very  deeply  on  this  point,  but  to  put  the  public  right  with  regard  to 
them.  We  can  prove  their  proof  by  Mr.  Hitt  himself,  if  he  will  go 
upon  the  stand  under  oath.  Even,  however,  after  Senator  Douglas' 
speeches  are  marred — by  striking  out  words,  here  and  there,  by 
mangling  sentences  to  hide  their  meaning,  by  mis-punctuations,  etc. 
etc. — and  after  re-writing  and  polishing  the  speeches  of  Lincoln, 
those  of  Douglas  so  much  excelled  those  of  his  opponent,  in  all 
respects,  that  we  cannot  find  it  in  our  hearts  to  complain  much. 
Poor  Lincoln  requires  some  such  advantage — though  it  be  mean — 
in  his  contest  with  the  irresistible  advocate  of  liberal  principles— the 
acknowledged  champion  of  living  principles  in  Illinois. 

[The  Daily  Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  16,  1858] 
Douglas  carries  around  with  him  a  reporter  by  the  name  of  Sheridan 
whose  business  it  is  to  garble  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  amend 
and  elaborate  those  of  Douglas,  for  the  Times.  As  almost  everybody 
present  on  Wednesday  could  hear  Mr.  Lincoln  distinctly,  and  not  a 
hundred  in  the  crowd  could  understand  Douglas,  we  are  curious  to 
see  the  report  that  this  fellow  Sheridan  will  give  of  the  speeches.  Our 
word  for  it,  he  will  serve  his  master  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  and  lie 
about  the  whole  proceedings. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  18,  1858] 

THE  GREAT  DEBATE  AT  OTTAWA 

The  first  grand  encounter  between  the  champions  of  Slavery  and 
Freedom, — Douglas  and  Lincoln, — takes  place  at  Ottawa  on  Saturday 
afternoon,  Aug.  21st. 

A  special  train  will  leave  the  Rock  Island  depot  at  8  a.  m.,  passing 
Blue  Island  at  8:45,  Joliet  at  9:55,  Morris  10:50,  and  Ottawa  at  11:45,  • 
which  will  give  plenty  of  time  for  dinner,  to  arrange  the  preliminaries, 
and  to  prepare  the  polemic  combatants  for  the  contest.  The  train  wiU 
leave  Ottawa  on  its  return  at  6  p.  m.  and  will  be  back  in  Chicago  at 
9:45. 

Passengers  will  be  carried  the  round  trip  for  half-fare  from  all  the 
stations  above  named.  How  big  a  crowd  is  going  from  this  city? 
The  Lincoln  boys  should  be  on  hand. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  21,  1858] 

ALL  ABOARD  FOR  OTTAWA! 

.  Special  Despatch  to  Press  and  Tribune. 

Ottawa,  Aug.  20,  1858 
Lincoln  will  take  the  Special  Train  from  Chicago  at  Morris  tomor- 
row morning.     Please  give  notice  to  the  public. 

Republican  Committee 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  21,  1858] 

HO!  FOR  OTTAWA 

The  gallant  Lincoln  will  enter  the  lists  at  Ottawa  today,  with 
Douglas.  The  meeting  will  be  a  memorable  one,  and  the  first  of  the 
present  campaign. 

A  large  delegation  will  be  in  attendance  from  this  city,  leaving  here 
bj^  the  8  A.  M.  train  on  the  Chicago  &  Rock  Island  Railroad,  returning 
this  evening.     Let  there  be  a  good  attendance  of  our  Republicans. 

The  Press  and  Tribune  of  Monday  will  contain  a  full  Phono- 
graphic verbatim  report  of  the  speeches  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas. 

85 
—4 


86  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Let  all  who  can  be  present  hear  the  champions,  and  all  who  cannot 
should  read  and  judge  for  themselves. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  23,  1858] 

FIRST  JOINT  DEBATE 

At  two  o'clock  the  multitude  gathered  in  the  pubhc  square,  the  sun 
shining  down  with  great  intensity,  and  the  few  trees  affording  but  lit- 
tle shade.  It  would  seem  that  the  most  exposed  part  of  the  city  was 
selected  for  the  speaking.  After  a  long  delay,  the  discussion  was 
opened  by  Judge  Douglas,  who  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  Doug-las'  Speech' 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  I  appear  before  you  to-day  for  the  purpose 
of  discussing  the  leading  political  topics  which  now  agitate  the  public 
mind.  By  an  arrangement  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself,  we  are 
present  here  to-day  for  the  purpose  of  having  a  joint  discussion,  as  the 
representatives  of  the  two  great  political  parties  of  the  State  and 
Union,  upon  the  principles  in  issue  between  those  parties,  and  this 
vast  concourse  of  people  shows  the  deep  feeling  which  pervades  the 
public  mind  in  regard  to  the  questions  dividing  us. 

Prior  to  1854  this  country  was  divided  into  two  great  political 
parties,  known  as  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties.  Both  were 
national  and  patriotic,  advocating  principles  that  were  universal  in 
their  application.  An  Old  Line  Whig  could  proclaim  his  principles 
in  Louisiana  and  Massachusetts  alike.  Whig  principles  had  no  bound- 
ary sectional  line ;  they  were  not  limited  by  the  Ohio  River,  nor  by  the 
Potomac,  nor  by  the  line  of  the  Free  and  Slave  States;  but  applied 
and  were  proclaimed  wherever  the  Constitution  ruled  or  the  American 
flag  waved  over  the  American  soil.  ["  Hear  him; "  and  three  cheers.] 
So  it  was,  and  so  it  is  with  the  great  Democratic  party,  which,  from  the 
days  of  Jefferson  until  this  period,  has  proven  itself  to  be  the  historic 
party  of  this  nation.  While  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties 
differed  in  regard  to  a  bank,  the  tariff,  distribution,  the  specie  circular, 

iThe  speeches  in  this  debate  have  been  reprinted  from  the  Follett,  Foster  &  C!o.  edition  of  1860, 
and  all  the  interruptions,  omitted  in  that  edition,  have  been  added  from  the  newspaper  reports,  those 
in  Douglas'  speeches  from  the  official  Democratic  report  in  the  Chicago  Times,  and  those  in  Lincoln's 
speeches  from  the  official  Republican  report  in  the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune.  All  variants  in  the 
text  (except  those  of  capitalization  and  punctuation)  from  these  official  reports  have  been  noticed  in 
the  footnotes.  From  an  examination  of  these,  it  will  be  seen  that  Lincoln  did  not  make  any  impor- 
tant changes  in  his  speeches,  and  that  the  editors  were  very  fair  in  their  reprint  of  the  speeches  of  his 
opponent. 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  87 

and  the  sub-treasury,  they  agreed  on  the  great  slavery  question 
which  now  agitates  the  Union.  I  say  that  the  Whig  party  and  the 
Democratic  party  agreed  on  this  slavery  question,  while  they  differed 
on  those  matters  of  expediency  to  which  I  have  referred.  The 
Whig  party  and  the  Democratic  party  jointly  adopted  the  Com- 
promise measures  of  1850  as  the  basis  of  a  proper  and  just  solution 
of  this  slavery  question  in  all  its  forms.  Clay  was  the  great  leader, 
with  Webster  on  his  right  and  Cass  on  his  left,  and  sustained  by  the 
patriots  in  the  Whig  and  Democratic  ranks  who  had  devised  and 
enacted  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850. 

In  1851  the  Whig  party  and  the  Democratic  party  united  in  Illinois 
in  adopting  resolutions  indorsing  J-  and  approving  the  principles  of  the 
Compromise  measures  of  1850,  as  the  proper  adjustment  of  that  ques- 
tion. In  1852,  when  the  Whig  party  assembled  in  Convention  at 
Baltimore  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, the  first  thing  it  did  was  to  declare  the  Compromise  measures  of 
1850,  in  substance  and  in  principle,  a  suitable  adjustment  of  that 
question.  [Here  the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  loud  and  long-con- 
tinued applause.]  My  friends,  silence  will  be  more  acceptable  to  me  in 
the  discussion  of  these  questions  than  applause.  I  desire  to  address 
myself  to  your  judgment,  your  understanding,  and  your  consciences' 
and  not  to  your  passions  or  your  enthusiasm.  When  the  Democratic 
Convention  assembled  in  Baltimore  in  the  same  year,  for  the  purpose 
of  nominating  a  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  it  also 
adopted  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850  as  the  basis  of  Democratic 
action.  Thus  you  see  that  up  to  1853-'54,  the  Whig  party  and  the 
Democratic  party  both  stood  on  the  same  platform  with  regard  to  the 
slavery  question.  That  platform  was  the  right  of  the  people  of  each 
State  and  each  Territory  to  decide  their  local  and  domestic  institu- 
tions for  themselves,  subject  only  to  the  Federal  Constitution. 

During  the  session  of  Congress  of  1853-'54,  I  introduced  into  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  a  bill  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  on  that  principle  which  had  been  adopted  in  the  Com- 
promise measures  of  1850,  approved  by  the  Whig  party  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  Illinois  in  1851,  and  indorsed^  by  the  Whig  party  and 
the  Democratic  party  in  National  Convention  in  1852.  In  order  that 
there  might  be  no  misunderstanding  in  relation  to  the  principle  invol- 
ved in  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  I  put  forth  the  true  intent  and 

^Reads:  "endorsing"  for  "indorsing." 
■Reads:  "endorsed"  for  "indorsed." 


88  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

meaning  of  the  Act  in  these  words :  "  It  is  the  true  intent  and  mean- 
ing of  this  Act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  State  or  Territory,  or 
to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way, 
subject  only  to  the  Federal  Constitution. "  Thus  you  see  that  up  to 
1854,  when  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  was  brought  into  Congress 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  principles  which  both  parties  had 
up  to  that  time  indorsed^  and  approved,  there  had  been  no  division 
in  this  country  in  regard  to  that  principle  except  the  opposition  of 
the  Abolitionists.  In  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Illinois 
Legislature,  upon  a  resolution  asserting  that  principle,  every  Whig 
and  every  Democrat  in  the  House  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  only 
four  men  voted  against  it,  and  those  four  were  Old  Line  Abolitionists. 
[Cheers.] 

In  1854,  Mr.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Trumbull  entered  into  an 
arrangement,  one  with  the  other,  and  each  with  his  respective  friends, 
to  dissolve  the  old  Whig  party  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  dissolve  the  old 
Democratic  party  on  the  other,  and  to  connect  the  members  of  both 
into  an  Abolition  party,  under  the  name  and  disguise  of  a  Republican 
party.  [Laughter  and  cheers;  "  Hurrah  for  Douglas.  "]  The  terms  of 
that  arrangement  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Trumbull  have  been 
published  to  the  world  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  special  friend,  James  H. 
Matheny,  Esq.,  and  they  were,  that  Lincoln  should  have  Shield's 
place  in  the  United  States  Senate,  which  was  then  about  to  become 
vacant,  and  that  Trumbull  should  have  my  seat  when  my  term 
expired.  [Great  laughter.]  Lincoln  went  to  work  to  Abolitionize 
the  old  Whig  party  all  over  the  State,  pretending  that  he  was  then  as 
good  a  Whig  as  ever  [laughter];  and  Trumbull  went  to  work  in  his 
part  of  the  State  preaching  Abolitionism  in  its  milder  and  lighter 
form,  and  trying  to  Abolitionize  the  Democratic  part}',  and  bring 
old  Democrats  handcuffed  and  bound  hand  and  foot  into  the  Abo- 
lition camp.     ["Good,"  "hurrah  for  Douglas,"  and  cheers.] 

In  pursuance  of  the  arrangement,  the  parties  met  at  Springfield  in 
October,  1854,  and  proclaimed  their  new  platform.  Lincoln  was  to 
bring  into  the  Abolition  camp  the  Old  Line  Whigs,  and  transfer  them 
over  to  Giddings,  Chase,  Fred^  Douglas,  and  Parson  Lovejoy,  who 
were  ready  to  receive  them  and  christen  them  in  their  new  faith. 
[Laughter  and  cheers.]     They  laid  down  on  that  occasion  a  platform 

■^ Reads:  "endorsed"  for  "indorsed." 

'Reads:  "Ford,  Douglass"  for  "  Fred  Douglass." 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  89 

for  their  new  Republican  party,  which  was  to  be  thus  constructed. 
I  have  the  resolutions  of  their  State  Convention  then  held,  which 
was  the  first  mass  State  Convention  ever  held  in  Illinois  by  the  Black 
Republican  party,  and  I  now  hold  them  in  my  hands,  and  will  read 
a  part  of  them,  and  cause  the  others  to  be  printed.  Here  are^  the 
most  important  and  material  resolutions^  of  this  Abolition  platform — 

"1.  Resolved,  That  we  believe  this  truth  to  be  self-evident,  that  when 
parties  become  subversive  of  the  ends  for  which  they  are  established,  or  in- 
capable of  restoring  the  Government  to  the  true  principles  of  the  Constitution, 
it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  by  which 
they  may  have  been  connected  therewith,  and  to  organize  new  parties,  upon 
such  principles  and  with  such  views  as  the  circumstances  and  exigencies  of 
the  nation  may  demand. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  the  times  imperatively  demand  the  reorganization  of 
parties,  and,  repudiating  all  previous  partj^  attachments,  names,  and  predi- 
lections, we  unite  ourselves  together  in  defense  of  the  liberty  and  Constitution 
of  the  country,  and  will  hereafter  co-operate  as  the  Republican  party,  pledged 
to  the  aceomphshment  of  the  following  purposes :  To  bring  the  administration 
of  the  Government  back  to  the  control  of  first  principles,  to  restore  Nebraska 
and  Kansas  to  the  position  of  Free  Territories,  that,  as  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  vests  in  the  States,  and  not  in  Congress,  the  power  to  legis- 
late for  the  extradition  of  fugitives  from  labor,  to  repeal  and  entirely  abrogate 
the  Fugitive-Slave  law;  to  restrict  slavery  to  those  states  in  which  it  exists; 
to  prohibit  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union ;  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia;  to  exclude  slavery  from  all  the  Territories 
over  which  the  General  Government  has  exclusive  jurisdiction;  and  to  resist 
the  acquirement'  of  any  more  Territories,  unless  the  practice  of  slavery 
therein  forever  shall  have  been  prohibited. 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  in  furtherance  of  these  principles  we  will  use  such  Con- 
stitutional and  la\vful  means  as  shall  seem  best  adapted  to  their  accomplish- 
ment, and  that  we  will  support  no  man  for  office,  under  the  General  or  State 
Government,  who  is  not  positively  and  fully  committed  to  the  support  of 
these  principles,  and  whose  personal  character  and  conduct  is  not  a  guarantee 
that  he  is  reliable,  and  who  shall  not  have  abjured  old  party  allegiance  and 
ties. " 

[The  resolutions  as  they  were  read  were  cheered  throughout.] 
Now,  gentlemen,  your  Black  Republicans  have  cheered  every  one 
of  those  propositions  ["Good"  and  cheers,]  and  yet  I  venture  to  say 
that  you  cannot  get  Mr.  Lincoln  to  come  out  and  say  that  he  is  now  in 
favor  of  each  one  of  them.  [Laughter  and  applause.  "  Hit  him 
again.  "]  That  these  propositions,  one  and  all,  constitute  the  platform 
of  the  Black  Republican  party  of  this  day,  I  have  no  doubt ;  ["Good."] 

'■Reads:  "is"  for  "are." 

2Reads:  "resolution"  for  "resolutions." 

3Reads:  "acquirements"  for  "acquirement." 


90  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

and  when  you  were  not  aware  for  what  purpose  I  was  reading  them, 
your  Black  Republicans  cheered  them  as  good  Black  Republican 
doctrines.  ["That's  it,"  etc.]  My  object  in  reading  these  resolu- 
tions was  to  put  the  question  to  Abraham  Lincoln  this  day,  whether 
he  now  stands  and  will  stand  by  each  article  in  that  creed  and  carry 
it  out.  ["Good,"  "Hit  him  again. "]  I  desire  to  know  whether  Mr. 
Lincoln  to-day  stands,  as  he  did  in  1854,  in  favor  of  the  unconditional 
repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he 
stands  pledged  to-day,  as  he  did  in  1854,  against  the  admission  of 
any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union,  even  if  the  people  want  them. 
I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  against  the  admission  of  a 
new  State  into  the  Union  with  such  a  Constitution  as  the  people  of 
that  State  may  see  fit  to  make.  ["That's  it;"  "put  it  at  him."] 
I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  to-day  pledged  to  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether 
he  stands  pledged  to  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  between  the 
different  States.  ["  He  does. "]  I  desire  to  know  whether  he  stands 
pledged  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States, 
North  as  well  as  South  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line.  ["  Kansas 
too. "]  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  is  opposed  to  the  acquisi- 
tion of  any  more  territory,  unless  slavery  is^  prohibited  therein. 

I  want  his  answer  to  these  questions.  Your  affirmative  cheers  in 
favor  of  this  Abolition  platform  are^  not  satisfactory.  I  ask  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  to  answer  these  questions,  in  order  that,  when  I  trot  him 
down  to  lower  Egypt,  I  may  put  the  same  questions  to  him.  [Enthu- 
siastic applause.]  My  principles  are  the  same  everywhere,  [Cheers, 
and  "hark."]  I  can  proclaim  them  alike  in  the  North,  the  South, 
the  East,  and  the  West.  My  principles  will  apply  wherever  the 
Constitution  prevails,  and  the  American  flag  waves.  ["Good,"  and 
applause.]  I  desire  to  know  whether  Mr.  Lincoln's  principles  will 
bear  transplanting  from  Ottawa  to  Jonesboro?  I  put  these  questions 
to  him  to-day  distinctly,  and  ask  an  answer.  I  have  a  right  to  an 
answer.  ["  That's  so ; "  "  he  can't  dodge  you, "  etc.],  for  I  quote  from 
the  platform  of  the  Republican  party,  made  by  himself  and  others  at 
the  time  that  party  was  formed,  and  the  bargain  made  by  Lincoln  to 
dissolve  and  kill  the  old  Whig  party,  and  transfer  its  members, 

'Reads:  "is  first  prohibited." 
-Read:  "is"  for  "are." 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  91 

bound  hand  and  foot,  to  the  Abohtion  party,  under  the  direction  of 
Giddings  and  Fred  Douglas.     [Cheers.] 

In  the  remarks  I  have  made  on  this  platform,  and  the  position  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  upon  it,  I  mean  nothing  personally  disrespectful  or  unkind 
to  that  gentleman.  I  have  known  him  for  nearly  twenty-five  years. 
There  were  many  points  of  sympathy  between  us  when  we  first  got 
acquainted.  We  were  both  comparatively  boys,  both^  struggling 
with  poverty  in  a  strange  land.  I  was  a  school-teacher  in  the  town  of 
Winchester,  and  he  a  flourishing  grocery-keeper  in  the  town  of  Salem. 
[Applause  and  laughter.]  He  was  more  successful  in  his  occupation 
than  I  was  in  mine,  and  hence  more  fortunate  in  this  world's  goods. 
Lincoln  is  one  of  those  peculiar  men  who  perform  with  admirable  skill 
everything  which  they  undertake.  I  made  as  good  a  school-teacher 
as  I  could,  and  when  a  cabinet-maker  I  made  a  good  bedstead  and 
tables,  although  my  old  boss  said  I  succeeded  better  with  bureaus  and 
secretaries  than  with^  anything  else ;  [cheers]  but  I  believe  that  Lincoln 
was  always  more  successful  in  business  than  I,  for  his  business  enabled 
him  to  get  into  the  Legislature.  I  met  him  there,  however,  and  had  a 
sympathy  with  him,  because  of  the  up-hill  struggle  we  both  had  in 
life.  He  was  then  just  as  good  at  telling  an  anecdote  as  now.  ["  No 
doubt. "]  He  could  beat  any  of  the  boys  wrestling,  or  running  a  foot- 
race, in  pitching  quoits  or  tossing  a  copper;  could  ruin  more  hquor 
than  all  the  boys  of  the  town  together;  [uproarious  laughter]  and  the 
dignity  and  impartiality  with  which  he  presided  at  a  horse-race  or 
fist-fight  excited  the  admiration  and  won  the  praise  of  everybody  that 
was  present  and  participated.  [Renewed  laughter.]  I  sympathized 
with  him  because  he  was  struggling  with  difficulties,  and  so  was  I. 
Mr.  Lincoln  served  with  me  in  the  Legislature  in  1836,  when  we 
both  retired,  and  he  subsided,  or  became  submerged,  and  he  was  lost 
sight  of  as  a  public  man  for  some  years.  In  1846,  when  Wilmot  intro- 
duced his  celebrated  proviso,  and  the  Abolition  tornado  swept  over  the 
country,  Lincoln  again  turned  up  as  a  member  of  Congress  from  the 
Sangamon  district.  I  was  then  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and 
was  glad  to  welcome  my  old  friend  and  companion.  Whilst  in  Con- 
gress, he  distinguished  himself  by  his  opposition  to  the  Mexican  war^ 
taking  the  side  of  the  common  enemy  against  his  own  country; 
["  that's  true  "]  and^when  he  returned  home  he  found  that  the  indigna- 

*Reads:  "and  both." 
•Reads:  "than  anything  else." 


92  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

tion  of  the  people  followed  him  everywhere,  and  he  was  again  sub- 
merged, or  obliged  to  retire  into  private  life,  forgotten  by  his  former 
friends.  ["And  will  be  again."]  He  came  up  again  in  1854,  just  in 
time  to  make  this  Abolition  or  Black  Republican  platform,  in  com- 
pany with  Giddings,  Lovejoy,  Chase,  and  Fred  Douglas,  for  the 
Republican  party  to  stand  upon.  [Laughter,  "  Hit  him  again, "  etc.] 
Trumbull,  too,  was  one  of  our  own  contemporaries.  He  was  born 
and  raised  in  old  Connecticut,  was  bred  a  Federalist,  but,  removing  to 
Georgia,  turned  NuUifier  when  Nullification  was  popular,  and  as  soon 
as  he  disposed  of  his  clocks  and  wound  up  his  business,  migrated  to 
Illinois,  [laughter]  turned  politician  and  lawyer  here,  and  made  his 
appearance  in  1841  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature.  He  became 
noted  as  the  author  of  the  scheme  to  repudiate  a  large  portion  of  the 
State  debt  of  Illinois,  which,  if  successful,  would  have  brought 
infamy  and  disgrace  upon  the  fair  escutcheon  of  our  glorious  State. 
The  odium  attached  to  that  measure  consigned  him  to  oblivion  for  a 
time.  I  helped  to  do  it.  I  walked  into  a  public  meeting  in  the  hall  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  replied  to  his  repudiating  speeches, 
and  resolutions  were  carried  over  his  head  denouncing  repudiation, 
and  asserting  the  moral  and  legal  obligation  of  Illinois  to  pay  every 
dollar  of  the  debt  she  owed,  and  every  bond  that  bore  her  seal. 
["  Good, "  and  cheers.]  Trumbull's  malignity  has  followed  me  since 
I  thus  defeated  his  infamous  scheme. 

These  two  men  having  formed  this  combination  to  Abolitionize  the 
old  Whig  party  and  the  old  Democratic  party,  and  put  themselves 
into  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  their  bargain,  are 
now  carrying  out  that  arrangement.  Matheny  states  that  Trumbull 
broke  faith;  that  the  bargain  was  that  Lincoln  should  be  the  Senator 
in  Shields's^  place,  and  Trumbull  was  to  wait  for  mine;  [laughter  and 
cheers]  and  the  story  goes  that  Trumbull  cheated  Lincoln,  having 
control  of  four  or  five  Abolitionized  Democrats  who  were  holding  over 
in  the  Senate;  he  would  not  let  them  vote  for  Lincoln,  which^^  obliged 
the  rest  of  the  Abolitionists  to  support  him  in  order  to  secure  an 
Abolition  Senator.  There  are  a  number  of  authorities  for  the  truth  of 
this  besides  Matheny,  and  I  supose  that  even  Mr.  Lincoln  will  not 
deny  it.     [Applause  and  laughter.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  demands  that  he  shall  have  the  place  intended  for 

'Reads:  "Shields'." 
2Reads:  "aud  which." 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  93 

Trumbull,  as  Trumbull  cheated  him  and  got  his,  and  Trumbull  is 
stumping  the  State  traducing  me  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the^  po- 
sition for  Lincoln,  in  order  to  quiet  him.  ["  Lincoln  can  never  get  it."] 
It  was  in  consequence  of  this  arrangement  that  the  Republican  Con- 
vention was  empanelled  to  instruct  for  Lincoln  and  nobody  else,  and  it 
was  on  this  account  that  they  passed  resolutions  that  he  was  their  first, 
their  last,  and  their  only  choice.  Archy  Williams  was  nowhere, 
Browning  was  nobody,  Wentworth  was  not  to  be  considered;  they  had 
no  man  in  the  Republican  party  for  the  place  except  Lincoln,  for  the 
reason  that  he  demanded  that  they  should  carry  out  the  arrangement. 
["  Hit  him  again.  "] 

Having  formed  this  new  party  for  the  benefit  of  deserters  from 
Whiggery,  and  deserters  from  Democracy,  and  having  laid  down  the 
Abolition  platform  which  I  have  read,  Lincoln  now  takes  his  stand 
and  proclaims  his  Abolition  doctrines.  Let  me  read  a  part  of  them. 
In  his  speech  at  Springfield  to  the  Convention  which  nominated  him 
for  the  Senate,  he  said: — 

"  In  my  opinion  it  will  not  cease  until  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and 
passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. '  I  believe  this  Gov- 
ernment cannot  endure  permanently  half  Slave  and  half  Free,  I  do  not  expect 
the  Union  to  be  dissolved, — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall;  but  I  do  expect 
it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other. 
Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spead  of  it,  and  place 
it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest,  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ulti 
mate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  ivill  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike 
lawful  in  all  the  States, — old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South. " 

["Good,"  "good,"  and  cheers.] 

I  am  delighted  to  hear  you  Black  Republicans  say  "good.  "  [Laugh- 
ter and  cheers.]  I  have  no  doubt  that  doctrine  expresses  your  senti- 
ments ["  Hit  them  again,  "  "  that's  it. "],  and  I  will  prove  to  you  now, 
if  you  will  listen  to  me,  that  it  is  revolutionary,  and  destructive  of  the 
existence  of  this  Government.  ["  Hurrah  for  Douglas, "  "  good, "  and 
cheers.]  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  extract  from  which  I  have  read,  says  that 
this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently  in  the  same  condition  in 
which  it  was  made  by^its  framers, — divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States. 
He  says  that  it  has  existed  for  about  seventy  years  thus  divided,  and 
yet  he  tells  you  that[it  cannot  endure  permanently  on  the  same  prin- 
ciples and  in  the^same  relative  condition  in  which  our  fathers  made  it. 

iReads:  "That"  for  "the." 


94  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

["  Neither  can  it.  "]  Why  can  it  not  exist  divided  into  Free  and  Slave 
States?  Washington,  Jefferson,  Franklin,  Madison,  Hamilton,  Jay, 
and  the  great  men  of  that  day,  made  this  government  divided  into 
Free  States  and  Slave  States,  and  left  each  State  perfectly  free  to  do 
as  it  pleased  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  ["  Right,  right. "]  Why  can 
it  not  exist  on  the  same  principles  on  which  our  fathers  made  it? 
["  It  can. "]  They  knew  when  they  framed  the  Constitution  that  in 
a  country  as  wide  and  broad  as  this,  with  such  a  variety  of  climate, 
production,  and  interest,  the  people  necessarily  required  different 
laws  and  institutions  in  different  localities.  They  knew  that  the 
laws  and  regulations  which  would  suit  the  granite  hills  of  New 
Hampshire  would  be  unsuited  to  the  rice  plantations  of  South  Caro- 
lina, ["  Right,  right. "]  and  they  therefore  provided  that  each  State 
•should  retain  its  own  Legislature  and  its  own  sovereignty,  with  the 
full  and  complete  power  to  do  as  it  pleased  within  its  own  limits,  in 
all  that  was  local  and  not  national.     [Applause.] 

One  of  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States  was  the  right  to  regulate  the 
relations  between  master  and  servant,  on  the  slavery  question.  At 
the  time  the  Constitution  was  framed,^  there  were  thirteen  States  in 
the  Union,  twelve  of  which  were  slaveholding  States  and  one  a  Free 
State.  Suppose  this  doctrine  of  uniformity  preached  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
that  the  States  should  all  be  Free  or  all  be  Slave  had  prevailed,  and 
what  would  have  been  the  result?  Of  course,  the  twelve  slaveholding 
States  would  have  overruled  the  one  Free  State,  and  slavery  would 
have  been  fastened  by  a  Constitutional  provision  on  every  inch  of  the 
American  Republic,  instead  of  being  left,  as  our  fathers  wisely  left  it, 
to  each  State  to  decide  for  itself.  ["  Good,  good, "  and  "  three  cheers 
for  Douglas."]  Here  I  assert  that  uniformity  in  the  local  laws  and 
institutions  of  the  different  States  is  neither  possible  or  desirable.  If 
uniformity  had  been  adopted  when  the  Government  was  established, 
it  must  inevitably  have  been  the  uniformity  of  slavery  everywhere,  or 
else  the  uniformity  of  negro  citizenship  and  negro  equality  every- 
where. 

We  are  told  by  Lincoln  that  he  is  utterly  opposed  to  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  and  will  not  submit  to  it,  for  the  reason  that  he  says  it 
deprives  the  negro  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizenship.  [Laugh- 
ter and  applause.]  That  is  the  first  and  main  reason  which  he  assigns 
for  his  warfare  on  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United.^States  and  its 
decision.     I  ask  you,  are  you  in  favor  of  conferring  upon  the  negro  the 

1  Reads:  "formed"  for  "framed." 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  95 

rights  and  privileges  of  citizenship?  ["  No,  no. "]  Do  you  desire  to 
strike  out  of  our  State  Constitution  that  clause  which  keeps  slaves  and 
free  negroes  out  of  the  State,  and  allows  the  free  negroes  to  flow  in, 
[''  Never. "]  and  cover  your  prairies  with  black  settlements?  Do  you 
desire  to  turn  this  beautiful  State  into  a  free  negro  colony,  ["No, 
no. "]  in  order  that  when  Missouri  abolishes  slavery  she  can  send  one 
hundred  thousand  emancipated  slaves  into  Illinois,  to  become  citizens 
and  voters,  on  an  equality  with  yourselves?  ["Never,"  "no."]  If 
you  desire  negro  citizenship,  if  you  desire  to  allow  them  to  come  into 
the  State  and  settle  with  the  white  man,  if  you  desire  them  to  vote 
on  an  equality  with  yourselves,  and  to  make  them  eligible  to  office,  to- 
serve  on  juries,  and  to  adjudge  your  rights,  then  support  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  the  Black  Republican  party,  who  are  in  favor  of  the  citizenship  of 
the  negro.  ["Never,  never."]  For  one,  I  am  opposed  to  negro 
citizenship  in  any  and  every  form.  [Cheers.]  I  believe  this  Govern- 
ment was  made  on  the  white  basis.  ["Good."]  I  believe  it  was 
made  by  white  men,  for  the  benefit  of  white  men  and  their  posterity 
forever,  and  I  am  in  favor  of  confining  citizenship  to  white  men,  men 
of  European  birth  and  descent,  instead  of  conferring  it  upon  negroes, 
Indians,  and  other  inferior  races.  ["  Good  for  you. "  "  Douglas  for- 
ever. "] 

Mr.  Lincoln,  following  the  example  and  lead  of  all  the  little  Aboli- 
tion orators,  who  go  around  and  lecture  in  the  basements  of  schools 
and  churches,  reads  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence  that  all 
men  were  created  equal,  and  then  asks,  How  can  you  deprive  a  negro 
of  that  equality  which  God  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
award^  to  him?  He  and  they  maintain  that  negro  equality  is  guar- 
anteed by  the  laws  of  God,  and  that  it  is  asserted  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  If  they  think  so,  of  course  they  have  a  right  to  say  so^ 
and  so  vote.  I  do  not  question  Mr.  Lincoln's  conscientious  behef  that 
the  negro  was  made  his  equal,  and  hence  is  his  brother;  [laughter]  but 
for  my  own  part,  I  do  not  regard  the  negro  as  my  equal,  and  positively 
deny  that  he  is  my  brother,  or  any  kin  to  me  whatever.  ["Never, '^ 
"Hit  him  again,"  and  cheers.]  Lincoln  has  evidently  learned  by 
heart  Parson  Lovejoy's  catechism.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  He 
can  repeat  it  as  well  as  Farnsworth,  and  he  is  worthy  of  a  medal  from 
Father  Giddings  and  Fred  Douglass  for  his  Abolitionism.  [Laughter.] 
He  holds  that  the  negro^was  born  his  equal  and  yours,  and  that  he 

*Reads:  "awards." 


96  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

was  endowed  with  equalit}^  by  the  Almighty,  and  that  no  human  law 
can  deprive  him  of  these  rights,  which  were  guaranteed  to  him  by  the 
Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe. 

Now  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Almighty  ever  intended  the  negro  to 
be  the  equal  of  the  white  man.  ["Never,  never. "]  If  he  did,  he  has 
been  a  long  time  demonstrating  the  fact.  [Cheers.]  For  thousands  of 
years  the  negro  has  been  a  race  upon  the  earth,  and  during  all  that 
time,  in  all  latitudes  and  climates,  wherever  he  has  wandered  or  been 
taken,  he  has  been  inferior  to  the  race  which  he  has  there  met.  He 
belongs  to  an  inferior  race  and  must  always  occupy  an  inferior  posi- 
tion. ["Good,"  "that's  so,"  etc.]  I  do  not  hold  that  because  the 
negro  is  our  inferior  that  therefore  he  ought  to  be  a  slave.  By  no 
means  can  such  a  conclusion  be  drawn  from  what  I  have  said.  On  the 
contrary,  I  hold  that  humanity  and  Christianity  both  require  that  the 
negro  shall  have  and  enjoy  every  right,  every  privilege,  and  every 
immunity  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  society  in  which  he  lives. 
["  That's  so.  "]  On  that  point,  I  presume,  there  can  be  no  diversity  of 
opinion.  You  and  I  are  bound  to  extend  to  our  inferior  and  dependent 
beings  every  right,  every  privilege,  every  facility  and  immunity  con- 
sistent with  the  public  good. 

The  question  then  arises.  What  rights  and  privileges  are  consistent 
with  the  public  good?  This  is  a  question  which  each  State  and  each 
Territory  must  decide  for  itself.  Illinois  has  decided  it  for  herself. 
We  have  provided  that  the  negro  shall  not  be  a  slave,  and  we  have  also 
provided  that  he  shall  not  be  a  citizen,  but  protect  him  in  his  civil 
rights,  in  his  life,  his  person  and  his  property,  only  depriving  him  of 
all  political  rights  whatsoever,  and  refusing  to  put  him  on  an  equality 
with  the  white  man.  ["Good."]  That  pohcy  of  Illinois  is  satisfac- 
tory to  the  Democratic  party  and  to  me;  and  if  it  were  to  the  Repub- 
licans, there  would  then  be  no  question  upon  the  subject.  But  the 
Republicans  say  that  he  ought  to  be  made  a  citizen,  and  when  he 
becomes  a  citizen  he  becomes  your  equal,  with  all  your  rights  and 
privileges.  ["  He  never  shall. "]  They  assert  the  Dred  Scott  deci- 
sion to  be  monstrous  because  it  denies  that  the  negro  is  or  can  be  a 
citizen  under  the  Constitution.  Now,  I  hold  that  Illinois  had  a  right 
to  abolish  and  prohibit  slavery  as  she  did,  and  I  hold  that  Kentucky 
has  the  same  right  to  continue  and  protect  slavery  that  Illinois  had 
to  abolish  it.  I  hold  that  New  York  had  as  much  right  to  abolish 
slavery  as  Virginia  has  to  continue  it,  and  that  each  and  every  State 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  97 

of  this  Union  is  a  sovereign  power,  with  the  right  to  do  as  it  pleases 
upon  this  question  of  slavery,  and  upon  all  its  domestic  institutions. 

Slavery  is  not  the  only  question  which  comes  up  in  this  controversy. 
There  is  a  far  more  important  one  to  you,  and  that  is,  What  shall  be 
done  with  the  free  negro?  We  have  settled  the  slavery  question  as  far 
as  we  are  concerned;  we  have  prohibited  it  in  Illinois  forever;  and  in 
doing  so,  I  think  we  have  done  wisely,  and  there  is  no  man  in  the  State 
who  would  be  more  strenuous  in  his  opposition  to  the  introduction  of 
slavery  than  I  would.  [Cheers.]  But  when  we  settled  it  for  ourselves 
we  exhausted  all  our  power  over  that  subject.  We  have  done  our 
whole  duty,  and  can  do  no  more.  We  must  leave  each  and  every 
other  State  to  decide  for  itself  the  same  question.  In  relation  to  the 
policy  to  be  pursued  toward^  the  free  negroes,  we  have  said  that  they 
shall  not  vote;  whilst  Maine,  on  the  other  hand,  has  said  that  they 
shall  vote.  Maine  is  a  sovereign  State,  and  has  the  power  to  regulate 
the  qualifications  of  voters  within  her  limits.  I  would  never  consent 
to  confer  the  right  of  voting  and  of  citizenship  upon  a  negro ;  but  still 
I  am  not  going  to  quarrel  with  Maine  for  differing  from  me  in  opinion. 
Let  Maine  take  care  of  her  own  negroes,  and  fix  the  qualifications  of  her 
own  voters  to  suit  herself,  without  interfering  with  Illinois,  and 
Illinois  will  not  interfere  with  Maine.  So  with  the  State  of  New  York. 
She  allows  the  negro  to  vote,  provided  he  owns  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars'  worth  of  property,  but  not  otherwise.  While  I  would  not 
make  any  distinction  whatever  between  a  negro  who  held  property 
and  one  who  did  not ;  yet  if  the  sovereign  State  of  New  York  chooses  to 
make  that  distinction,  it  is  her  business  and  not  mine,  and  I  will  not 
quarrel  with  her  for  it.  She  can  do  as  she  pleases  on  this  question  if 
she  minds  her  own  business,  and  we  will  do  the  same  thing. 

Now,  my  friends,  if  we  will  only  act  conscientiously  and  rigidly 
upon  this  great  principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  which  guarantees  to 
each  State  and  Territory  the  right  to  do  as  it  pleases  on  all  things, 
local  and  domestic,  instead  of  Congress  interfering,  we  will  continue  at 
peace  one  with  another.  Why  should  Illinois  be  at  war  with  Missouri, 
or  Kentucky  with  Ohio,  or  Virginia  with  New  York,  merely  because 
their  institutions  differ?  Our  fathers  intended  that  our  institutions 
should  differ.  They  knew  that  the  North  and  the  South,  having  differ- 
ent climates,  productions,  and  interests,  required  different  institutions. 

iReads:  "towards"  for  "toward." 


98  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

This  doctrine  of  Mr.  Lincoln/  of  uniformity  among  the  institutions  of 
the  different  states,  is  a  new  doctrine,  never  dreamed  of  by  Washing- 
ton, Madison,  or  the  framers  of  this  Government.  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
the  Republican  party  set  themselves  up  as  wiser  than  these  men  who 
made  this  Government,  which  has  flourished  for  seventy  years  under 
the  principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  recognizing  the  right  of  each 
State  to  do  as  it  pleased.  Under  that  principle,  we  have  grown  from 
a  nation  of  three  or  four  millions  to  a  nation  of  about  thirty  millions  of 
people;  we  have  crossed  the  Alleghany'^  mountains  and  filled  up  the 
whole  Northwest,  turning  the  prairie  into  a  garden,  and  building  up 
churches  and  schools,  thus  spreading  civilization  and  Christianity 
where  before  there  was  nothing  but  savage  barbarism.  LTnder  that 
principle  we  have  become,  from  a  feeble  nation,  the  most  powerful  on 
the  face  of  the  earth;  and  if  we  only  adhere  to  that  principle,  we  can 
go  forward  increasing  in  territory,  in  power,  in  strength,  and  in 
glory  until  the  Republic  of  America  shall  be  the  North  Star  that  shall 
guide  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  civilized  world.  ["Long 
may  you  live, "  and  great  applause.] 

And  why  can  we  not  adhere  to  the  great  principle  of  self-govern- 
ment, upon  which  our  institutions  were  originally  based?  ["We 
can.  "]  I  believe  that  this  new  doctrine  preached  by  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
his  party  will  dissolve  the  Union  if  it  succeeds.  They  are  trying  to 
array  all  the  Northern  States  in  one  body  against  the  South,  to  excite 
a  sectional  w^ar  between  the  Free  States  and  the  Slave  States,  in  order 
that  the  one  or  the  other  may  be  driven  to  the  wall. 

I  am  told  that  my  time  is  out.  Mr.  Lincoln  will  now  address  you 
for  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  I  will  then  occupy  an  half  hour  in  replying 
to  him.     [Three  times  three  cheers  were  here  given  for  Douglas.] 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Keply 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  came  forward  and  was  greeted  with  long  and 
protracted  cheers  from  fully  two-thirds  of  the  audience.  This  was 
admitted  by  the  Douglas  men  on  the  platform.  It  was  some  minutes 
before  he  could  make  himself  heard,  even  by  those  on  the  stand.  At 
last  he  said: 

My  Fellow-Citizens:  When  a  man  hears  himself  somewhat  mis- 
represented, it  provokes  him, —  at  least,  I  find  it  so  with  myself;  but 

iReads:  "Lincoln's." 

•Reads:  "Allegheny"  for  "Alleghany." 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  99 

when  misrepresentation  becomes  very  gross  and  palpable,  it  is  more 
apt  to  amuse  him  [laughter.]  The  first  thing  I  see  fit  to  notice  is  the 
fact  that  Judge  Douglas  alleges,  after  running  through  the  historj'  of 
the  old  Democratic  and  the  old  WTiig  parties,  that  Judge  Trumbull 
and  myself  made  an  arrangement  in  1854,  by  which  I  was  to  have  the 
place  of  General  Shields  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  Judge 
Trumbull  was  to  have  the  place  of  Judge  Douglas.  Now,  all  I  have  to 
say  upon  that  subject  is  that  I  think  no  man — not  even  Judge  Douglas 
— can  prove  it,  because  it  is  not  true  [cheers].  I  have  no  doubt  he  is 
"conscientious"  in  saying  it  [laughter]. 

As  to  those  resolutions^  that  he  took  such  a  length  of  time  to  read, 
as  being  the  platform  of  the  Republican  party  in  1854,  I  say  I  never 
had  anything  to  do  with  them,  and  I  think  Trumbull  never  had 
[renewed  laughter].  Judge  Douglas  cannot  show  that  either^  of  us 
ever  did  have  anything  to  do  with  them.  I  beHeve  this  is  true  about 
those  resolutions.  There  was  a  call  for  a  Convention  to  form  a 
Republican  party  at  Springfield,  and  I  think  that  my  friend  Mr. 
Lovejoy,  who  is  here  upon  this  stand,  had  a  hand  in  it.  I  think  this 
is  true,  and  I  think  if  he  will  remember  accurately,  he  will  be  able  to 
recollect  that  he  tried  to  get  me  into  it,  and  I  would  not  go  in  [cheers 
and  laughter].  I  beheve  it  is  also  true  that  I  went  away  from  Spring- 
field when  the  Convention  was  in  session  ,  to  attend  court  in  Tazewell 
County.  It  is  true  they  did  place  my  name,  though  without  authority 
upon  the  committee,  and  afterward  wrote  me  to  attend  the  meeting 
of  the  committee;  but  I  refused  to  do  so,  and  I  never  had  an}i;hing  to 
do  with  that  organization.  This  is  the  plain  truth  about  all  that 
matter  of  the  resolutions. 

Now,  about  this  storj'"  that  Judge  Douglas  tells  of  Trumbull  bar- 
gaining to  sell  out  the  old  Democratic  party,  and  Lincoln  agreeing  to 
sell  out  the  old  ^Tiig  party,  I  have  the  means  of  knomng  about  that : 
[laughter]  Judge  Douglas  cannot  have;  and  I  know  there  is  no  sub- 
stance to  it  whatever  [applause].  Yet  I  have  no  doubt  he  is  "consci- 
entious" about  it  [laughter].  I  know  that  after  Mr.  Lovejo}^  got  into 
the  Legislature  that  winter,  he  complained  of  me  that  I  had  told  all 
the  old  WTiigs  of^  his  district  that  the  old  Whig  party  was  good 
enough  for  them,  and  some  of  them  voted  against  him  because  I  told 

*These  resolutions  are  deliberate  forgeries  by  Mr.  Douglas.    None  such  were  passed  by  the  Spring- 
field convention  nor  anything  like  them.— (Ed.  Press  and  TTibune.) 
'Inserts  "one"  after  "either." 
•Reads:  "in"  for  "of." 


100  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

them  so.  Now,  I  have  no  means  of  totally  disproving  such  charges 
as  this  which  the  Judge  makes.  A  man  cannot  prove  a  negative;  but 
he  has  a  right  to  claim  that  when  a  man  makes  an  affirmative  charge, 
he  must  offer  some  proof  to  show  the  truth  of  what  he  says.  I  cer- 
tainly cannot  introduce  testimony  to  show  the  negative  about  things, 
but  I  have  a  right  to  claim  that  if  a  man  says  he  knows  a  thing,  then 
he  must  show  how  he  knows  it.  I  always  have  a  right  to  claim  this, 
and  it  is  not  satisfactory  to  me  that  he  may  be  "  conscientious  "  on  the 
subject  [cheers  and  laughter]. 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  hate  to  waste  my  time  on  such  things;  but  in 
regard  to  that  general  Abolition  tilt  that  Judge  Douglas  makes,  when 
he  says  that  I  was  engaged  at  that  time  in  selling  out  and  Abolition- 
izing  the  old  Whig  party,  I  hope  you  will  permit  me  to  read  a  part  of  a 
printed  speech  that  I  made  then^  at  Peoria,  which  will  show  altogether 
a  different  view  of  the  position  I  took  in  that  contest  of  1854. 

A   Voice. — "  Put  on  your  specs.  " 

Mr.  Lincoln. — Yes,  sir,  I  am  obliged  to  do  so;  I  am  no  longer  a 
young  man  [laughter]. 

"This  is  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.^  The  foregoing  history 
may  not  be  precisely  accurate  in  every  particular,  but  I  am  sure  it  is  sufii- 
ciently  so  for  all  the  uses  I  shall  attempt  to  make  of  it,  and  in  it  we  have 
before  us  the  chief  materials  enabling  us  to  correctly  judge  whether  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  is  right  or  wrong. 

"  I  think,  and  shall  try  to  show,  that  it  is  wrong, — v/rong  in  its  direct  effect, 
letting  slavery  into  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  and  wrong  in  its  prospective  prin- 
ciple, allowing  it  to  spread  to  every  other  part  of  the  wide  world  where  men 
can  be  found  inchned  to  take  it. 

"This  declared  indifference,  but,  as  I  must  think,  covert  real  zeal  for  the 
spread  of  slavery,  I  cannot  but  hate.  I  hate  it  because  of  the  monstrous 
injustice  of  slavery  itself.  I  hate  it  because  it  deprives  our  republican  ex- 
ample of  its  just  influence  in  the  world,— enables  the  enemies  of  free  institu- 
tions, with  plausibiUty,  to  taunt  us  as  hypocrites;  causes  the  real  friends  of 
freedom  to  doubt  our  sincerity,  and  especially  because  it  forces  so  many 
really  good  men  amongst  ourselves  into  an  open  war  with  the  very  funda- 
mental principles  of  civil  liberty, — criticising  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, and  insisting  that  there  is  no  right  principle  of  action  but  self-interest. 

"Before  proceeding  let  me  say,  I  think  I  have  no  prejudice  against  the 

iReads:  "when"  for  "then." 

^This  extract  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  Peoria  speech  of  1854  was  read  by  him  in  the  Ottawa  debate,  I'ut 
was  not  reported  fully  or  accurately  in  either  Times  or  Press  Tribune.  It  is  inserted  now  as  necessary 
to  a  complete  report  of  the  debate.  (This  note  appeared  in  the  Follet,  Foster  &  Co.  edition,  isfio. 
The  whole  quotation  was  omitted  In  the  Press  and  Tribune  to  the  paragraph  beginning  "When  SouUi- 

ern  people  tell "  and  the  omission  was  noted,  and  even  the  rest  was  quoted  very  incorrectly.— 

Editoe.) 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  101 

Southern  people.  They  are  just  what  we  would  be  in  their  situation.  If 
slavery  did  not  now  exist  among  them,  they  would  not  introduce  it.  If  it  did 
now  exist  among  us,  we  should  not  instantly  give  it  up.  This  I  believe  of  the 
masses  North  and  South.  Doubtless  there  are  individuals  on  both  sides 
who  would  not  hold  slaves  under  any  circumstances;  and  others  who  would 
gladly  introduce  slaveiy  anew,  if  it  were  out  of  existence.  We  know  that 
some  Southern  men  do  free  their  slaves,  go  North,  and  become  tip-top  Abo- 
litionists; while  some  Northern  ones  go  South  and  become  most  cruel  slave- 
masters. 

"  When  Southern  people  tell  us  they  are  no  more  responsible  for  the  orgin  of 
slavery  than  we,  I  acknowledge  the  fact.  When  it  is  said  that  the  institution 
exists,  and  that  it  is  very  difficult  to  get  rid  of  it,  in  any  satisfactory  way,  I 
can  understand  and  appreciate  the  saying.  I  surely  will  not  blame  them  for 
not  doing  what  I  should  not  know  how  to  do  myself.  If  all  earthly  power 
were  given  me,  I  should  not  know  what  to  do  as  to  the  existing  institution. 
My  first  impulse  would  be  to  free  all  the  slaves  and  send  them  to  Liberia, — to 
their  own  native  land.  But  a  moment's  reflection  would  convince  me  that 
whatever  of  high  hope  (as  I  think  there  is)  there  maj^  be  in  this,  in  the  long 
run,  its  sudden  execution  is  impossible.  If  they  were  all  landed  there  in  a 
day,  they  would  all  perish  in  the  next  ten  days;  and  there  are  not  surplus 
shipping  and  surplus  money  enough  in  the  world  to  carry  them  there  in  many 
times  ten  days.  What  then?  Free  them  all  and  keep  them  among  us  as 
underlings?  Is  it  quite  certain  that  this  betters  their  condition?  I  think  I 
would  not  hold  one  in  slavery,  at  any  rate;  yet  the  point  is  not  clear  enough  to 
me  to  denounce  people  upon.  What  next?  Free  them,  and  make  them 
pohtically  and  socially  our  equals?  My  own  feelings  will  not  admit  of  this; 
and  if  mine  would,  we  well  know  that  those  of  the  great  mass  of  white  people 
will  not.  Whether  this  feeling  accords  with  justice  and  sound  judgment,  is 
not  the  sole  question,  if,  indeed,  it  is  any  part  of  it.  A  universal  feeling, 
whether  well  or  ill  founded,  cannot  be  safely  disregarded.  We  cannot,  then, 
make  them  equals.  It  does  seem  to  me  that  systems  of  gradual  emancipation 
might  be  adopted ;  but  for  their  tardiness  in  this,  I  will  not  undertake  to  judge 
our  brethern  of  the  South. 

"When  they  remind  us  of  their  constitutional  rights,  I  acknowledge  them, 
not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and  fairly;  and  I  would  give  them  any  legislation  for 
the  reclaiming  of  their  fugitives  which  should  not,  in  its  stringency,  be  more 
likely  to  carry  a  free  man  into  slavery,  than  our  ordinary  criminal  laws  are  to 
hang  an  innocent  one  [loud  applause]. 

"But  all  this,  to  my  judgment,  furnishes  no  more  excuse  for  permitting 
slavery  to  go  into  our  own  Free  Territory  than  it  would  for  reviving  the 
African  slave  trade  by  law.  The  law  which  forbids  the  bringing  of  slaves 
from  Africa,  and  that  which  has  so  long  forbidden  the  taking  of  them  to  Ne- 
braska, can  hardly  be  distinguished  on  any  moral  principle;  and  the  repeal 
of  the  former  could  find  quite  as  plausible  excuses  as  that  of  the  latter.  '^^ 

I  have  reason  to  know  that  Judge  Douglas  knows  that  I  said  this. 
I  think  he  has  the  answer  here  to  one  of  the  questions  he  put  to  me. 

^This  clause  was  not  reported  in  the  Tribune  account. 


102  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  do  not  mean  to  allow  him  to  catechise  me  unless  he  pays  back  for  it 
in  kind.  I  will  not  answer  questions  one  after  another,  unless  he 
reciprocates;  but  as  he  has  made  this  inquiry,  and  I  have  answered  it 
before,  he  has  got  it  without  my  getting  anything  in  return.  He  has 
got  my  answer  on  the  Fugitive-Slave  law. 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  don't  want  to  read  at  any  greater  length;  but 
this  is  the  true  complexion  of  all  I  have  ever  said  in  regard  to  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  and  the  black  race.  This  is  the  whole  of  it;  and 
anything  that  argues  me  into  his  idea  of  perfect  social  and  political 
equality  with  the  negro,  is  but  a  specious  and  fantastic  arrangement  of 
words,  by  which  a  man  can  prove  a  horse-chestnut  to  be  a  chestnut 
horse.     [Laughter]. 

I  will  say  here,  while  upon  this  subject,  that  I  have  no  purpose, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I 
have  no  inclination  to  do  so.  I  have  no  purpose  to  introduce  political 
and  social  equality  between  the  white  and  the  black  races.  There  is 
a  physical  difference  between  the  two  which,  in  my  judgement,  will 
probably  forever  forbid  their  living  together  upon  the  footing  of  per- 
fect equality;  and  inasmuch  as  it  becomes  a  necessity  that  there  must 
be  a  difference,  I,  as  well  as  Judge  Douglas,  am  in  favor  of  the  race  to 
which  I  belong  having  the  superior  position.  I  have  never  said  any- 
thing to  the  contrary,  but  I  hold  that,  notwithstanding  all  this,  there 
is  no  reason  in  the  world  wh}^  the  negro  is  not  entitled  to  all  the 
natural  rights  enumerated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence, — the 
right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  [Loud  cheers.] 
I  hold  that  he  is  as  much  entitled  to  these  as  the  white  man.  I  agree 
with  Judge  Douglas  he  is  not  my  equal  in  many  respects, — certainly 
not  in  color,  perhaps  not  in  moral  or  intellectual  endowment.  But  in 
the  right  to  eat  the  bread,  without  the  leave  of  anybody  else,  which 
his  own  hand  earns,  he  is  my  equal,  and  the  equal  of  Judge  Douglas, 
and  the  equal  of  every  living  man.     [Great  applause.] 

Now  I  pass  on  to  consider  one  or  two  more  of  these  little  follies. 
The  Judge  is  wofuUy  at  fault  about  his  early  friend  Lincoln  being  a 
"  grocery -keeper. "  [Laughter.]  I  don't  know  as  it  would  be  a 
great  sin,  if  I  had  been;  but  he  is  mistaken.  Lincoln  never  kept  a 
grocery  anywhere  in  the  world.  [Laughter.]  It  is  true  that  Lincoln 
did  work  the  latter  part  of  the  winter  in  a  little  still-house,  up  at  the 
head  of  a  hollow.     [Roars  of  laughter.] 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  103 

And  so  I  think  my  friend  the  Judge  is  equally  at  fault  when  he 
charges  me  at  the  time  when  I  was  in  Congress  of  having  opposed  our 
soldiers  who  were  fighting  in  the  Mexican  war.  The  Judge  did  not 
make  his  charge  very  distinctly,  but  I  can  tell  you  what  he  can  prove, 
by  referring  to  the  record.  You  remember  I  was  an  old  Whig,  and 
whenever  the  Democratic  party  tried  to  get  me  to  vote  that  the  war 
had  been  rightously  begun  by  the  President,  I  would  not  do  it.  But 
whenever  they  asked  for  any  money,  or  land-warrants,  or  anything  to 
pay  the  soldiers  there,  during  all  the  time,  I  gave  the  same  vote  that 
Judge  Douglas  did.  [Loud  applause.]  You  can  think  as  you  please 
as  to  whether  that  was  consistent.  Such  is  the  truth;  and  the  Judge 
has  the  right  to  make  all  he  can  out  of  it.  But  when  he,  by  a  general 
charge,  conveys  the  idea  that  I  withheld  supplies  from  the  soldiers 
who  were  fighting  in  the  Mexican  war,  or  did  anything  else  to  hinder 
the  soldiers,  he  is,  to  say  the  least,  grossly  and  altogether  mistaken,  as 
a  consultation  of  the  records  will  prove  to  him. 

As  I  have  not  used  up  so  much  of  my  time  as  I  had  supposed,  I  will 
dwell  a  little  longer  upon  one  or  two  of  these  minor  topics  upon  which 
the  Judge  has  spoken.  He  has  read  from  my  speech  in  Springfield,  in 
which  I  say  "  that  a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. "  Does 
the  Judge  say  it  can  stand?  [Laughter.]  I  don't  know  whether  he 
does  or  not.  The  Judge  does  not  seem  to  be  attending  to  me  just  now 
but  I  would  like  to  know  if  it  is  his  opinion  that  a  house  divided  against 
itself  can  stand.  If  he  does,  then  there  is  a  question  of  veracity,  not 
between  him  and  me,  but  between  the  Judge  and  an  authority  of  a 
somewhat  higher  character.     [Laughter  and   applause.] 

Now,  my  friends,  I  ask  your  attention  to  this  matter  for  the  purpose 
of  saying  something  seriously.  I  know  that  the  Judge  may  readily 
enough  agree  with  me  that  the  maxim  which  was  put  forth  by  the 
Saviour  is  true,  but  he  may 'allege  that  I  misapply  it ;  and  the  Judge  has 
a  right  to  urge  that,  in  my  application,  I  do  misapply  it,  and  then  I 
have  a  right  to  show  that  I  do  not  misapply  it.  When  he  undertakes 
to  say  that  because  I  think  this  nation,  so  far  as  the  question  of 
slavery  is  concerned,  will  all  become  one  thing  or  all  the  other,  I  am  in 
favor  of  bringing  about  a  dead  uniformity  in  the  various  States,  in  all 
their  institutions,  he  argues  erroneously.  The  great  variety  of  the 
local  institutions  in  the  States,  springing  from  differences  in  the  soil, 
differences  in  the  face  of  the  country,  and  in  the  climate,  are  bonds  of 
Union.     They  do  not  make  "  a  house  divided  against  itself, "  but  they 


104  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

make  a  house  united.  If  they  produce  in  one  section  of  the  country 
what  is  called  for  by  the  wants  of  another  section,  and  this  other 
section  can  supply  the  wants  of  the  first,  they  are  not  matters  of 
discord,  but  bonds  of  union,  true  bonds  of  union. 

But  can  this  question  of  slavery  be  considered  as  among  these  va- 
rieties in  the  institutions  of  the  country?  I  leave  it  to  you  to  say 
whether,  in  the  history  of  our  Government,  this  institution  of  slavery 
has  not  always  failed  to  be  a  bond  of  union,  and,  on  the  contrary, 
been  an  apple  of  discord  and  an  element  of  division  in  the  house. 
[Cries  of  "yes,  yes,"  and  applause.]  I  ask  you  to  consider  whether, 
so  long  as  the  moral  constitution  of  men's  minds  shall  continue  to  be 
the  same,  after  this  generation  and  assemblage  shall  sink  into  the 
grave,  and  another  race  shall  arise,  with  the  same  moral  and  intel- 
lectual development  we  have, — whether,  if  that  institution  is  standing 
in  the  same  irritating  position  in  which  it  now  is,  it  will  not  continue 
an  element  of  division?  [Cries  of  "Yes,  yes. "]  If  so,  then  I  have  a 
right  to  say  that,  in  regard  to  this  question,  the  Union  is  a  house 
divided  against  itself;  and  when  the  Judge  reminds  me  that  I  have 
often  said  to  him  that  the  institution  of  slavery  has  existed  for 
eighty  years  in  some  States,  and  yet  it  does  not  exist  in  some  others, 
I  agree  to  the  fact,  and  I  account  for  it  by  looking  at  the  position  in 
which  our  fathers  originally  placed  it, — restricting  it  from  the  new 
Territories  where  it  had  not  gone,  and  legislating  to  cut  off  its  source 
by  the  abrogation  of  the  slave-trade,  thus  putting  the  seal  of  legisla- 
tion against  its  spread. 

The  public  mind  did  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  was  in  the  course  of 
ultimate  extinction.  [Cries  of  "  Yes,  yes.  "]  But  lately,  I  think — and 
in  this  I  charge  nothing  on  the  Judge's  motives — lately,  I  think,  that 
he,  and  those  acting  with  him,  have  placed  that  institution  on  a  new 
basis,  which  looks  to  the  perpetuity  and  nationalization  of  slavery. 
[Loud  cheers.]  And  while  it  is  placed  upon  this  new  basis,  I  say,  and 
I  have  said  that  I  believe  we  shall  not  have  peace  upon  the  question 
until  the  opponents  of  slavery  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place 
it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course 
of  ultimate  extinction;  or,  on  the  other  hand,  that  its  advocates  will 
push  it  forward  until  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old 
as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South.  Now,  I  believe  if  we  could 
arrest  the  spread,  and  place  it  where  Washington  and  Jefferson  and 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  105 

Madison  placed  it,  it  would  be  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  and 
the  public  mind  would,  as  for  eighty  years  past,  believe  that  it  was  in 
the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  The  crisis  would  be  past,  and  the 
institution  might  be  let  alone  for  a  hundred  years,  if  it  should  live  so 
long,  in  the  States  where  it  exists ;  yet  it  would  be  going  out  of  exis- 
tence in  the  way  best  for  both  the  black  and  the  white  races.  [Great 
cheering.] 

A  voice. — ''Then  do  you  repudiate  Popular  Sovereignty?" 
Mr.  Lincoln. — Well,  then,  let  us  talk  about  Popular  Sovereignty. 
[Laughter.]  What  is  Popular  Sovereignty?  [Cries  of  "A  Humbug, " 
"  a  humbug. "]  Is  it  the  right  of  the  people  to  have  slavery  or  not 
have  it,  as  they  see  fit,  in  the  Territories?  I  will  state — and  I  have  an 
able  man  to  watch  me — my  understanding  is  that  Popular  Sovereignty, 
as  now  applied  to  the  question  of  slavery,  does  allow  the  people  of 
a  Territory  to  have  slavery  if  they  want  to,  but  does  not  allow  them 
not  to  have  it  if  they  do  not  want  it.  [Applause  and  laughter.]  I  do 
not  mean  that  if  this  vast  concourse  of  people  were  in  a  Territory  of 
the  United  States,  any  one  of  them  would  be  obliged  to  have  a  slave 
if  he  did  not  want  one;  but  I  do  say  that,  as  I  understand  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  if  any  one  man  wants  slaves,  all  the  rest  have  no  way 
of  keeping  that  one  man  from  holding  them. 

When  I  made  my  speech  at  Springfield,  of  which  the  Judge  com- 
plains, and  from  which  he  quotes,  I  really  was  not  thinking  of  the 
things  w'hich  he  ascribes  to  me  at  all.  I  had  no  thought  in  the  world 
that  I  was  doing  anything  to  bring  about  a  war  between  the  Free  and 
Slave  States.  I  had  no  thought  in  the  world  that  I  was  doing  any- 
thing to  bring  about  a  political  and  social  equality  of  the  black  and 
the  white  races.  It  never  occured  to  me  that  I  was  doing  anything, 
or  favoring  anything  to  reduce  to  a  dead  uniformity  all  the  local 
institutions. of  the  various  States.  But  I  must  say,  in  all  fairness  to 
him,  if  he  thinks  I  am  doing  something  which  leads  to  these  bad 
results,  it  is  none  the  better  that  I  did  not  mean  it.  It  is  just  as  fatal 
to  the  country,  if  I  have  any  influence  in  producing  it,  whether  I 
intend  it  or  not.  But  can  it  be  true  that  placing  this  institution 
upon  the  original  basis — the  basis  upon  which  our  fathers  placed  it — 
can  have  any  tendency  to  set  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  States  at 
war  with  one  another,  or  that  it  can  have  any  tendency  to  make  the 
people  of  Vermont  raise  sugar-cane,  because  they  raise  it  in  Louisiana; 
or  that  it  can  compel  the  people  of  Illinois  to  cut  pine  logs  on  the 


106  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Grand  Prairie,  where  they  will  not  grow,  because  they  cut  pine  logs 
in  Maine,  where  they  do  grow?     [Laughter.] 

The  Judge  says  this  is  a  new  principle  started  in  regard  to  this  ques- 
tion. Does  the  Judge  claim  that  he  is  working  on  the  plan  of  the  found- 
ers of  the  government?  I  think  he  says  in  some  of  his  speeches — in- 
deed, I  have  one  here  now — that  he  saw  evidence  of  a  policy  to  allow 
slavery  to  be  south  of  a  certain  line,  while  north  of  it  it  should  be 
excluded,  and  he  saw  an  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the  country  to 
stand  upon  that  policy,  and  therefore  he  sat  about  studying  the  sub- 
ject upon  original  principles,  and  upon  original  principles  he  got  up  the 
Nebraska  bill!  I  am  fighting  it  upon  these  "original  principles," — 
fighting  it  in  the  Jeffersonian,  Washingtonian,  and  Madisonian  fashion. 
[Laughter  and  applause.] 

Now,  my  friends,  I  wish  you  to  attend  for  a  little  while  to  one  or 
two  other  things  in  that  Springfield  speech.  My  main  object  was  to 
show,  so  far  as  my  humble  ability  was  capable  of  showing,  to  the 
people  of  this  country,  what  I  believed  was  the  truth, — that  there  was 
a  tendency,  if  not  a  conspiracy,  among  those  who  have  engineered  this 
slavery  question  for  the  last  four  or  five  years,  to  make  slavery  per- 
petual and  universal  in  this  nation.  Having  made  that  speech  prin- 
cipally for  that  object,  after  arranging  the  evidences_  that  I  thought 
tended  to  prove  my  proposition,  I  concluded  with  this  bit  of  com- 
ment : — 

"  We  cannot  absolutely  know  that  these  exact  adaptations  are  the  result  of 
preconcert;  but  when  we  see  a  lot  of  framed  timbers,  different  portions  of 
which  we  know  have  been  gotten  out  at  different  times  and  places,  and  by 
different  workmen, — Stephen,  FrankUn,  Roger,  and  James,  for  instance, — 
and  when  we  see  these  timbers  joined  together,  and  see  they  exactly  make  the 
frame  of  a  house  or  a  mill,  all  the  tenons  and  mortises  exactly  fitting,  and  all 
the  lengths  and  proportions  of  the  different  pieces  exactly  adapted  to  their 
respective  places,  and  not  a  piece  too  many  or  too  few, — not  omitting  even 
the  scaffolding, — or  if  a  single  piece  be  lacking,  we  see  the  place  in  the  frame 
exactly  fitted  and  prepared  yet  to  bring  such  piece  in, — in  such  a  case  we  feel 
it  impossible  not  to  beheve  that  Stephen  and  Frankhn  and  Roger  and  James 
all  understood  one  another  from  the  beginning,  and  all  worked  upon  a  com- 
mon plan  or  draft  drawn  before  the  first  blow  was  struck."  [Great  cheers.] 

When  my  friend  Judge  Douglas  came  to  Chicago  on  the  9th  of  July, 
this  speech  having  been  delivered  on  the  16th  of  June,  he  made  an 
harangue  there,  in  which  he  took  hold  of  this  speech  of  mine,  showing 
that  he  had  carefully  read  it;  and  while  he  paid  no  attention  to  this 
matter  at  all,  but  complimented  me  as  being  a  "kind,  amiable,  and 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  107 

intelligent  gentleman, "  notwithstanding  I  had  said  this,  he  goes  on  and 
deduces,^  or  draws  out,  from  my  speech  this  tendency  of  mine  to  set 
the  States  at  war  with  one  another,  to  make  all  the  institutions  uni- 
form, and  set  the  niggers  and  white  people  to  marrying  together. 
[Laughter.]  Then,  as  the  Judge  had  complimented  me  with  these 
pleasant  titles  (I  must  confess  to  my  weakness),  I  was  a  little  "taken  " 
[laughter],  for  it  came  from  a  great  man.  I  was  not  very  much  accus- 
tomed to  flattery,  and  it  came  the  sweeter  to  me.  I  was  rather  like 
the  Hoosier,  with  the  gingerbread,  when  he  said  he  reckoned  he  loved 
it  better  than  any  other  man,  and  got  less  of  it.  [Roars  of  laughter.] 
As  the  Judge  had  so  flattered  me,  I  could  not  make  up  my  mind  that 
he  meant  to  deal  unfairly  with  me;  so  I  went  to  work  to  show  him  that 
he  misunderstood  the  whole  scope  of  my  speech,  and  that  I  really 
never  intended  to  set  the  people  at  war  with  one  another. 

As  an  illustration,  the  next  time  I  met  him  which  was  at  Springfield, 
I  used  this  expression,  that  I  claimed  no  right  under  the  Constitution, 
nor  had  I  any  inclination,  to  enter  into  the  Slave  States,  and  interfere 
with  the  institutions  of  slavery.  He  says  upon  that:  Lincoln  will 
not  enter  into  the  Slave  States,  but  will  go  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  on 
this  side,  and  shoot  over!  [Laughter.]  He  runs  on,  step  by  step,  in 
the  horse-chestnut  style ^  of  argument,  until  in  the  Springfield  speech 
he  says :  "  Unless  he  shall  be  successful  in  firing  his  batteries,  until  he 
shall  have  extinguished  slavery  in  all  the  States,  the  Union  shall  be 
dissolved. "  Now,  I  don't  think  that  was  exactly  the  way  to  treat  a 
"  kind,  amiable,  intelligent  gentleman.  "  [Roars  of  laughter.]  I  know 
if  I  had  asked  the  Judge  to  show  when  or  where  it  was  I  had  said  that 
if  I  did'nt  succeed  in  firing  into  the  Slave  States  until  slavery  should 
be  extinguished,  the  Union  should  be  dissolved,  he  could  not  have 
shown  it.  I  understand  what  he  would  do.  He  would  say,"  I  don't 
mean  to  quote  from  you,  but  this  was  the  result  of  what  you  say. " 
But  I  have  the  right  to  ask,  and  I  do  ask  now,  Did  you  not  put  it  in 
such  a  form  that  an  ordinary  reader  or  listener  would  take  it  as  an 
expression  from  me?  [Laughter.] 

In  a  speech  at  Springfield,  on  the  night  of  the  17th,  I  thought  I 
might  as  well  attend  to  my  own  business  a  little,  and  I  recalled  his 
attention  as  well  as  I  could  to  this  charge  of  conspiracy  to  nationalize 
slavery.  I  called  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  had  acknowledged, 
in  my  hearing  twice,  that  he  had  carefully  read  the  speech,  and,  in  the 

iReads:  "eliminates." 
aReads:  "plan." 


108  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

language  of  the  lawyers,  as  he  had  twice  read  the  speech,  and  still  had 
put  in  no  plea  or  answer,  I  took  a  default  on  him .  I  insisted  that  I  had 
a  right  then  to  renew  that  charge  of  conspiracy.  Ten  days  afterward 
I  met  the  Judge  at  Clinton, — that  is  to  say,  I  was  on  the  ground,  but 
not  in  the  discussion, — and  heard  him  make  a  speech.  Then  he  comes 
in  with  his  plea  to  this  charge,  for  the  first  time ;  and  his  plea  when  put 
in;  as  well  as  I  can  recollect  it,  amounted  to  this :  that  he  never  had 
any  talk  with  Judge  Taney  or  the  President  of  the  United  States  with 
regard  to  the  Dred  Scott  decision  before  it  was  made;  I  (Lincoln) 
ought  to  know  that  the  man  who  makes  a  charge  without  knowing  it 
to  be  true,  falsifies  as  much  as  he  who  knowingly  tells  a  falsehood;  and, 
lastly,  that  he  would  pronounce  the  whole  thing  a  falsehood;  but  he 
would  make  no  personal  application  of  the  charge  of  falsehood,  not 
because  of  any  regard  for  the  "kind,  amiable,  intelligent  gentleman," 
but  because  of  his  own  personal  self-respect!  [Roars  of  laughter.] 
I  have  understood  since  then  (but  [turning  to  Judge  Douglas]  will 
not  hold  the  Judge  to  it  if  he  is  not  willing)  that  he  has  broken  through 
the  ''  self-respect, "  and  has  got  to  saying  the  thing  out.  The  Judge  nods 
to  me  that  it  is  so.  [Laughter.]  It  is  fortunate  for  me  that  I  can  keep 
as  good-humored  as  I  do,  when  the  Judge  acknowledges  that  he  has 
been  trying  to  make  a  question  of  veracity  with  me.  I  know  the 
Judge  is  a  great  man,  while  I  am  only  a  small  man,  but  I  feel  that  I 
have  got  him.  [Tremendous  cheering.]  I  demur  to  that  plea.  I 
waive  all  objections  that  it  was  not  filed  till  after  default  was  taken, 
and  demur  to  it  upon  the  merits.  What  if  Judge  Douglas  never  did 
talk  with  Chief  Justice  Taney  and  the  President  before  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  was  made,  does  it  follow  that  he  could  not  have  had  as  perfect 
an  understanding  without  talking  as  with  it?  I  am  not  disposed  to 
stand  upon  my  legal  advantage.  I  am  disposed  to  take  his  denial  as 
being  like  an  answer  in  chancery,  that  he  neither  had  any  knowledge, 
information,  or  belief  in  the  existence,  of  such  a  conspiracy.  I  am 
disposed  to  take  his  answer  as  being  as  broad  as  though  he  had  put  it 
in  these  words.  And  now,  I  ask,  even  if  he  had  done  so,  have  not  I  a 
right  to  prove  it  on  him,  and  to  offer  the  evidence  of  more  than  two 
witnesses,  by  whom  to  prove  it;  and  if  the  evidence  proves  the 
existence  of  the  conspiracy,  does  his  broad  answer  denying  all  know- 
ledge, information,  or  belief,  disturb  the  fact?  It  can  only  show  that 
he  was  used  by  conspirators,  and  was  not  a  leader  of  them.  [Vocif- 
erous cheering.] 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  109 

Now,  in  regard  to  his  reminding  me  of  the  moral  rule  that  persons 
who  tell  what  they  do  not  know  to  be  true,  falsify  as  much  as  those 
who  knowingly  tell  falsehoods.  I  remember  the  rule,  and  it  must  be 
borne  ia  mind  that  in  what  I  have  read  to  you,  I  do  not  say  that  I 
know  such  a  conspiracy  to  exist.  To  that  I  reply,  /  believe  it.  If  the 
Judge  says  that  I  do  not  believe  it,  then  he  says  what  he  does  not  know 
and  falls  within  his  owti  rule,  that  he  who  asserts  a  thing  which  he 
does  not  know  to  be  tnie,  falsifies  as  much  as  he  who  knowingly  teUs 
a  falsehood. 

I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  a  little  discussion  on  that  branch 
of  the  case,  and  the  evidence  which  brought  my  mind  to  the  conclu- 
sion which  I  expressed  as  my  belief.  If,  in  arraying  that  evidence,  I 
had  stated  anything  which  was  false  or  erroneous,  it  needed  but  that 
Judge  Douglas  should  point  it  out,  and  I  would  have  taken  it  back, 
with  all  the  kindness  in  the  world.  I  do  not  deal  in  that  way.  If  I 
have  brought  forward  an^-thing  not  a  fact,  if  he  will  point  it  out,  it 
will  not  even  i-uffle  me  to  take  it  back.  But  if  he  will  not  point  out 
anvthing  erroneous  in  the  evidence,  is  it  not  rather  for  him  to  show, 
by  a  comparison  of  the  evidence,  that  I  have  reasoned  falsely,  than  to 
call  the  "kind,  amiable,  intelligent  gentleman"  a  liar?  [Cheers  and 
laughter.]  If  I  have  reasoned  to  a  false  conclusion,  it  is  the  vocation 
of  an  able  debater  to  show  by  argument  that  I  have  wandered  to  an 
erroneous  conclusion. 

I  want  to  ask  your  attention  to  a  portion  of  the  Nebraska  bill, 
which  Judge  Douglas  has  quoted:  "It  being  the  true  intent  and 
meaning  of  this  Act,  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or 
State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof 
perfecth'  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their 
ovm  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 
Thereupon  Judge  Douglas  and  others  began  to  argue  in  favor  of 
"Popular  Sovereignty, " — the  right  of  the  people  to  have  slaves  if  the}- 
wanted  them,  and  to  exclude  slavery  if  they  did  not  want  them. 
"  But, "  said,  in  substance,  a  Senator  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Chase,  I  believe), 
"  we  more  than  suspect  that  you  do  not  mean  to  allow  the  people  to 
exclude  slavery  if  they  wish  to;  and  if  you  do  mean  it,  accept  an 
amendment  which  I  propose,  expressh-  authorizing  the  people  to 
exclude  slavery. " 

I  believe  I  have  the  amendment  here  before  me,  which  was  offered, 
and  under  which  the  people  of  the  Territory,  through  their  proper 


110  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

representatives,  might,  if  they  saw  fit,  prohibit  the  existence  of  slav- 
ery therein.  And  now  I  state  it  as  a  fact,  to  be  taken  back  if  there  is 
any  mistake  about  it,  that  Judge  Douglas  and  those  acting  with  him 
voted  that  amendment  down.  [Tremendous  applause.]  I  now  think 
that  those  men  who  voted  it  down  had  a  real  reason  for  doing  so.  They 
know  what  that  reason  was.  It  looks  to  us,  since  we  have  seen  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  pronounced,  holding  that  ''under  the  Constitu- 
tion, "  the  people  cannot  exclude  slavery, — I  say  it  looks  to  outsiders, 
poor,  simple,  ''amiable,  intelligent  gentlemen,"  [great  laughter]  as 
though  the  niche  was  left  as  a  place  to  put  that  Dred  Scott  decision  in, 
[laughter  and  cheers] —  a  niche  which  would  have  been  spoiled  by 
adopting  the  amendment.  And  now,  I  say  again,  if  this  was  not  the 
reason,  it  will  avail  the  judge  much  more  to  calmly  and  good-humor- 
edly  point  out  to  these  people  what  that  other  reason  was  for  voting 
the  amendment  down,  than,  swelling  himself  up,  to  vociferate  that  he 
may  be  provoked  to  call  somebody  a  liar.     [Tremendous  applause.] 

Again :  There  is  in  that  same  quotation  from  the  Nebraska  bill  this 
clause :  "  It  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  bill  not  to  legis- 
late slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State."  I  have  always  been 
puzzled  to  know  what  business  the  word  "State"  had  in  that  con- 
nection. Judge  Douglas  knows.  He  put  it  there.  He  knows  what 
he  put  it  there  for.  We  outsiders  cannot  say  what  he  put  it  there  for. 
The  law  they  were  passing  was  not  about  States,  and  was  not  making 
provision  for  States.  What  was  it  placed  there  for?  After  seeing  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  which  holds  that  the  people  cannot  exclude 
slavery  from  a  Territory,  if  another  Dred  Scott  decision  shall  come, 
holding  that  they  cannot  exclude  it  from  a  State,  we  shall  discover 
that  when  the  word  was  originally  put  there,  it  was  in  view^  of  some- 
thing which  was  to  come  in  due  time,  we  shall  see  that  it  was  the 
other  half  of  something.  [Applause.]  I  now  say  again,  if  there  is  any 
different  reason  for  putting  it  there.  Judge  Douglas,  in  a  good  -humored 
way,  without  calling  anybody  a  liar,  can  tell  what  the  reason  was. 
[Renewed  cheers.] 

When  the  Judge  spoke  at  Clinton,  he  came  very  near  making  a 
charge  of  falsehood  against  me.  He  used,  as  I  found  it  printed  in  a 
newspaper,  which,  I  remember,  was  very  nearly  like  the  real  speech, 
the  following  language : — 

"  I  did  not  answer  the  charge  [of  conspiracy]  before,  for  the  reason  that  I 
did  not  suppose  there  was  a  man  in  America  with  a  heart  so  corrupt  as  to 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  111 

believe  such  a  charge  could  be  true.     I  have  too  much  respect  for  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  suppose  he  is  serious  in  making  the  charge." 

I  confess  this  is  rather  a  curious  view,  that  out  of  respect  for  me  he 
should  consider  I  was  making  what  I  deemed  rather  a  grave  charge,  in 
fun.  [Laughter.]  I  confess  it  strikes  me  rather  strangely.  But  I  let 
it  pass.  As  the  Judge  did  not  for  a  moment  believe  that  there  was  a 
man  in  America  whose  heart  was  so  "corrupt"  as  to  make  such  a 
charge,  and  as  he  places  me  among  the  ''  men  in  America, "  who  have 
hearts  base  enough  to  make  such  a  charge,  I  hope  he  will  excuse  me 
if  I  hunt  out  another  charge  very  like  this;  and  if  it  should  turn  out 
that  in  hunting  I  should  find  that  other,  and  it  should  turn  out  to  be 
Judge  Douglas  himself  who  made  it,  I  hope  he  will  reconsider  this 
question  of  the  deep  corruption  of  heart  he  has  thought  fit  to  ascribe 
to  me.  [Great  applause  and  laughter.]  In  Judge  Douglas's  speech 
of  March  22,  1858,  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  he  says: — 

"  In  this  connection  there  is  another  topic  to  which  I  desire  to  allude.  I 
seldom  refer  to  the  course  of  newspapers,  or  notice  the  articles  which  they  pub- 
lish in  regard  to  myself ;  but  the  course  of  the  Washington  Union  has  been  so 
extraordinary,  for  the  last  two  or  three  months,  that  I  think  it  well  enough  to 
make  some  allusion  to  it.  It  has  read  me  out  of  the  Democratic  party  every 
other  day,  at  least  for  two  or  three  months,  and  keeps  reading  me  out  [laugh- 
ter], and,  as  if  it  had  not  succeeded,  still  continues  to  read  me  out,  using  such 
terms  as  'traitor,'  'renegade,'  'deserter,'  and  other  kind  and  polite  epithets 
of  that  nature.  Sir,  I  have  no  vindication  to  make  of  my  Democracj^  against 
the  Washington  Union,  or  any  other  newspaper.  I  am  willing  to  allow  my 
history  and  action  for  the  last  twenty  years  to  speak  for  themselves  as  to  my 
pohtical  principles  and  my  fidelity  to  political  obligations.  The  Washington 
Union  has  a  personal  grievance.  When  its  editor  was  nominated  for  public 
printer,  I  declined  to  vote  for  him,  and  stated  that  at  some  time  I  might  give 
my  reasons  for  doing  so.  Since  I  dechned  to  give  that  vote,  this  scurrilous 
abuse,  these  vindictive  and  constant  attacks  have  been  repeated  almost  daily 
on  me.     Will  my  friend  from  Michigan  read  the  article  to  which  I  allude?" 

This  is  a  part  of  the  speech.  You  must  excuse  me  from  reading 
the  entire  article  of  the  Washington  Union,  as  Mr.  Stuart  read  it  for 
Mr.  Douglas.     The  Judge  goes  on  and  sums  up,  as  I  think,  correctly : — 

"Mr.  President,  you  here  find  several  distinct  propositions  advanced  boldly 
by  the  Washington  Union  editorially,  and  apparently  authoritatively ;  and  any 
man  who  questions  any  of  them  is  denounced  as  an  Abolitionist,  a  Free-soiler, 
a  fanatic.  The  propositions  are,  first,  that  the  primary  object  of  all  govern- 
ment at  its  original  institution  is  the  protection  of  person  and  property;  sec- 
ond, that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares  that  the  citizens  of 
each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in 


112  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  several  States;  and  that,  therefore,  thirdly,  all  State  laws,  whether  organic 
or  otherwise,  which'prohibit  the  citizens  of  one  State  from  settling  in  another 
with  their  slave  property,  and  especially  declaring  it  forfeited,  are  direct  vio- 
lations of  the  original  intention  of  the  Government  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  States;  and,  fourth,  that  the  emancipation  of  the  slaA^es  of  the  North- 
ern States  was  a  gross  outrage  of^  the  rights  of  property,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
involuntarily  done  on  the  part  of  the  owner. 

"  Remember  that  this  article  was  pubhshed  in  the  Union  on  the  17th  of  No- 
vember, and  on  the  18th  appeared  the  first  article  giving  the  adhesion  of  the 
Union  to  the  Lecompton  Constitution.     It  was  in  these  words: — 

" '  Kansas  and  her  Constitution. — The  vexed  question  is  settled.  The 
problem  is  solved.  The  dead  point  of  danger  is  passed.  All  serious  trouble 
to  Kansas  affairs  is  over  and  gone' — 

"  And  a  column  nearly  of  the  same  sort.  Then,  when  you  come  to  look  into 
the  Lecompton  Constitution,  you  find  the  same  doctrine  incorporated  in  it 
which  was  put  forth  editorially  in  the  Union.     What  is  it? 

"'Article  7,  Section  1.  The  right  of  property  is  befoi-e  and  higher  than 
any  constitutional  sanction ;  and  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a  slave  to  such  slave 
and  its  increase  is  the  same  and  as  inviolable  as  the  right  of  the  owner  of  any 
property  whatever.' 

"  Then  in  the  schedule  is  a  provision  that  the  Constitution  may  be  amended 
after  1864  by  a  two-thirds  vote. 

"'But  no  alteration  shall  be  made  to  affect  the  right  of  property  in  the 
ownership  of  slaves. ' 

"  It  will  be  seen  by  these  clauses  in  the  Lecompton  Constitution  that  they 
are  identical  in  spirit  with  the  authoritative  article  in  the  Washington  Union  of 
the  day  previous  to  its  indorsement  of  this  Constitution. " 

I  pass  over  some  portions  of  the  speech,  and  I  hope  that  any  one 
who  feels  interested  in  this  matter  will  read  the  entire  section  of  the 
speech,  and  see  whether  I  do  the  Judge  injustice      He  proceeds: — 

"  When  I  saw  that  article  in  the  Union  of  the  17th  of  November,  followed 
by  the  glorification  of  the';Lecompton  Constitution  on  the  18th  of  November, 
and  this  clause  in  the  Constitution  asserting  the  doctrine  that  a  State  has  no 
right  to  prohibit  slavery  within  its  limits,  I  saw  that  there  was  a  fatal  blow 
being  struck  at  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  of  this  Union. " 

I  stop  the  quotation  there,  again  requesting  that  it  may  all  be  read. 
I  have  read  all  of  the  portion  I  desire  to  comment  upon.  What  is  this 
charge  that  the  Judge  thinks  I  must  have  a  very  corrupt  heart  to 
make?  It  was  a  purpose  on  the  part  of  certain  high  functionaries  to 
make  it  impossible  for  the  people  of  one  State  to  prohibit  the  people  of 
any  other  State  from  entering  it  with  their  "  property, "  so  called,  and 
making  it  a  Slave  State.     In  other  words  it  was  a  charge  implying  a 

iReads:  "on"  for  "of." 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  113 

design  to  make. the  institution  of  slavery  national.  And  now  I  ask 
your  attention  to  what  Judge  Douglas  has  himself  done  here.  I  know 
he  made  that  part  of  the  speech  as  a  reason  why  he  had  refused  to  vote 
for  a  certain  man  for  public  printer;  but  when  we  get  at  it,  the  charge 
itself  is  the  very  one  I  made  against  him,  that  he  thinks  I  am  so  corrupt 
for  uttering.  Now,  whom  does  he  make  that  charge  against?  Does 
he  make  it  against  that  newspaper  editor  merely?  No;  he  says  it  is 
identical  in  spirit  with  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  so  the  framers 
of  that  Constitution  are  brought  in  with  the  editor  of  the  newspaper 
in  that  "fatal  blow  being  struck."  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  He  did 
not  call  it  a  "  conspiracy.  "  In  his  language,  it  is  a  "  fatal  blow  being 
stinick. "  And  if  the  words  carry  the  meaning  better  when  changed 
from  a  "conspiracy"  into  a  "fatal  blow  being  struck,"  I  will  change 
my  expression,  and  call  it  "fatal  blow  being  struck."  We  see  the 
charge  made  not  merely  against  the  editor  of  the  Union,  but  all  the 
framers  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution;  and  not  only  so,  but  the  article 
was  an  authoritative  article.  By  whose  authority?  Is  there  any 
question  but  he  means  it  was  by  the  authority  of  the  President  and 
his  Cabinet, — the  Administration? 

Is  there  any  sort  of  question  but  that^  he  means  to  make  that  charge? 
Then  there  are  the  editors  of  the  Union,  the  framers  of  the  Lecompton 
Constitution,  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  his  Cabinet,  and 
all  the  supporters  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  in  Congress  and  out 
of  Congress,  who  are  all  involved  in  this  "  fatal  blow  being  struck. " 
I  commend  to  Judge  Douglas's  consideration  the  question  of  how 
corrupt  a  man's  heart  must  be  to  make  such  a  charge!  [Vociferous 
cheering.] 

Now,  my  friends,  I  have  but  one  branch  of  the  subject,  in  the  httle 
time  I  have  left,  to  which  to  call  your  attention ;  and  as  I  shall  come 
to  a  close  at  the  end  of  that  branch,  it  is  probable  that  I  shall  not 
occupy  quite  all  the  time  allotted  to  me.  Although  on  these  questions 
I  would  like  to  talk  twice  as  long  as  I  have,  I  could  not  enter  upon 
another  head  and  discuss  it  properly  without  running  over  my  time. 
I  ask  the  question^  of  the  people  here  assembled  and  elsewhere  to  the 
course  that  Judge  Douglas  is  pursuing  every  day  as  bearing  upon  this 
question  of  making  slavery  national.  Not  going  back  to  the  records, 
but  taking  the  speeches  he  makes,  the  speeches  he  made  yesterday  and 

lOmits:  "that."  aReads:  "attention"  for  "question." 


114  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

day  before,  and^makes  constantly  all  over  the  country, — I  ask  your 
attention  to  them.  In  the  first  place,  what  is  necessary  to  make  the 
institution  national?  Not  war.  There  is  no  danger  that  the  people 
of  Kentucky  will  shoulder  their  muskets,  and,  with  a  young  nigger 
stuck  on  every  bayonet,  march  into  Illinois  and  force  them  upon  us. 
There  is  no  danger  of  our  going  over  there  and  making  war  upon  them. 
Then  what  is  necessary  for  the  nationalization  of  slavery?  It  is 
simply  the  next  Dred  Scott  decision.  It  is  merely  for  the  Supreme 
Court  to  decide  that  no  State  under  the  Constitution  can  exclude  it, 
just  as  they  have  already  decided  that  under  the  Constitution  neither 
Congress  nor  the  Territorial  Legislature  can  do  it.  When  that  is 
decided  and  acquiesced  in,  the  whole  thing  is  done. 

This  being  true,  and  this  being  the  way,  as  I  think,  that  slavery 
is  to  be  made  national,  let  us  consider  what  Judge  Douglas  is  doing 
every  day  to  that  end.  In  the  first  place,  let  us  see  what  influence  he 
is  exerting  on  public  sentiment.  In  this  and  like  communities,  public 
sentiment  is  everything.  With  public  sentiment,  nothing  can  fail; 
without  it,  nothing  can  succeed.  Consequently,  he  who  moulds 
public  sentiment,  goes  deeper  than  he  who  enacts  statutes  or  pro- 
nounces decisions.  He  makes  statutes  and  decisions  possible  or 
impossible  to  be  executed.  This  must  be  borne  in  mind,  as  also  the 
additional  fact  that  Judge  Douglas  is  a  man  of  vast  influence,  so  great 
that  it  is  enough  for  many  men  to  profess  to  believe  anything,  when 
they  once  find  out  that  Judge  Douglas  professes  to  believe  it.  Con- 
sider also  the  attitude  he  occupies  at  the  head  of  a  large  party, — a 
party  which  he  claims  has  a  majority  of  all  the  voters  of  the  country. 
This  man  sticks  to  a  decision  which  forbids  the  people  of  a  Territory 
from  excluding  slavery,  and  he  does  so,  not  because  he  says  it  is  right 
in  itself, — he  does  not  give  any  opinion  on  that, — but  because  it  has 
been  decided  by  the  court ;  and  being  decided  by  the  court,  he  is,  and 
you  are,  bound  to  take  it  in  your  political  action  as  law,  not  that  he 
judges  at  all  of  its  merits,  but  because  a  decision  of  the  court  is  to 
him  a  "Thus  saith  the  Lord."  He  places  it  on  that  ground  alone; 
and  you  will  bear  in  mind  that  thus  committing  himself  unreservedly 
to  this  decision  commits  him  to  the  next  one  just  as  firmly  as  to  this. 
He  did  not  commit  himself  on  account  of  the  merit  or  demerit  of  the 
decision,  but  it  is  a  "Thus  saith  the  Lord."  The  next  decision,  as 
much  as  this,  will  be  a  "Thus  saith  the  Lord. "     [Applause.] 


LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA  115 

There  is  nothing  that  can  divert  or  turn  him  away  from  this  decision 
It  is  nothing  that  I  point  out  to  him  that  his  great  prototype,  General 
Jackson,  did  not  beheve  in  the  binding  force  of  decisions.  It  is  noth- 
ing to  him  that  Jefferson  did  not  so  beheve.  I  have  said  that  I  have 
often  heard  him  approve  of  Jackson's  course  in  disregarding  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  pronouncing  a  National  Bank  con- 
stitutional. He  says,  I  did  not  hear  him  say  so.  He  denies  the 
accuracy  of  my  recollection.  I  say  he  ought  to  know  better  than  I, 
but  I  will  make  no  question  about  this  thing,  though  it  still  seems  to 
me  that  I  heard  him  say  it  twenty  times.  [Applause  and  laughter.] 
I  will  tell  him,  though,  that  he  now  claims  to  stand  on  the  Cincinnati 
platform,  which  affirms  that  Congress  cannot  charter  a  National 
Bank,  in  the  teeth  of  that  old  standing  decision  that  Congress  can 
charter  a  bank. 

And  I  remind  him  of  another  piece  of  history  on  the  question  of 
respect  for  judicial  decisions:  and  it  is  a  piece  of  Illinois  history  be- 
longing to  a  time  when  the  large  party  to  which  Judge  Douglas 
belonged  were  displeased  with  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Illinois ;  because  they  had  decided  that  a  Governor  could  not  remove 
a  Secretary  of  State.  You  will  find  the  whole  story  in  Ford's  History 
of  Illinois,  and  I  know  that  Judge  Douglas  will  not  deny  that  he  was 
then  in  favor  of  overslaughing  that  decision  by  the  mode  of  adding 
five  new  judges,  so  as  to  vote  down  the  four  old  ones.  Not  only  so, 
but  it  ended  in  the  Judge's  sitting  down  on  that  very  bench  as  one  of  the 
five  new  judges  to  break  down  the  four  old  ones.  [Cheers  and  laughter.] 
It  was  in  this  way  precisely  that  he  got  his  title  of  judge.  Now,  when 
the  Judge  tells  me  that  men  appointed  conditionally  to  sit  as  members 
of  a  court  will  have  to  be  catechised  beforehand  upon  some  subject, 
I  say,  "  You  know,  Judge ;  you  have  tried  it. "  [Laughter.]  When  he 
says  a  court  of  this  kind  will  lose  the  confidence  of  all  men,  will  be 
prostituted  and  disgraced  by  such  a  proceeding,  I  say,  "You  know 
best.  Judge;  you  have  been  through  the  mill."     [Great  laughter.] 

But  I  cannot  shake  Judge  Douglas's  teeth  loose  from  the  Dred  Scott 
decision.  Like  some  obstinate  animal  (I  mean  no  disrespect)  that 
will  hang  on  when  he  has  once  got  his  teeth  fixed,  you  ma}'  cut  off  a 
leg,  or  you  may  tear  away  an  arm,  still  he  will  not  relax  his  hold.  And 
so  I  may  point  out  to  the  Judge,  and  say,  that  he  is  bespattered  all 
over,  from  the  beginning  of  his  political  life  to  the  present  time,  with 
attacks  upon  judicial  decisions;  I  may  cut  off  hmb  after  limb  of  his 


116  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

public  record,  and  strive  to  wrench  him  from  a  single  dictum  of  the 
court, — yet  I  cannot  divert  him  from  it.  He  hangs,  to  the  last,  to  the 
Dred  Scott  decision.  [Loud  cheers.]  These  things  show  there  is  a 
purpose  strong  as  death  and  eternity  for  which  he  adheres  to  this 
decision,  and  for  which  he  will  adhere  to  all  other  decisions  of  the  same 
court.     [Vociferous  applause.] 

A  Hibernian. — "  Give  us  something  besides  Drid  Scott.  " 
Mr.  Lincoln. — Yes;  no  doubt  you  want  to  hear  something  that 
don't  hurt.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Now,  having  spoken  of  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  one  more  word,  and  I  am  done.  Henry  Clay, 
my  beau  idecd  of  a  statesman,  the  man  for  whom  I  fought  all  my 
humble  life, — Henry  Clay  once  said  of  a  class  of  men  who  would  repress 
all  tendencies  to  libert}^  and  ultimate  emancipation,  that  they  must,  if 
they  would  do  this,  go  back  to  the  era  of  our  Independence,  and 
muzzle  the  cannon  which  thunders  its  annual  joyous  return;  they 
must  blow  out  the  moral  lights  around  us;  they  must  penetrate  the 
human  soul,  and  eradicate  there  the  love  of  liberty;  and  then,  and  not 
till  then,  could  they  perpetuate  slavery  in  this  country !  [Loud  cheers.] 
To  my  thinking,  Judge  Douglas  is,  by  his  example  and  vast  influence, 
doing  that  very  thing  in  this  community,  [cheers]  when  he  says  that 
the  negro  has  nothing  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Henry 
Clay  plainly  understood  the  contrary. 

Judge  Douglas  is  going  back  to  the  era  of  our  Revolution,  and  to 
the  extent  of  his  ability,  muzzling  the  cannon  which  thunders  its 
annual  joyous  return.  When  he  invites  any  people,  willing  to  have 
slavery,  to  establish  it,  he  is  blowing  out  the  moral  lights  around  us. 
[Cheers.]  When  he  says  he  "  cares  not  whether  slavery  is  voted  down 
or  voted  up, " — that  it  is  a  sacred  right  of  self-government, — he  is,  in 
my  judgment,  penetrating  the  human  soul  and  eradicating  the  light 
of  reason  and  the  love  of  liberty  in  this  American  people.  [Enthu- 
siastic and  continued  applause.]  And  now  I  will  only  say  that  when, 
by  all  these  means  and  appliances,  Judge  Douglas  shall  succeed  in 
bringing  public  sentiment  to  an  exact  accordance  with  his  own  views; 
when  these  vast  assemblages  shall  echo  back  all  these  sentiments; 
when  they  shall  come  to  repeat  his  views  and  to  avow  his  principles, 
and  to  say  all  that  he  says  on  these  might}'  questions, — then  it  needs 
only  the  formality  of  the  second  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  he  en- 
dorses in  advance,  to  make  slavery  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old 
as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South. 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  117 

My  friends,  that  ends  the  chapter.  The  Judge  can  take  his  half- 
hour. 

As  Mr.  Lincoln  retired,  three  cheers  were  proposed  and  given  with 
tremendous  volume — followed  by  three  more,  and  then  three  more, 
extending  to  all  parts  of  the  public  square. 

Mr.  Douglas's  Re.joinder 

Fellow-Citizens:  I  will  now  occupy  the  half -hour  allotted  to  me 
in  replying  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  first  point  to  which  I  will  call  your 
attention  is  as  to  what  I  said  about  the  organization  of  the  Republican 
party  in  1854,  and  the  platform  that  was  formed  on  the  5th  of  October 
of  that  year,  and  I  will  then  put  the  question  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  whether 
or  not  he  approves  of  each  article  in  that  platform,  ["  He  answered  that 
already.  "]  and  ask  for  a  specific  answer.  ["  He  has  answered, "  "you 
cannot  make  him  answer, "  etc.]  I  did  not  charge  him  with  being  a 
member  of  the  committee  which  reported  that  platform.  ["  Yes,  you 
did. "]  I  charged  that  that  platform  was  the  platform  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  adopted  by  them.  The  fact  that  it  was  the  platform  of  the 
Republican  party  is  not  denied;  but  Mr.  Lincoln  now  says  that  al- 
though his  name  was  on  the  committee  which  reported  it,  he  does  not 
think  he  was  there,  but  thinks  he  was  in  Tazewell,  holding  court. 
["He  said  he  was  there."]  Gentlemen,  I  ask  j'our  silence,  and  no 
interruptions.  Now,  I  want  to  remind  Mr.  Lincoln  that  he  was  at 
Springfield  when  that  Convention  was  held  and  those  resolutions 
were  adopted.     ["You  can't  do  it."     "He  wasn't  there,"  etc.] 

[Mr.  Glover,  chairman  of  the  Republican  Committee:  I  hope  no 
Republican  will  interrupt  Mr.  Douglas.  The  masses  listened  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  attentively  and  as  respectable  men  we  ought  now  to  hear  Mr. 
Douglas  and  without  interruption.     ("Good.")] 

Mr.  Douglas  resuming: 

The  point  I  am  going  to  remind  Mr.  Lincoln  of  is  this :  that  after  I 
had  made  my  speech  in  1854,  during  the  Fair,  he  gave  me  notice  that 
he  was  going  to  reply  to  me  the  next  day.  I  was  sick  at  the  time,  but 
I  stayed  over  in  Springfield  to  hear  his  reply,  and  to  reply  to  him.  On 
that  day  this  very  Convention,  the  resolutions  adopted  by  which  I 
have  read,  was  to  meet  in  the  Senate  chamber.  He  spoke  in  the  hall 
of  the  House;  and  when  he  got  through  his  speech, — my  recollection 
is  distinct,  and  I  shall  never  forget  it, — Mr.  Codding  walked  in  as  I 

—5 


118  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

took  the  stand  to  reply,  and  gave  notice  that  the  Republican  State 
convention  would  meet  instantly  in  the  Senate  chamber,  and  called 
upon  the  Republicans  to  retire  there  and  go  into  this  very  Convention, 
instead  of  remaining  and  listening  to  me.     [Three  cheers  for  Douglas.] 

Mr.  Lincoln,  interrupting,  excitedly  and  angrily. — Judge,  add  that 
I  went  along  with  them.  [This  interruption  was  made  in  a  pitiful, 
mean,  sneaking  way,  as  Lincoln  floundered  around  the  stand.] 

Mr.  Douglas. — Gentlemen,  Mr.  Lincoln  tells  me  to  add  that  he 
went  along  with  them  to  the  senate  chamber.  I  will  not  add  that, 
because  I  do  not  know  whether  he  did  or  not. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  again  interrupting. — I  know  he  did  not.  [Two  of  the 
Republican  committee  here  seized  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  by  a  sudden  jerk 
caused  him  to  disappear  from  the  front  of  the  stand,  one  of  them  say- 
ing quite  audibly,  "What  are  you  making  such  a  fuss  for?  Douglas 
didn't  interrupt  you,  and  can't  you  see  that  the  people  don't  like  it?  "] 

Mr.  Douglas. — I  donot  know  whether  he  knows  it  or  not,  that  is 
not  the  point  and  I  will  yet  bring  him  to  the  question. 

In  the  first  place,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  selected  by  the  very  men  who 
made  the  Republican  organization  on  that  day,  to  reply  to  me.  He 
spoke  for  them  and  for  that  party,  and  he  was  the  leader  of  the  party; 
and  on  the  very  day  he  made  his  speech  in  reply  to  me,  preaching  up 
this  same  doctrine  of  negro  equality  under  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, this  Republican  party  met  in  Convention.  [Three  cheers  for 
Douglas.]  Another  evidence  that  he  was  acting  in  concert  with  them 
is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  that  Convention  waited  an  hour  after  its 
time  of  meeting  to  hear  Lincoln's  speech,  and  Codding,  one  of  their 
leading  men,  marched  in  the  moment  Lincoln  got  through,  and  gave 
notice  that  they  did  not  want  to  hear  me,  and  would  proceed  with  the 
business  of  the  Convention.  ["Strike  him  again," — three  cheers, 
etc.]  Still  another  fact.  I  have  here  a  newspaper  printed  at  Spring- 
field, Mr.  Lincoln's  own  town,  in  October,  1854,  a  few  days  afterward, 
publishing  these  resolutions,  charging  Mr.  Lincoln  with  entertaining 
these  sentiments,  and  trying  to  prove  that  they  were  also  the  senti- 
ments of  Mr.  Yates,  then  candidate  for  Congress.  This  has  been 
published  on  Mr.  Lincoln  over  and  over  again,  and  never  before  has  he 
denied  it.     ["Three  cheers."] 

But,  my  friends,  this  denial  of  his  that  he  did  not  act  on  the  com- 
mittee, is  a  miserable  quibble  to  avoid  this  main  issue,   [Applause, 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  119 

"That's  so."]  which  is,  that  this  Republican  platform  declares  in 
favor  of  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law.  Has 
Lincoln  answered  whether  he  indorsed^  that  or  not?  ["  No,  no. "] 
IJcalled  his  attention  to  it  when  I  first  addressed  you,  and  asked  him 
for  an  answer,  and  I  then  predicted  that  he  would  not  answer. 
["  Bravo,  glorious, "  and  cheers.]  How  does  he  answer?  Why,  that 
he  was  not  on  the  committee  that  wrote  the  resolutions.  [Laughter.] 
I  then  repeated  the  next  proposition  contained  in  the  resolutions, 
which  was  to  restrict  slavery  in  those  States  in  which  it  exists,  and 
asked  him  whether  he  indorsed^  it.  Does  he  answer  yes,  or  no?  He 
says  in  reply,  "I  was  not  on  the  committee  at  the  time;  I  was  up  in 
Tazewell. "  The  next  question  I  put  to  him  was,  whether  he  was  in 
favor  of  prohibiting  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the 
Union.  I  put  the  question  to  him  distinctly,  whether,  if  the  people 
of  the  Territory,  when  they  had  sufficient  population  to  make  a  State, 
should  form  their  Constitution  recognizing  slavery,  he  would  vote  for 
or  against  its  admission.  ["That's  it. "]  He  is  a  candidate  for  the 
United  States^  Senate,  and  it  is  possible,  if  he  should  be  elected,  that 
he  would  have  to  vote  directly  on  that  question.  ["  He  never  will.  "] 
I  asked  him  to  answer  me  and  you,  whether  he  would  vote  to  admit 
a  State  into  the  Union,  with  slavery  or  without  it,  as  its  own  people 
might  choose.  ["Hear  him,"  "That's  the  doctrine,"  and  applause.] 
He  did  not  answer  that  question.  ["  He  never  will.  "]  He  dodges  that 
question  also,  under  the  cover  that  he  was  not  on  the  committee  at 
the  time,  that  he  was  not  present  when  the  platform  was  made.  I 
want  to  know  if  he  should  happen  to  be  in  the  Senate  when  a  State 
applied  for  admission,  with  a  Constitution  acceptable  to  her  own 
people,  he  would  vote  to  admit  that  State,  if  slavery  was  one  of  its 
institutions.     ["That's  the  question."]     He  avoids  the  answer. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  interrupting  the  third  time,  excitedly. — No,  Judge. — 
[Mr.  Lincoln  again  disappeared  suddenly,  aided  by  a  pull  from  behind.] 

It  is  true  he  gives  the  Abolitionists  to  understand  by  a  hint  that  he 
would  not  vote  to  admit  such  a  State.  And  why?  He  goes  on  to  say 
that  the  man  who  would  talk  about  giving  each  State  the  right  to  have 
slavery  or  not,  as  it  pleased,  was  akin  to  the  man  who  would  muzzle 
the  guns  which  thundered  forth  the  annual  joyous  return  of  the  day 

J- Reads:  "endorsed"  for  "indorsed." 
*.teads:  "endorsed"  for  "indorsed." 
»Omits  "States." 


120  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

of  our  Independence.  [Great  laughter.]  He  says  that  that  kind  of 
talk  is  casting  a  blight  on  the  glory  of  this  country.  What  is  the 
meaning  of  that?  That  he  is  not  in  favor  of  each  State  to  have^  the 
right  of  doing  as  it  pleases  on  the  slavery  question?  ["Stick  it  to 
him,"  "don't  spare  him,"  applause.]  I  will  put  the  question  to  him 
again  and  again,  and  I  intend  to  force  it  out  of  him.  [Immense 
applause.] 

Then,  again,  this  platform,  which  was  made  at  Springfield  by  his 
own  party  when  he  was  its  acknowledged  head,  provides  that  Repub- 
licans will  insist  on  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  I  asked  Lincoln  specifically  whether  he  agreed  with  them  in 
that?  [" Did  you  get  an  answer? "]  ["No,  no."]  He  is  afraid  to 
answer  it.  ["We  will  not  vote  for  him.  "]  He  knows  I  will  trot  him 
down  to  Egypt.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  I  intend  to  make  him 
answer  there,  ["That's  right "]  or  I  will  show  the  people  of  Illinois  that 
he  does  not  intend  to  answer  these  questions.  ["Keep  him  to  the 
point, "  "  give  us  more, "  etc.]  The  Convention  to  which  I  have  been 
alluding  goes  a  little  further,  and  pledges  itself  to  exclude  slavery  from 
all  the  Territories  over  which  the  General  Government  has  exclusive 
jurisdiction  north  of  36  deg.  30  min.,  as  well  as  south.  Now,  I  want 
to  know  whether  he  approves  that  provision.  ["  He'll  never  answer, " 
and  cheers.]  I  want  him  to  answer,  and  when  he  does,  I  want  to 
know  his  opinion  on  another  point,  which  is,  whether  he  will  redeem 
the  pledge  of  this  platform,  and  resist  the  acquirement  of  any  more 
territory  unless  slavery  therein  shall  be  forever  prohibited.  I  want 
him  to  answer  this  last  question. 

Each  of  the  questions  I  have  put  to  him  are  practical  questions, 
— questions  based  upon  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Black  Re- 
publican party;  and  I  want  to  know  whether  he  is  the  first,  last,  and 
only  choice  of  a  party  with  whom  he  does  not  agree  in  principle. 
[Great  applause.]  ["  Rake  him  down.  "]  He  does  not  deny  but  that 
that  principle  was  unanimously  adopted  by  the  Republican  party ;  he 
does  not  deny  that  the  whole  Republican  party  is  pledged  to  it;  he 
does  not  deny  that  a  man  who  is  not  faithful  to  it  is  faithless  to  the 
Republican  party;  and  now  I  want  to  know  whether  that  party  is 
unanimously  in  favor  of  a  man  who  does  not  adopt  that  creed  and 
agree  with  them  in  their  principles ;  I  want  to  know  whether  the  man 
who  does  not  agree  with  them,  and  who  is  afraid  to  avow  his  dif- 

^Reads:  "having"  for  "to  have." 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  121 

ferences,  and  who  dodges  the  issue,  is  the  first,  last,  and  only  choice 
of  the  Republican  party.     [Cheers.] 

A  Voice. — How  about  the  conspiracy? 

Mr.  Douglas. — Never  mind,  I  will  come  to  that  soon  enough. 
["  Bravo,  Judge,  hurrah, "  "  three  cheers  for  Douglas. "]  But  the  plat- 
form which  I  have  read  to  you  not  only  lays  down  these  principles,  but 
it  adds: — 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  furtherance  of  these  principles,  we  will  use  such  consti- 
tutional and  Ia\vful  means  as  shall  seem  best  adapted  to  their  accomplishment, 
and  that  we  will  support  no  man  for  office,  under  the  General  or  State  Govern- 
ment, who  is  not  positively  and  fully  committed  to  the  support  of  these 
principles,  and  whose  personal  character  and  conduct  is  not  a  guarantee  that 
he  is  reliable,  and  who  shall  not  have  abjured  old  partj'  allegiance  and  ties. " 

["Good,"  ''you  have  him,"  etc.] 

The  Black  Republican  party  stands  pledged  that  they  will  never 
support  Lincoln  until  he  has  pledged  himself  to  that  platform;  [Tre- 
mendous applause,  men  throwing  up  their  hats,  and  shouting,  "  You've 
got  him. "]  but  he  cannot  devise  his  answer.  He  has  not  made  up  his 
mind  whether  he  will  or  not.  [Great  laughter.]  He  talked  about 
everything  else  he  could  think  of  to  occupy  his  hour  and  a  half,  and 
when  he  could  not  think  of  anything  more  to  say,  without  an  excuse 
for  refusing  to  answer  these  questions,  he  sat  down  long  before  his 
time  was  out.     [Cheers.] 

In  relation  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  charge  of  conspiracy  against  me,  I  have 
a  word  to  say.  In  his  speech  to-day  he  quotes  a  playful  part  of  his 
speech  at  Springfield,  about  Stephen,  and  James,  and  Franklin,  and 
Roger,  and  says  that  I  did  not  take  exception  to  it.  I  did  not  answer 
it,  and  he  repeats  it  again.  I  did  not  take  exception  to  this  figure  of 
his.  He  has  a  right  to  be  as  playful  as  he  pleases  in  throwing  his 
arguments  together,  and  I  will  not  object;  but  I  did  take  objection  to 
his  second  Springfield  speech,  in  which  he  stated  that  he  intended  his 
first  speech  as  a  charge  of  corruption  or  conspiracy  against  the  Sup- 
reme Court  of  the  United  States,  President  Pierce,  President  Buch- 
anan, and  myself.  That  gave  the  offensive  character  to  the  charge. 
He  then  said  that  when  he  made  it  he  did  not  know  whether  it  was 
true  or  not ;  [laughter]  but  inasmuch  as  Judge  Douglas  had  not  denied 
it,  although  he  had  replied  to  the  other  parts  of  his  speech  three  times, 
he  repeated  it  as  a  charge  of  conspiracy  against  me,  thus  charging  me 
with  moral  turpitude.     When  he  put  it  in  that  form,  I  did  say  that, 


122    .  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

inasmuch  as  he  repeated  the  charge  simply  because  I  had  not  denied 
it,  I  would  deprive  him  of  the  opportunity  of  ever  repeating  it  again, 
by  declaring  that  it  was,  in  all  its  bearings,  an  infamous  lie.  ["Three 
cheers  for  Douglas. "]  He  says  he  will  repeat  it  until  I  answer  his 
folly  and  nonsense  about  Stephen,  and  Franklin,  and  Roger,  and 
Bob,  and  James. 

He  studied  that  out,  prepared  that  one  sentence  with  the  greatest 
care,  committed  it  to  memory,  and  put  it  in  his  first  Springfield  speech; 
and  now  he  carries  that  speech  around,  and  reads  that  sentence  to 
show  how  pretty  it  is.  [Laughter.]  His  vanity  is  wounded  because 
I  will  not  go  into  that  beautiful  figure  of  his  about  the  building  of  a 
house.  [Renewed  laughter.]  All  I  have  to  say  is,  that  I  am  not 
green  enough  to  let  him  make  a  charge  which  he  acknowledges  he  does 
not  know  to  be  true,  and  then  take  up  my  time  in  answering  it,  when 
I  know  it  to  be  false,  and  nobody  else  knows  it  to  be  true.     [Cheers.] 

I  have  not  brought  a  charge  of  moral  turpitude  against  him.  When 
he,  or  any  other  man,  brings  one  against  me,  instead  of  disproving  it, 
I  will  say  that  it  is  a  lie,  and  let  him  prove  it  if  he  can.  [Enthusiastic 
applause.] 

I  have  lived  twenty -five  years  in  Illinois,  I  have  served  you  with 
all  the  fidelity  and  ability  which  I  possess,  ["That's  so,"  "good"  and 
cheers]  and  Mr.  Lincoln  is  at  liberty  to  attack  my  public  action,  my 
votes,  and  my  conduct,  but  when  he  dares  to  attack  my  moral  integrity 
by  a  charge  of  conspiracy  between  myself.  Chief  Justice  Taney  and 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  two  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  I  will 
repel  it.     ["Three  cheers  for  Douglas."] 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  not  character  enough  for  integrity  and  truth,  merely 
on  his  own  ipse  dixit,  to  arraign  President  Buchanan,  President  Pierce, 
and  nine  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  not  one  of  whom  would  be 
complimented  by  being  put  on  an  equality  with  him.  ["Hit  him 
again, "  "  three  cheers, "  etc.]  There  is  an  unpardonable  presumption 
in  a  man  putting  himself  up  before  thousands  of  people,  and  pretend- 
ing that  his  ipse  dixit,  without  proof,  without  fact,  and  without  truth, 
is  enough  to  bring  down  and  destro}'  the  purest  and  best  of  living  men. 
["Hear  him,"  "three  cheers."] 

Fellow-citizens,  my  time  is  fast  expiring;  I  must  pass  on.  Mr. 
Lincoln  wants  to  know  why  I  voted  against  Mr.  Chase's  amendment 
to  the  Nebraska  bill.     I  will  tell  him.     In  the  first  place,  the  bill 


DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA  123 

already  conferred  all  the  power  which  Congress  had,  by  giving  the 
people  the  whole  power  over  the  subject.  Chase  offered  a  proviso 
that  they  might  abolish  slavery,  which  by  implication  would  convey 
the  idea  that  they  could  prohibit  by  not  introducing  that  institution. 
General  Cass  asked  him  to  modify  his  amendment  so  as  to  provide 
that  the  people  might  either  prohibit  or  introduce  slavery,  and  thus 
make  it  fair  and  equal.  Chase  refused  to  so  modify  his  proviso,  and 
then  General  Cass  and  all  the  rest  of  us  voted  it  down.  [Immense 
cheering.]  Those  facts  appear  on  the  journals  and  debates  of  Congress 
where  Mr.  Lincoln  found  the  charge;  and  if  he  had  told  the  whole 
truth,  there  would  have  been  no  necessity  for  me  to  occupy  your  time 
in  explaining  the  matter.     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  wants  to  know  why  the  word  "  State, "  as  well  as  "  Ter- 
ritory, "  was  put  into  the  Nebraska  bill.  I  will  tell  him.  It  was  put 
there  to  meet  just  such  false  arguments  as  he  has  been  adducing, 
[Laughter.]  That  first,  not  only  the  people  of  the  Territories  should 
do  as  they  pleased,  but  that  when  they  come  to  be  admitted  as  States, 
they  should  come  into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  as  the  people 
determined.  I  meant  to  knock  in  the  head  this  Abolition  doctrine  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  that  there  shall  be  no  more  Slave  States,  even  if  the 
people  want  them.  [Tremendous  applause.]  And  it  does  not  do  for 
him  to  say,  or  for  any  other  Black  Republican  to  say,  that  there  is 
nobody  in  favor  of  the  doctrine  of  no  more  Slave  States,  and  that 
nobody  wants  to  interfere  with  the  right  of  the  people  to  do  as  they 
please. 

What  was  the  orgin  of  the  Missouri  difficulty  and  the  Missouri 
Compromise?  The  people  of  Missouri  formed  a  Constitution  as  a 
Slave  State,  and  asked  admission  into  the  Union;  but  the  Free-soi 
party  of  the  North,  being  in  a  majority,  refused  to  admit  her  because 
she  had  slavery  as  one  of  her  institutions.  Hence  this  first  slavery 
agitation  arose  upon  a  State,  and  not  upon  a  Territory;  and  yet  Mr. 
Lincoln  does  not  know  why  the  word  "State"  was  placed  in  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  [Great  laughter  and  applause.]  The  whole 
Abolition  agitation  arose  on  that  doctrine  of  prohibiting  a  State  from 
coming  in  with  slavery  or  not,  as  it  pleased,  and  that  same  doctrine 
is  here  in  this  Republican  platform  of  1854;  it  has  never  been  repealed; 
and  every  Black  Republican  stands  pledged  by  that  platform  never 
to  vote  for  any  man  who  is  not  in  favor  of  it.  Yet  Mr.  Lincoln  does 
not  know  that  there  is  a  man  in  the  world  who  is  in  favor  of  preventing 
a  State  from  coming  in  as  it  pleases,  notwithstanding.     The  Spring- 


124  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

field  platform  says  that  they,  the  Republican  party,  will  not  allow  a 
State  to  come  in  under  such  circumstances.  He  is  an  ignorant  man. 
[Cheers.] 

Now  you  see  that  upon  these  very  points  I  am  as  far  from  bringing 
Mr.  Lincoln  up  to  the  line  as  I  ever  was  before.  He  does  not  want  to 
avow  his  principles.  I  do  want  to  avow  mine,  as  clear  as  sunlight  in 
midday.  [Cheers  and  applause.]  Democracy  is  founded  upon  the 
eternal  principle  of  right.  ["That's  the  talk."]  The  plainer  these 
principles  are  avowed  before  the  people,  the  stronger  will  be  the  sup- 
port which  they  will  receive.  I  only  wish  I  had  the  power  to  make 
them  so  clear  that  they  would  shine  in  the  heavens  for  every  man, 
woman,  and  child  to  read.  [Loud  cheering.]  The  first  of  those 
principles  that  I  would  proclaim  would  be  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's doctrine  of  uniformity  between  the  different  States,  and  I 
would  declare  instead  the  sovereign  right  of  each  State  to  decide  the 
slavery  question  as  well  as  all  other  domestic  questions  for  themselves, 
without  interference  from  any  other  State  or  power  whatsoever. 
[''Hurrah  for  Douglas!"] 

When  that  principle  is  recognized,  you  will  have  peace  and  har- 
mony and  fraternal  feeling  between  all  the  States  of  this  Union ;  until 
you  do  recognize  that  doctrine,  there  will  be  sectional  warfare  agitating 
and  distracting  the  country.  What  does  Mr.  Lincoln  propose?  He 
says  that  the  Union  cannot  exist  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States. 
If  it  cannot  endure  thus  divided,  then  he  must  strive  to  make  them  all 
Free  or  all  Slave,  which  will  inevitably  bring  about  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.     [Cries  of  "  He  can't  do  it. "] 

Gentlemen,  I  am  told  that  my  time  is  out,  and  I  am  obliged  to  stop. 
[Three  times  three  cheers  were  here  given  for  Senator  Douglas. 

When  Douglas  had  concluded  the  shouts  were  tremendous;  his 
excoriation  of  Lincoln  was  so  severe,  that  the  Republicans  hung  their 
heads  in  shame.  The  Democrats,  however,  were  loud  in  their  \H)cif- 
e  rations.] 

[Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Press,  August  26,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


Clreat   Discussion    between    Douglas    and    Lincoln.— Immense    Enthu- 
siasm.—The  Little  Giant  Triumi)hant.-20,000  People  Present 

[Special  Correspondence  of  The  Press.] 
The  discussion  between  Judge  Douglas  and  Hon.  A.  Lincoln,  the 
respective  candidates  for  the  United  States  Senate,  commenced  at 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  125 

Ottawa,  111.,  on  Saturday,  the  21st  instant.  The  meeting  was  the 
largest  ever  held  in  this  part  of  the  State,  and  the  enthusiasm  was 
unbounded.  It  is  estimated  that  not  less  than  20,000  persons  were 
present  on  this  important  occasion.  The  bare  announcement  that  the 
two  candidates  were  to  meet  in  open  debate  was  sufficient  to  bring 
together  an  immense  crowd. 

A  special  train  of  fourteen  passenger  cars,  filled  to  overflowing, 
came  from  Chicago.  Another  train,  composed  of  eleven  cars,  came 
from  Peru  and  LaSalle;  whilst  delegations  in  wagons,  carriages,  and 
on  horseback,  came  from  all  directions,  and  aided  to  swell  the  great 
multitude. 

Gorgeous  flags  and  ensigns,  bearing  appropriate  inscriptions,  un- 
furled to  the  breeze,  whilst  the  rapid  discharges  of  artillery  reverber- 
ated on  the  air,  and  seemed  to  make  the  very  earth  tremble. 

Judge  Douglas,  the  great  champion,  and  the  invincible  defender  of 
the  rights,  liberties,  and  institutions  of  a  free  people,  was  met  at  the 
city  of  Peru,  sixteen  miles  distant,  by  the  committee,  in  an  elegant 
carriage  drawn  by  four  splendid  horses,  and  brought  to  Ottawa.  Four 
miles  out  he  was  met  by  a  delegation  composed  of  several  hundreds, 
bearing  flags  and  banners,  and  escorted  into  the  city  amid  the  boom- 
ing of  cannon,  the  shouts  of  thousands,  and  the  strains  of  martial 
music.  As  he  neared  the  Geiger  House,  it  was  almost  impossible  for 
the  carriages  to  force  their  way  through  the  dense  mass  of  living 
beings  that  blocked  up  the  streets,  and  clung  to  the  carriage  contain- 
ing the  distinguished  Senator,  anxious  to  clasp  him  by  the  hand.  The 
shouts  and  cheers  that  arose  on  his  approach  were  deafening.  No 
conception  can  be  formed  of  the  enthusiasm  that  was  manifested 
without  having  been  present,  and  I  cannot  command  the  language  to 
render  a  proper  description.  He  came  like  some  great  deliverer, 
some  mighty  champion,  who  had  covered  himself  with  imperishable 
laurels,  and  saved  a  nation  from  ruin;  he  came  as  the  immortal 
Washington,  or  the  patriotic  Lafayette,  with  a  nation  ready  to  do  him 
homage.  But  how  different  his  deeds!  They  had  distinguished 
themselves  on  the  battle  field,  whilst  the  statesman  and  Senator  had 
reached  the  culminating  point  of  his  career  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation,  by  beating  back  the  tide  of  political  tyranny,  and  gloriously 
establishing  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty,  and  the  right  of  the 
people  to  make  their  oum  laws. 

When  they  reached  the  Geiger  House,  and  the  carriage  halted  in 


126  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  street,  there  arose  one  spontaneous  shout  that  seemed  to  rend  the 
very  air.  Again  and  again  did  that  shout  go  up,  as  the  distinguished 
Senator  stood  in  the  open  carriage  with  head  uncovered,  gracefully 
bowing  to  the  living  mass  of  humanity  that  surrounded  him  on  all 
sides.  As  soon  as  sufficient  order  could  be  restored,  he  was  welcomed 
in  a  reception  speech  by  H.  W.  H.  Cushman,  Esq.,  which  was  indeed 
an  eloquent  tribute  of  esteem  and  appreciation  of  his  course  in  the 
Senate.  It  was,  undoubtedly,  the  finest,  most  eloquent,  and  appro- 
priate reception  address  delivered  during  this  campaign.  I  will 
attempt  no  description  of  it — you  must  read  it  to  appreciate  it.  Judge 
Douglas  was  deeply  affected,  and  could  scarcely  restrain  his  emotion. 

How  different  the  enthusiasm  manifested  for  his  competitor,  Mr. 
Lincoln;  or,  as  he  has  termed  himself,  "the  living  dog.  "  As  his  pro- 
cession passed  the  Geiger  House  there  was  scarcely  a  cheer  went  up. 
They  marched  along  silently  and  sorrowfully,  as  if  it  were  a  funeral 
cortege  following  him  to  the  grave.  It  struck  me  as  very  appropriate, 
as  well  as  symbolical,  of  what  would  most  assuredly  come  to  pass  next 
November.  They  appeared  to  be  following  "&  dead  dog"  to  his 
political  grave;  and  had  the  bands  played  a  mournful  funeral  dirge, 
the  picture  would  have  been  complete. 

The  discussion  opened  at  2  o'clock  in  Lafayette  Square.  The 
crowd  was  so  dense  that  the  speakers  and  committeemen  could 
scarcely  make  their  way  to  the  stand,  which  was  filled  with  reporters 
and  representatives  of  the  press  from  all  sections  of  the  State. 

It  was  agreed  that  Judge  Douglas  should  open  the  debate  in  a 
speech  an  hour  in  length,  when  Lincoln  should  follow  in  a  reply  an 
hour  and  a  half,  and  Judge  Douglas  rejoin  for  thirty  minutes. 

The  opening  speech  was  able  and  eloquent.  The  Little  Giant 
seemed  to  surpass  himself.  He  put  a  number  of  pointed  and  leading 
questions  to  Lincoln,  one  of  which  was  whether,  if  he  were  elected 
to  the  Senate,  he  would  vote  to  admit  States  with  the  privilege  of 
making  their  own  Constitutions,  subject  to  the  will  of  the  majority. 
He  deemed  it  very  important  that  the  "  living  dog  "  should  define  his 
position,  by  answering  this  question.  If  he  were  a  Repubhcan  he 
wanted  to  know  it,  and  if  he  were  an  Abolitionist  he  wanted  to  know 
that  also.  He  wanted  no  more  dodging.  It  was  all-important  that 
Lincoln  should  tell  whether  he  was  for  Congress  to  say  whether 
slavery  should  exist  in  a  State  or  Territory,  or  whether  the  people 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  127 

should  say  so.  This  is  the  key  to  the  whole  question  at  issue,  and  it 
will  put  a  different  complexion  on  the  campaign. 

The  remainder  of  Judge  Douglas's  speech  was  particularly  severe,  as 
well  as  logical  and  powerful.  I  will  attempt  no  further  description  of 
it,  as  you  can  read  it  almost  as  soon  as  this. 

When  Lincoln  commenced  his  reply,  he  was  evidently  laboring 
under  great  embarrassment.  "When  he  had  spoken  only  tw^enty 
minutes,  he  turned  round  and  asked  the  moderator  how  near  his  time 
was  up!  Poor  fellow!  he  was  writhing  in  the  powerful  grasp  of  an 
intellectual  giant.  His  speech  amounted  to  nothing.  It  was  made 
up  with  such  expressions  as  "  I  think  it  is  so, "  "  I  may  be  mistaken, " 
''I  guess  it  was  done,"  &:c.,  &c.  There  were  no  straightforward 
assertions  and  logical  conclusions,  such  as  fall  from  the  lips  of  Douglas. 
He  spent  over  half  an  hour  reading  from  some  old  speech  that  he  had 
previously  made  on  Abolitionism.  As  he  continued  reading,  there  were 
numerous  voices  exclaiming:  "What  book  is  that  3'ou  are  reading 
from?  "  This  tended  to  increase  his  confusion,  and  after  blundering 
and  whining  along,  and  endeavoring  to  tell  anecdotes  and  nursery 
tales,  he  sat  down  at  the  end  of  one  hour  and  fifteen  minutes,  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  before  the  expiration  of  his  time,  without  alluding  to  one 
of  the  questions  put  to  him  by  Judge  Douglas.  He  dodged  them  all, 
not  daring  to  give  an  answer.  But  they  will  be  put  to  him  again,  and 
there  is  no  alternative  now  but  to  "face  the  music. " 

When  Judge  Douglas  rose  to  reply,  his  countenance  brightened  up 
with  that  peculiar  intellectual  and  demolishing  look  that  he  is  so 
famous  for  when  he  is  about  to  make  a  great  point.  He  electrified  the 
crowd  at  once.  Could  you  have  seen  those  looks,  and  heard  those 
burning  words  of  sarcasm,  as  he  commenced  to  rend  his  antagonist  to 
atoms,  you  would  have  been  obliged  to  admit  that  it  was  the  culmin- 
ating period  of  his  life.  He  poured  forth  a  torrent  of  logic  and 
sarcasm  blended  in  one  strain,  that  was  astonishing.  Turning  around 
and  facing  Lincoln,  who  was  beginning  to  get  very  blue  about  his 
chops,  he  impaled  him  at  once — then  clutching  him  in  his  intellectual 
grasp,  he  held  him  up  before  the  crowd  as  it  were,  in  imagination,  till 
you  could  see  him  like  a  captivated  spider.  He  reiterated  his  questions 
and  informed  him  that  there  must  be  no  more  dodging,  and  that  he 
was  "  determined  to  screw  an  answer  out  of  him. "  He  reviewed  Lin- 
coln's political  career,  and  showed  how  he  had  distinguished  himself 
when  in  Congress  by  taking  sides  with  the  enemy,  and  how  he  voted 


128  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

against  his  country  and  her  soldiers.  The  excoriation  that  he  gave 
him  was  terrible. 

When  he  concluded  his  thirty-minute  broadside,  he  left  the  stand 
immediately,  for  the  cars  were  waiting.  The  crowd  made  one  rush 
after  him,  and  there  arose  a  shout  that  reverberated  for  miles  across 
the  prairies.  In  front  was  the  "  Little  Giant, "  swinging  his  hat  from 
right  to  left,  with  thousands  rushing  after  him.  Such  unbounded  and 
electrical  enthusiasm  I  never  saw  before. 

Fifteen  minutes  afterwards  a  crowd  of  about  150  proceeded  up  the 
street,  four  of  whom  had  shouldered  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  were  carrying 
him  to  his  hotel.  A  sardonic  grin  was  on  his  countenance.  It  was 
decidedly  the  most  laughable,  as  well  as  the  most  ridiculous,  spectacle 
that  I  have  beheld  for  many  a  day.  It  excited  much  merriment  on  all 
sides. 

Lincoln  is  the  worst-used-up  man  in  the  United  States,  and  he  is 
driven  almost  to  desperation.  You  will  find  that  before  he  passes 
through  this  discussion,  there  will  scarcely  be  anything  left  of  him. 
He  now  exhibits  the  appearance  of  great  mental  and  bodily  suffering. 
He  has  six  appointments  to  meet  Judge  Douglas  yet.  /  don't  believe 
he  will  fill  them  all.     The  next  one  is  at  Freeport,  on  the  27th  inst. 

The  campaign  in  Illinois  surpasses  all  others  that  have  ever  taken 
place.     The  contest  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1856,  falls  far  behind  it.  .  .  . 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  Aug.  27,  1858] 

SENATORIAL  CANVASS  IN  ILLINOIS 


Lincoln  and  Doug-las  at  Ottawa 
[From  our  Special  Correspondent] 

Chicago,  August  23,  1858 

Saturday,  the  21st,  was  the  day  of  the  first  discussion  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas.  It  was  held  at  Ottawa,  a  city  of  about  9,000 
inhabitants,  on  the  line  of  the  Chicago  and  Rock  Island  Railroad  and 
the  Illinois  canal,  and  at  the  junction  of  the  Fox  and  Illinois  rivers.  I 
arrived  late  the  night  before  at  Ottawa,  and  was  accommodated  with 
a  sofa  at  the  hotel.  The  city  was  already  even  full.  Saturday  was  a 
pleasant,  but  warm  day,  and  Ottawa  was  deluged  in  dust.  By  wagon, 
by  rail,  by  canal,  the  people  poured  in,  till  Ottawa  was  one  mass  of 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  129 

active  life.  Men,  women,  and  children,  old  and  young,  the  dwellers  on 
the  broad  prairies,  had  turned  their  backs  upon  the  plough,  and  had 
come  to  listen  to  these  champions  of  the  two  parties.  Military  com- 
panies were  out;  martial  music  sounded,  and  salutes  of  artillery  thun- 
dered in  the  air.  Eager  marshals  in  partisan  sashes  rode  furiously 
about  the  streets.  Peddlers  were  crj'ing  their  wares  at  the  corners, 
and  excited  groups  of  politicians  were  canvassing  and  quarreling 
everywhere.  And  still  they  came,  the  crowd  swelling  constantly  in 
its  proportions  and  growing  more  eager  and  more  hungr}-,  perhaps 
more  thirsty,  though  every  precaution  was  taken  against  this  latter 
evil.  About  noon  the  rival  processions  were  formed,  and  paraded  the 
i^treets  amid  the  cheers  of  the  people.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  met  at  the 
depot  by  an  immense  crowd,  who  escorted  him  to  the  residence  of  the 
Maj'or,  with  banners  flying  and  mottoes  waving  their  unfaltering 
attachment  to  him  and  to  his  cause.  The  Douglas  turnout,  though 
plentifully  interspersed  with  the  Hibernian  element,  was  less  noisy, 
and  thus  matters  were  arranged  for  the  after-dinner  demonstration  in 
the  Court  House  square,  where  the  stand  was  erected,  and  where, 
under  the  blazing  sun,  unprotected  by  shade  trees,  and  unprovided 
with  seats,  the  audience  was  expected  to  congregate  and  listen  to 
the  champions. 

Two  men  presenting  wider  contrasts  could  hardly  be  found  as  the 
representatives  of  the  two  great  parties.  Everybody  knows  Douglas, 
a  short,  thick-set,  burly  man,  with  large  round  head,  heavy  hair,  dark 
complexion,  and  fierce  bull-dog  bark.  Strong  in  his  own  real  power, 
and  skilled  by  a  thousand  conflicts  in  all  the  strategy  of  a  hand-to- 
hand  or  a  general  fight.  Of  towering  ambition,  restless  in  his  deter- 
mined desire  for  notoriety;  proud,  defiant,  arrogant,  audacious, 
unscrupulous,  "  Little  Dug, "  ascended  the  platform  and  looked  out 
impudently  and  carelessly  on  the  immense  throng  which  surged  and 
struggled  before  him.  A  native  of  ^^ermont,  reared  on  a  soil  where 
no  slave  ever  stood,  trained  to  hard  manual  labor  and  schooled  in 
early  hardships,  he  came  to  Illinois  a  teacher,  and  from  one  post  to 
another  had  risen  to  his  present  eminence.  Forgetful  of  the  ances- 
tral hatred  of  slavery  to  wdiich  he  was  the  heir,  he  had  come  to  be  a 
holder  of  slaves  and  to  owe  much  of  his  fame  to  his  continued  sub- 
servience to  southern  influence. 

The  other — Lincoln — is  a  native  of  Kentucky,  and  of  poor  white 
parentage ;  and  from  his  cradle  has  felt  the  blighting  influence  of  the 
dark  and  cruel  shadow  which  rendered  labor  dishonorable,  and  kept 


130  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  poor  in  poverty,  while  it  advanced  the  rich  in  their  possessions. 
Reared  in  poverty  and  the  humblest  aspirations,  he  left  his  native 
state,  crossed  the  line  into  Illinois,  and  began  his  career  of  honorable 
toil.  At  first  a  laborer,  splitting  rails  for  a  living — deficient  in  edu- 
cation, and  applying  himself  even  to  the  rudiments  of  knowledge — he, 
too,  felt  the  expanding  power  of  his  American  manhood,  and  began 
to  achieve  the  greatness  to  which  he  has  succeeded.  With  great 
difficulty  struggling  through  the  tedious  formularies  of  legal  lore,  he 
was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  rapidly  made  his  way  to  the  front 
ranks  of  his  profession.  Honored  by  the  people  with  office,  he  is^  still 
the  same  honest  and  reliable  man.  He  volunteers  in  the  Black 
Hawk  war,  and  does  the  state  good  service  in  its  sorest  need.  In 
every  relation  of  life,  socially  and  to  the  State,  Mr.  Lincoln  has  been 
always  the  pure  and  honest  man.  In  physique  he  is  the  opposite  to 
Douglas.  Built  on  the  Kentucky  type,  he  is  very  tall,  slender  and 
angular,  awkward  even,  in  gait  and  attitude.  His  face  is  sharp, 
large-featured  and  unprepossessing.  His  eyes  are  deep  set,  under 
heavy  brows;  his  forehead  is  high  and  retreating,  and  his  hair  is  dark 
and  heavy.  In  repose,  I  must  confess  that  "  Long  Abe's  "  appearance 
is  not  comely.  But  stir  him  up,  and  the  fire  of  his  genius  plays  on 
every  feature.  His  eye  glows  and  sparkles,  every  lineament,  now  so 
ill  formed,  grows  brilliant  and  expressive,  and  you  have  before  you  a 
man  of  rare  power  and  of  strong  magnetic  influence.  He  takes  the 
people  every  time,  and  there  is  no  getting  away  from  his  sturdy  good 
sense,  his  unaffected  sincerity,  and  the  unceasing  play  of  his  good 
humor,  which  accompanies  his  close  logic  and  smoothes  the  way  to 
conviction.  Listening  to  him  on  Saturday,  calmly  and  unprejudiced, 
I  was  convinced  that  he  has  no  superior  as  a  stump  speaker.  He  is 
clear,  concise  and  logical;  his  language  is  eloquent  and  at  perfect 
command.  He  is  altogether  a  more  fluent  speaker  than  Douglas,  and 
in  all  the  arts  of  debate  fully  his  equal.  The  Republicans  of  Illinois 
have  chosen  a  champion  worthy  of  their  heartiest  support,  and  fully 

equipped  for  the  conflict Yours,  &c.. 

Bayou 
{Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  August  28,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


Messrs.  Doug-las  and  Lincoln  on  the  Stump 
Messrs.  Douglas  and  Lincoln  the  rival  candidates  for  the  U.  S. 
Senate  in  Illinois,  have  arranged  to  hold  seven  public  debates  with 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  131 

each  other  in  different  parts  of  the  State.  The  first  of  them  took 
place  at  Ottawa  on  Saturday  last,  in  presence  of  an  immense  atten- 
dance, estimated  at  twelve  thousand.  Great  interest  was  exhibited 
by  the  multitude,  and  the  champions  were  loudly  cheered  and 
applauded  by  their  respective  friends.  Mr.  Douglas  spoke  first  for  an 
hour;  then  Mr.  Lincoln  for  an  hour-and-a-half ;  and  finally  Mr.  Douglas 
for  half  an  hour  in  closing.  The  whole  debate  is  reported  in  full  in 
the  Chicago  papers,  but  is  of  course  too  voluminous  for  our  space. 
Our  readers,  however,  will  doubtless  be  glad  to  understand  the  basis 
upon  which  the  campaign  is  carried  on  in  Illinois,  and  accordingly  we 
make  an  extract  from  each  of  the  speeches,  copying  from  the  report 
in  the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune  of  the  23d  inst. 


The  republicans  were  delighted  with  the  effect  of  the  day's  debate. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  most  vociferously  cheered  throughout,  and  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  debate  it  is  stated  that  "  he  was  seized  by  the  multi- 
tude and  borne  off  on  their  shoulders  in  the  center  of  a  crowd  of  five 
thousand  shouting  republicans  with  a  band  of  music  in  front.  "  Judge 
Douglas,  on  his  part,  was  cordially  supported  by  his  friends. 

[Baltimore,   Md.,  Sun  August  27,   1858] 

THE  POLITICAL  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


Joint  Discussion  between  Douglas  and   Lincoln.— Large   Turnout.— An 

Amusing-  Sketcli 

The  political  campaign  in  Illinois  is  becoming  decidedly  warm  and 
interesting,  and  begins  to  attract  no  little  attention  throughout  the 
country.  We  find  in  the  New  York  Express  a  letter  dated  Ottawa, 
111.,  August  21st,  from  which  we  select  a  few  extracts: 

The  representatives  of  republicanism  and  democracy  in  this  State — Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Judge  Douglas — met  at  tliis  place  by  appointment  to-daj^  and 
had  a  public  discussion  before  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  on  the  great 
questions  that  agitate  the  State.  Botli  speakers  are  able;  both  have  the 
warmest  personal  and  political  adlierents,  and  attract  great  attention  where- 
ever  they  appear.  Tlie  number  in  Ottawa  to-day,  brouglit  together  chiefly 
from  the  surrounding  country — though  many  came  from  distant  parts  of  the 
State — could  not  be  less  than  20,000. 

There  is  no  compai'ison  in  my  judgement  between  tlie  two  speakers.  Judge 
Douglas  stands  erect,  and  has  the  bearing,  the  presence  and  tlie  tlioughts  of  a 
statesman  who  aims  at  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country.  Mr.  Lincoln  throws 
himself  into  all  manner  of  shapes  when  speaking,  and  represents  a  narrow 


132  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

idea.  Judge  Douglas  could  say  what  he  says  at  the  furthest  North  and 
throughout  the  South.  Mr.  Lincoln  could  not  find  hearers  south  of  the 
Potomac  on  the  doctrines  he  professes. 

[St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Morning  Herald,  August  24,  1858] 

ILLINOIS  POLITICS 

Tremont  House 
Chicago,  III.,  August  22nd,  1858 
Editor  Herald: — 

Leaving  St.  Louis  on  Friday  morning,  the  20th  instant,  at  6  o'clock 
A.  M.,  we  arrived  at  Ottawa  the  same  night  at  1  o'clock — thanks  to  the 
gentlemanly  and  obliging  conductors  of  the  St.  Louis,  Alton  and  Terre 
Haute,  and  Illinois  Central  Railroads,  over  which  we  traveled. 

On  Saturday  morning  the  country  people  were  seen  coming  into 
town  to  be  present  at  the  political  discussion  between  Douglas  and 
Lincoln. 

Lincoln  arrived  from  Morris  shortly  before  12  o'clock  m.,  and  after- 
wards Douglas  came  into  town  from  Peru. 

Several  hundred  persons  had  congregated  at  the  Geiger  House  to 
see  the  procession  pass,  and  although  Ottawa  is  claimed  to  be  a  Repub- 
lican district,  yet  not  a  cheer  was  heard  as  Lincoln  passed  by  with  his 
escort :  but  when  Douglas  arrived  near  the  same  place,  he  was  greeted 
with  loud  and  continued  cheering. 

At  about  half  past  2  o'clock  Douglas  commenced  the  discussion, 
speaking  one  hour.  Lincoln  replied  in  a  speech  of  one  hour  and  a 
half,  and  then  Douglas  rejoined,  speaking  half  an  hour. 

It  was  evident,  from  the  manner  in  which  the  candidates  were  re- 
ceived on  mounting  the  stump,  that  the  Lincoln  men  were  in  the  ma- 
jority, and  this  idea  seemed  to  be  substantiated  from  the  applause 
Lincoln  received  during  the  speech,  and  on  concluding,  he  sat  down 
apparently  well  pleased  with  himself. 

But  when  Douglas  rejoined  in  his  speech  of  half  an  hour,  he  carried 
with  him  almost  the  entire  crowd.  He  propounded  several  questions 
to  Lincoln,  which  Lincoln  could  not  or  would  not  answer.  Among 
the  questions  he  asked  L.  if  he  would  sustain  the  resolutions  or  plat- 
form adopted  by  the  Republican  Convention  at  Springfield,  in  1854; 
but  Lincoln  remained  silent  and  did  not  answer,  and  his  smiling  face 
changed  considerably  when  he  saw  he  was  cornered. 

Lincoln  had  denied  in  his  speech  that  he  took  any  part  in  that 
Convention,  although  his  name  was  on  one  of  the  Committees.     But 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  133 

Douglas  brought  forward  proofs  to  show  that  Lincohi  had  supported 
that  platform,  and,  said  Douglas,  "I  will  yet  bring  Mr.  Lincoln  to  his 
milk  on  that  point." 

At  this  time  matters  changed  considerably,  and  hundreds  of  those 
who  had  been  applauding  Lincoln  all  along,  now  turned  and  applauded 
Douglas. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  discussion  Douglas  was  surrounded  by  an 
immense  crowd  and  escorted  to  the  Geiger  House,  amid  the  loudest 
cheers. 

Thus  ended  the  first  of  the  seven  discussions  to  be  held  at  various 
places  in  the  State,  in  which  both  candidates  are  to  take  part;  and  if 
Douglas  commences  by  triumphing  in  a  Republican  district,  Lincoln 
may  as  well  hang  up  his  hat,  take  a  back  seat,  and  wait  until  1860, 
as  Douglas  will  then  be  President;  and  then  Mr.  Lincoln  may  make 
another  effort  for  an  election  to  the  United  States  Senate,  without 
having  a  Douglas  to  contend  with.  M. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  23,  1858] 

GREAT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN 

AND  DOUGLAS  AT  OTTAWA 


Twelve  Thousand  Persons  Present.— The  Dred  Scott  Champion  Pul- 
verized.—Verbatim  Report  of  Doug-las'  Speech.— Lincoln's 
Reply  and  Doug-las'  Rejoinder 

From  sunrise  till  high  noon  on  Saturday,  Ottawa  was  deluged  in 
dust.  The  first  of  the  seven  great  debates  which  Douglas  had  con- 
sented to  hold  with  Lincoln,  had  started  LaSalle,  Will,  Kendall, 
Grundy,  Kankakee,  Cook  and  other  surrounding  counties,  in  un- 
wonted commotion.  Before  breakfast  Ottawa  was  beleaguered  with 
a  multiplying  host  from  all  points  of  the  compass.  At  eight  o'clock 
the  streets  and  avenues  resembled  a  vast  smoke  house.  Teams,  trains 
and  processions  poured  in  from  every  direction  like  an  army  with 
banners.  National  flags,  mottoes  and  devices  fluttered  and  stared 
from  every  street  corner.  Military  companies  and  bands  of  music 
monopolized  the  thoroughfares  around  the  Court  House  and  the 
public  square.  Two  brass  twelve-pounders  banged  away  in  the  cen- 
ter of  the  city  and  drowned  the  hubbub  of  the  multitude  with  their 
own  higher  capacities  for  hubbub.  Vanity  Fair  never  boiled  with 
madder  enthusiasm. 

At  eleven  o'clock  two  long  processions  were  formed,  one  marching 


134  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

to  the  depot  of  the  Rock  Island  Raih-oad,  where  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
expected  to  arrive,  and  the  other  moving  down  the  road  towards  Peru 
whence  Mr.  Douglas  was  advertised  to  come.  As  the  first  procession 
was  crossing  the  canal,  an  enormous  canal  boat  was  moored  near  the 
bridge,  crowded  with  men  and  women.  In  the  bow  was  a  large 
banner  inscribed: 

THE    CORPORATION    OF   MARSEILLES 

FOR 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

In  a  few  minutes  another  boat  appeared  from  Morris  with  a  similar 
crowd  and  similar  devices. 

Shortly  after  twelve  o'clock  a  special  train  from  Chicago,  Joliet, 
etc.,  came  in  mth  seventeen  cars.  When  it  reached  the  depot,  three 
deafening  cheers  were  repeated  and  re-repeated  until  the  woods  and 
bluffs  rang  again.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  placed  in  a  carriage  beautifully 
decorated  with  evergreens  and  mottoes  by  the  young  ladies  of  Ottawa, 
and  escorted  by  the  procession,  over  half  a  mile  in  length,  with  mili- 
tary companies  and  bands  of  music,  from  the  depot  to  the  public 
square,  around  the  square  and  to  the  residence  of  Mayor  Glover. 
Enormous  crowds  blocked  the  streets  and  side-walks  through  which 
the  procession  moved,  and  the  shouts  of  the  multitude  rolled  from  end 
to  end,  around  the  street  corners  and  across  the  bridge,  in  a  con- 
tinuous tum.ult.  When  Mr.  Lincoln's  carriage  stopped  at  the  Mayor's 
residence,  three  mighty  cheers  were  given  and  the  crowd  scattered 
miscellaneoush'  for  dinner. 

The  Douglas  procession  moved  down  the  Peru  road  to  Buffalo 
Rock,  where  they  met  the  pro-slavery  champion,  whom  they  escorted 
to  the  Geiger  House.  The  procession  was  about  half  as  long  as  that 
which  waited  on  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  enthusiasm  was  almost  wholly 
confined  to  the  Irish  Catholics. 

At  one  o'clock,  the  crowd  commenced  pouring  into  the  public 
square.  The  rush  was  literally  tremendous.  The  speaking  stand  had 
been  foolishly  left  ungarded,  and  was  so  crowded  with  people,  before 
the  officers  of  the  day  arrived,  that  half  an  hour  was  consumed  in  a 
battle  to  make  room  for  the  speakers  and  reporters.  Even  then  the 
accomodations  were  of  the  most  wretched  character.  Two  or  three 
times  the  surge  of  people  on  the  platform  nearly  drove  the  reporters 
off,  and  half  a  dozen  clowns  on  the  roof  broke  through  some  of  the 
boards  and  let  them  down  of  the  heads  of  the  Reception  Committees. 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  135 

The  whole  number  of  persons  present  could  not  have  been  less  than 
twelve  thousand.  Large  numbers  were  present  from  Chicago,  Galena, 
Springfield,  Peoria,  Quincy,  Rock  Island,  Bloomington,  Alton  and 
other  distant  towns.  The  crowd  was  considerably  larger  on  the 
ground  than  that  which  assembled  in  this  city  on  the  night  of  Douglas' 
opening  speech. 

MR.  Douglas's  speech 

At  half  pa.st  two,  Mr.  Douglas  took  the  front  of  the  platform,  amid 
the  cheers  of  the  Hibernians,  who  had  fought  their  way  to  the  front, 
and  said: 


MR.    LINXOLN's   reply 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  came  forward  and  was  greeted  with  loud  and 
protracted  cheers  from  fully  two-thirds  of  the  audience.  This  was 
admitted  by  the  Douglas  men  on  the  platform.  It  was  some  minutes 
before  he  could  make  himself  heard,  even  by  those  on  the  stand.  At 
last  he  said : 

When  Lincoln  had  concluded  his  masterly  and  crushing  indictment 
and  conviction,  amidst  the  applause  of  thousands  of  voices,  Douglas 
sprang  to  his  feet  to  reply.  His  face  was  li\*id  with  passion  and  excite- 
ment. All  his  plans  had  been  demoUshed,  himself  placed  in  the  crimi- 
nal's box  to  answer  to  an  indictment,  and  make  head  against  a  moun- 
tain of  damning  testimony  heaped  up  against  him  by  his  antagonist. 
We  have  never  seen  a  human  face  so  distorted  with  rage.  He  resem- 
bled a  vnid  beast  in  looks  and  gesture,  and  a  maniac  in  language  and 
argument.  He  made  no  adequate  reply  to  the  heavy  charges  brought 
against  him,  save  to  call  everybody  ''liars"  who  alleged  to  believe 
them.  He  finished  up  by  renewing  his  miserable  charges  and  repeat- 
in  his  irrelevant  questions,  and  claiming  with  a  grand  flourish,  that 
Lincoln  had  not  refuted  the  one  nor  answered  the  other;  boasted 
that  he  had  won  the  victory,  and  threatened  what  awful  things  he 
would  do  when  he  would  next  meet  Lincoln  at  Freeport.  The  body- 
guard of  five  or  six  hundred  Irish  Papists  stood  close  by  him  yelling 
and  cheering  at  all  he  said,  perfectly  indifferent  whether  it  was  sound 
sense  or  wild  raving. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  every  unprejudiced  listener,  that  Douglas 


136  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

would  give  a  year  off  the  end  of  his  life  if  he  could  escape  meeting 
Lincoln  at  the  six  discussions  through  which  he  must  pass. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  debate,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  walked  down 
from  the  platform,  he  was  seized  by  the  multitude  and  borne  off  on 
their  shoulders,  in  the  center  of  a  crowd  of  five  thousand  shouting 
Republicans,  with  a  band  of  music  in  front.  The  Chicago  delegation 
scattered  for  the  cars,  and  so  ended  the  Great  Debate. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  August  29,  1858] 

CHICAGO  COHRESPONDENCE 

Chicago,  August  23,  1858 

The  contest  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln  seems  to  be  the  one 
matter  of  interest  among  the  good  people  of  Chicago  at  present ;  and 
the  chances  of  either  candidate  form  the  reigning  topic  of  conversation 
in  every  crowd.  Saturday  was  a  day  of  considerable  excitment  here, 
and  little  was  talked  of  except  the  pitched  battle  between  the  two 
political  champions  at  Ottawa.  Early  in  the  morning,  large  masses 
of  the  people  gathered  around  the  Rock  Island  depot,  and  the  trains, 
both  regular  and  extra,  were  crammed  to  their  utmost  capacity  with 
excursionists  to  the  great  gathering. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  trains,  it  was  estimated  that  there  were 
present  some  four  thousand  people,  all  of  whom  came  from  their  fields, 
workshops,  counting  rooms,  and  offices,  to  evince  their  interest  in  the 
great  struggle  of  the  two  great  parties  for  predominance.  I  presume 
no  mass  meeting  of  the  present  canvass  has  been  composed  of  a  more 
respectable  class. 

Douglas  made  the  opening  speech,  which  was  a  calm,  deliberate  and 
logical  argument,  of  one  hour,  during  which  the  people  listened  to  him 
with  much  the  same  calmness  which  characterized  the  speech — all 
seeming  much  interested,  but  not  excited. 

Lincoln  followed,  in  one  of  his  characteristic  efforts,  interlarding 
his  address  with  funny  anecdotes,  droll  expressions  and  frequent  wit- 
ticisms, which  soon  put  to  flight  the  gravity  which  had  reigned  during 
the  previous  hour;  and  many  were  the  outbursts  of  applause  which 
his  clever  hits  drew  forth.  He  punched  the  "  Little  Giant "  right  and 
left,  and  dealt  him  many  a  well  aimed  thrust  of  keen  satire,  whereat, 
as  your  local  man  would  say,  "  ye  congregation  did  betray  an  unseem- 
lie  lack  of  gravitie.  "     But  the  aforesaid  "  Giant "  didn't  seem  to  be 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  137 

otherwise  affected  than  as  a  young  bull  by  an  attack  of  gad  flies, 
which  one  whisk  of  his  capacious  tail  can  put  to  flight.  Like  the  bull, 
he  was  sufficiently  irritated  by  the  infliction  to  rouse  his  pugnacity, 
and  when  it  came  to  his  turn  to  reply,  "  pre-haps  "  he  didn  't  make  the 
"  har  "  fly !  When  "  Uncle  Abe, "  as  the  Tribune  dubs  him,  rounded  a 
sentence  he  was  greeted  with  a  merry  outburst  of  humorous  applause, 
but  as  blow  after  blow  and  thrust  after  thrust  was  dealt  by  the  Judge, 
not  ebullitions  of  merriment,  but  loud,  long  and  sturdy  shouts  of 
triumph,  rent  the  air,  and  when  he  concluded,  the  satisfaction  which 
glowed  upon  the  contenances  of  the  hardy  yeomen,  who  composed 
the  principal  part  of  the  audience,  testified  that  his  last  hour  had  been 
well  occupied. 

Yours, 

Peter  Pinfeather 

[Peoria,  III.,  Transcript,  August  24,   1858] 

THE  GREAT  DEBATE  AT  OTTAWA 


Twelve   Thousand  Persons  Present.— Lincoln's  Triumphant  Vindica- 
tion ol  Republican  Principles.-  The  Giant  Slain 

(Editorial  Correspondence  of  the  Transcript) 

Ottawa,  Ills.,  / 
Saturday  Evening,  Aug.  21  j 

Such  was  the  enthusiasm  of  the  masses  over  Mr.  Lincoln's  triumph 
that  as  soon  as  the  debate  had  closed  and  he  had  stepped  from  the 
platform,  he  was  immediately  by  an  immense  crowd,  numbering  at 
least  five  thousand  persons,  lifted  upon  the  shoulders  of  two  stout 
men,  and  was  borne  about  the  streets,  a  band  of  music  leading  off  with 
"  Hail  Columbia, "  while  the  vast  multitude  followed  in  broken  column 
shouting  "  Hurrah  for  Lincoln "  as  they  went. 

Such  was  the  interest  in  this  face-to-face  encounter  of  Lincoln  and 
Douglas,  that  the  masses  flocked  here  from  every  quarter  of  the  State. 
The  Chicago  special  train  numbering  seventeen  cars  arrived,  all  cram- 
med with  the  crowd  to  the  fullest  capacity.  Thousands  of  people 
came  pouring  into  town  in  wagons,  boats,  &c.,  the  various  delegations 
bearing  banners  and  accompanied  by  bands  of  music.  The  debate 
came  off  in  a  vacant  square  near  the  center  of  the  city.  When  we 
arrived  upon  the  ground  the  crowd,  numbering  at  least  12,000  persons, 
was  pressing  towards  the  speaker's  stand  in  great  confusion.     The 


138  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

stand  itself  was  besieged  by  a  boorish  multitude  whom  the  committee 
of  arrangements  were  vainly  endeavoring  to  drive  off  in  order  to  make 
room  for  the  speakers  and  reporters.  Half  an  hour  having  been  thus 
spent,  Mr.  Douglas  took  his  position  and  commenced  speaking.  The 
whole  speech  was  delivered  in  a  coarse,  vulgar,  boisterous  style,  and 
excepting  among  a  body-guard  of  roaring  Irish  Catholics,  it  was 
received  with  silent  disgust. 

Lincoln  came  forward  and  commenced  his  reply  amid  thunders 
of  applause.  He  disposed  of  Douglas'  questions  and  charges  in  the 
most  summary  manner,  and  then  entered  at  once  and  with  great  earn- 
estness of  manner  into  a  consideration  of  the  real  questions  in  issue. 
He  brought  up  the  charge  of  conspiracy  against  Mr.  Douglas,  drove  it 
home  upon  him,  and  wedged  it  there.  Lincoln's  speech  was  an  ad- 
mirable effort.  It  was  high-toned  and  honorable,  bold,  pungent  and 
powerful.  He  made  his  antagonist  wince  at  every  turn,  and  the  vast 
audience  manifested  their  appreciation  of  his  success  b}^  shouts  of 
exultation  and  applause. — When  he  had  finished,  the  universal  feeling 
was  that  he  had  made  a  masterly  effort — that  he  had,  in  fact,  com- 
pletely demolished  the  little  giant. 

Douglas  sprung  to  his  feet  in  reply,  and  it  was  evident  that  he  felt 
that  his  case  was  a  desperate  one.  I  never  looked  upon  a  countenance 
so  livid  with  excitement  and  brutal  passions. — He  looked  and  acted 
like  a  wild  beast,  and  what  he  said  resembled  the  ravings  of  a  maniac 
more  than  the  reasonings  of  a  sane  man — The  heavy  charges  of  Lin- 
coln were  not  disproved,  nor  attempted  to  be,  but  he  bellowed  the  lie, 
fell  back  upon  his  forgery  in  relation  to  the  Springfield  resolutions, 
boasted  that  he  had  won  the  victory,  threatened  what  he  would 
hereafter  do,  and  retired  in  a  perfectly  uncontrollable  rage.  As  he 
went  off  of  the  platform,  his  Irish  bodj^-guard  accompanied  him  to  his 
hotel,  and  the  crowd  soon  followed  bearing  Lincoln  in  triumph. 

L.  R.  W. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  August  24,  1858] 

DOUGLAS   AND   LINCOLN-  THE   DEBATE   AT   OTTA^A'A 


12.000  People  Witness  the  Rout  ot"  Lincoln!— Doug-las  Ag-ain  Triunipli- 

ant!— Lincoln  on  the  Sick  List!!— He  Shirks  the 

Republican  Platform 

We  had  the  pleasure  of  being  present  at  Ottawa  on  Saturday  last, 
and  hearing  the  opening  debate  between  Messrs.  Douglas  and  Lincoln. 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  139 

— The  assemblage  of  the  people  was  an  immense  one — there  being 
between  ten  and  twelve  thousand  present.  The  two  orators  were  re- 
ceived in  town,  by  their  respective  friends,  about  noon. — Mr.  Lincoln 
passed  up  the  night  before,  to  Morris,  and  came  down  by  the  railroad, 
with  the  crowd  from  Cook,  Will,  &c.  Mr  Douglas  left  the  road  three 
miles  west  of  the  town,  and  came  up  in  a  carriage,  escorted  by  the 
democratic  committee.  When  about  two  miles  from  town  he  was  met 
by  an  immense  procession,  bearing  flags  and  banners,  with  eloquent 
mottoes,  speaking  the  hearty  welcome  of  the  LaSalle  democracy,  and 
attesting  their  loyalty  to  the  good  old  cause. — This  procession  of  car- 
riages, wagons,  buggies,  horsemen  and  footmen  was  quite  a  mile  and  a 
half  long,  swelling  in  numbers  as  it  approached  the  town.  When  the 
head  of  this  procession  reached  the  center  of  the  town,  the  republican 
escort,  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  was  met.  Each  wended  its  wav,  bv  different 
routes,  through  the  principal  streets.  The  democratic  procession  es- 
corted Mr.  Douglas  to  the  Geiger  House,  where  he  was  welcomed  in  a 
neat  address  by  Hon.  W.  H.  W.  Cushman;  the  republicans  escorted 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Mansion  House.  The  town  was  fairly  alive  with 
people,  and  with  their  shouts  and  hurras  for  their  respective  favorites, 
a  constant  roar  was  kept  up.  But  there  was  no  mistaking,  notwith- 
standing the  preponderance  of  the  republican  element  in  that  quarter 
of  the  state,  as  shown  by  the  election  of  '56,  to  whom  popular  atten- 
tion was  directed.  Compared  with  the  hearty  welcome  to  Douglas 
the  efforts  of  the  republicans  to  make  a  show  for  Lincoln  was  a  sickly 
affair. — There  was  no  heart  nor  hope  in  it. 

In  addition  to  the  large  attendance  from  LaSalle,  the  surrounding 
counties  sent  large  delegations,  and  when  the  whole  appeared  upon  the 
square,  where  the  speaker's  stand  was  erected,  the  crowd  presented  a 
most  imposing  appearance.  Having  dined,  the  two  speakers  were 
escorted  to  the  stand  by  their  party  committees.  Mr.  Douglas  com- 
menced about  2^  o'clock  and  spoke  an  hour.  It  is  not  our  intention  to 
go  over  the  line  of  his  argument  or  that  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  We  shall 
lay  the  whole  debate  before  our  readers.  It  is  sufficient  now  to  say 
that  Judge  D.,  after  reviewing  the  general  points  he  has  previously 
made  during  the  present  canvass,  took  up  the  republican  platform 
as  first  enunciated  in  this  state,  in  state  convention  in  this  city  in 
October  1854,  which  platform  was  reported  by  a  committee  of  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  member,  as  shown  by  the  convention's  proceedings. 
On  Thursday  last  we  published  the  principal  resolution  of  that  plat- 


140  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

form — which  declares  for  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law;  against 
the  admission  of  any  more  slave  states,  and  for  extending  "the 
Wilmot "  over  all  the  territories.  Upon  this  Mr.  Douglas  descanted  at 
length.  He  dissected  the  abolition  thing,  and  showed  up  to  his 
immense  audience  the  infamous  political  heresies  it  embodied.  Every 
word  told,  as  the  responses  of  the  crowd  fairly  proved.  He  contrasted 
this  platform  of  Mr.  Lincoln  with  that  of  the  democracy.  Never  was 
he  more  eloquent — never  were  his  arguments  more  closely  made  or 
more  pungently  delivered. 

We  are  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  prepared 
to  get  into  the  debate  in  this  shape.  He  was  crammed  with  a  speech 
suited  to  a  defensive  one  from  Douglas,  but  he  found  himself  with  a 
fire  not  only  in  his  front,  but  in  his  rear  and  on  both  flanks.  He  was 
surrounded,  and  driven  on  to  his  own  narrow  sectional  platform, 
which  was  completely  "honey-combed"  by  the  heavy  shots  of  his 
antagonist.  This  was  too  hot  a  place  for  our  ambitious  townsman. 
He  denied  being  the  author  of  the  platform,  stumbled,  floundered,  and 
instead  of  the  speech  that  he  had  prepared  to  make,  bored  his  audience 
by  using  up  a  large  portion  of  his  time  reading  from  a  speech  of  1854, 
of  his  own.  He  did  not  "face  the  music"  upon  the  points  made  by 
Douglas.  .  He  neither  confessed  nor  denied — he  only  blundered,  and 
broke  down,  lacking  fifteen  minutes  of  making  out  the  time  alloted  to 
him — an  hour  and  a  half.  He  evidently  felt,  himself,  that  he  had 
signally  failed,  and  exposed  the  weakness  of  his  position.  Certainly 
his  hearers,  including  his  own  supporters,  were  satisfied  of  it. 

The  half  hour  reply  of  Mr.  Douglas  was  a  biting  commentary  upon 
the  shuffling  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  From  beginning  to  the  end  the  wool 
flew.  He  riddled  Lincoln's  sophistries,  ridiculed  his  evasions,  and 
nailed  him  fast  to  the  platform  of  '54,  which  Lincoln  endeavored  to 
creep  out  of. — Lincoln  withered  before  the  bold,  lucid  and  eloquent 
argumentation,  and  writhed  under  the  sharp  invective  of  Douglas. 
So  triumphant  was  the  rejoinder,  that,  at  the  conclusion,  almost  as 
one  man,  the  immense  crowd  thundered  their  appreciation  of  it.  The 
cheers  were  absolutely  deafening.  As  Mr.  D.  left  the  stand  nearly  the 
entire  crowd  pressed  around  him,  and  the  living  mass,  with  shouts 
and  hurras  bore  him,  in  their  midst,  to  the  hotel,  the  cheering  and 
shouting  being  kept  up  incessantly,  until  Mr.  D.,  by  dint  of  great 
exertion,  got  into  the  building.  Just  here  a  scene  was  enacted  that 
would  really  have  been  a  "study"  for  a  Hogarth.     After  the  great 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  141 

mass  had  left  the  ground,  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  committee  look- 
ing on,  with  the  look  of  a  boy  who  had  "let  a  bird  go,"  Mr.  L.  was 
seized  upon  by  a  dozen  or  more  sturdy  republicans,  who  put  him  on 
their  shoulders,  and,  preceded  by  a  band,  and  surrounded  by  a 
lonesome  squad  of  fifty  or  a  hundred,  tailed  in  after  the  mass  of  people, 
who  had  halted,  blocking  up  the  street  about  the  Geiger  House.  This 
funereal  escort  passed  through  the  crowd  and  bore  Mr.  L.,  to  his 
quarters,  which  were  in  another  direction,  with  his  long  arms  about 
his  carriers'  shoulders,  his  long  legs  dangling  nearly  to  the  ground, 
while  his  long  face  was  an  incessant  contortion  to  wear  a  winning 
smile  that  succeeded  in  being  only  a  ghastly  one. — But  the  dust  may 
have  been  productive  of  this  effect.  It  was  really  not  a  prett}" 
picture,  though  hugely  an  amusing  one;  but  Mr.  L.,  like  ourself,  is 
not  good  material  for  the  former.  We  suppose  that  this  farce  was 
deemed  necessary  as  an  afterpiece  to  the  three  act  tragedy  on  the 
stand.  "The  impalement  of  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln." — It  was  in 
full  keeping  with  that  gentleman's  tailing  tactics  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  canvass. 

The  result  of  the  debate  at  Ottawa,  as  the  reader  will  admit  on 
perusing  it,  was  a  most  overwhelming  overthrow  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  It 
places  him  in  his  true  attitude  before  the  people  of  the  state,  which  no 
shuffling  or  pettifogging  dodging  can  get  him  out  of.  He  will  be 
forced  to  stand  square  up  to  his  abolition  platform  or  back  clear  down. 
At  Ottawa  he  beat  an  inglorious  retreat,  and  shirked  the  issue  at  the 
first  joust  in  the  lists  of  his  own  suggestion. 

We  shall  probably  be  able  to  give  the  debate  in  tomorrow's  Register. 

[Chicago  Times,  August  22,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN-DOUGLAS  AMONG  THE  PEOPLE 


Joint  Discussion  at  Ottawa.— Lincoln  Breaks  Down.— Enthusiasm  of 
the  People!— The  Battle  Foug-ht  and  Won.— Lincoln's  Heart  Fails 
Him!— Lincoln's  Legs  Fail  Him!— Lincoln's  Tong"ue  Fails  Him! — 
Lincoln's  Arms  Fail  Him!— Lincoln  Fails  All  Over!!— The  People 
Refuse  to  Support  Him!— The  People  Laug-h  at  Him!— Doug-las  the 
Champion  of  the  People!— Douglas  Skins  the  "Living"  Dog."— The 
"Dead  Lion"  Frightens  the  Canine.— Douglas  "Trotting"  Lin- 
coln Out.— Doug"las  "Concludes"  on  Abe 

On  Saturday,  the  first  of  the  series  of  joint  discussions  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas  took  place  at  Ottawa.  Below  we  publish  a  full 
report  of  the  speeches. 


142  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

At  an  early  hour  Ottawa  was  alive  with  people.  From  daylight  till 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  crowds  came  in,  by  train,  by  canal- 
boat,  and  by  wagon,  carriage,  buggy,  and  on  horseback.  Morris, 
Joliet,  and  all  the  towns  on  the  railroad,  above  and  below  Ottawa, 
sent  up  their  delegates.  Lincoln  on  Friday  night  left  Peoria,  and 
passed  up  the  road  to  Morris,  where  he  staid  over,  in  order  that  he 
might  have  the  appearance  of  being  escorted  to  Ottawa  by  the  crowds 
who  filled  the  special  train  on  Saturday  morning.  Douglas  left  Peru 
in  the  morning  in  a  carriage,  escorted  by  a  large  delegation  on  horse- 
back, and  in  vehicles.  The  procession  as  it  passed  along  the  road 
received  new  accessions  at  every  cross-road  and  stopping  place,  and 
when  it  reached  Ottawa  it  was  nearly  a  mile  in  length.  As  it  passed 
through  the  streets  the  people  from  the  sidewalks,  from  windows, 
piazzas,  house-tops,  and  every  available  standing  point,  cheered  and 
welcomed  him.  Upon  his  arrival  at  the  Geiger  House  he  was  wel- 
comed by  Wm.  H.  H.  Cushman,  in  the  following  remarks: 

Mr.  Douglas  responded  in  a  few  appropriate  remarks,  and  through- 
out the  entire  proceedings  was  cheered  most  enthusiastically. 

At  two  o'clock  the  multitude  gathered  in  the  public  square,  the  sun 
shining  down  with  great  intensity,  and  the  few  trees  affording  but 
little  shade.  It  would  seem  that  the  most  exposed  part  of  the  city 
was  selected  for  the  speaking.  After  a  long  delay,  the  discussion  was 
opened  by  Judge  Douglas,  who  spoke  as  follows: 

When  Douglas  had  concluded  the  shouts  were  tremendous:  his 
excoriation  of  Lincoln  was  so  severe,  that  the  Republicans  hung  their 
heads  in  shame.  The  Democrats,  however,  were  loud  in  their  vocif- 
eration. About  two-thirds  of  the  meeting  at  once  surrounded  Doug- 
las, and  with  music,  cheers,  and  every  demonstration  of  enthusiastic 
admiration  they  escorted  him  to  his  quarters  at  the  hotel,  where  for 
several  minutes  they  made  the  welkin  ring  with  their  cheers,  and 
applause. 

Lincoln  in  the  meantime  seemed  to  have  been  paralyzed.  He  stood 
upon  the  stage  looking  wildly  at  the  people  as  they  surrounded  the 
triumphant  Douglas,  and,  with  mouth  wide  open,  he  could  not  find  a 
friend  to  say  one  word  to  him  in  his  distress.  It  was  a  delicate  point 
for  Republicans  who  had  witnessed  his  utter  defeat,  and  who  knew 
how  severely  he  felt  it,  to  offer  him  condolence,  or  bid  him  hope  for 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  143 

better  success  again.  The  only  thing  they  could  say  was  that  Lincoln 
ought  not  to  travel  round  with  Douglas,  and  had  better  not  meet  him 
any  more.  When  Douglas  and  the  Democrats  had  left  the  square, 
Lincoln  essayed  to  descend  from  the  stage,  but  his  limbs  refused  to  do 
their  office.  During  Douglas'  last  speech  Lincoln  had  suffered  se- 
verely; alternately  burning  with  fever,  and  then  suddenly  chilled  with 
shame,  his  respiratory  organs  had  become  obstructed,  his  limbs  got 
cold,  and  he  was  unable  to  walk.  In  this  extremity,  the  Republican 
Marshall  called  half  a  dozen  men,  who,  lifting  Lincoln  in  their  arms, 
carried  him  along.  By  some  mismanagement  the  men  selected  for 
this  office  happened  to  be  very  short  in  stature,  and  the  consequence 
was,  that  while  Lincoln's  head  and  shoulders  towered  above  theirs, 
his  feet  dragged  on  the  ground.  Such  an  exhibition  as  the  ''  toting  " 
of  Lincoln  from  the  square  to  his  lodgings  was  never  seen  at  Ottawa 
before.  It  was  one  of  the  richest  farces  we  have  ever  witnessed,  and 
provoked   the   laughter  of  all,   Democrats   and   Republicans,   who 

happened  to  see  it. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  August  25,  1858] 
The  report  made  current  by  the  Chicago  Times  and  copied  into  the 
Democrat  of  this  city,  that  Lincoln  interrupted  Douglas  during  the 
delivery  of  his  closing  speech,  and  was  pulled  back  by  the  committee, 
is  as  silly  as  it  is  false.  We  stood  close  to  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  platform 
during  the  whole  tim^e,  and  no  scene  of  the  kind  reported  took  place, 
nor  nothing  of  the  kind. 

[Chicago  Journal,  August  23,  1858] 
The  Late  Mr.  Douglas.— Since  the  flailing  Senator  Douglas  received 
at  Ottawa  on  Saturday,  we  suggest  that  his  friends  hereafter  address 
him  as  the  late  Mr.  Douglas. 

[Louisville,  Ky.,  Democrat,  August  26,  1858] 
The  Louisville  Journal  in  speaking  of  the  debate  between  Lincoln 
and  Douglas  at  Ottawa,  Illinois,  says:  That  when  the  former  de- 
scended from  the  platform  he  was  seized  by  the  assemblage  and  borne 
off  on  their  shoulders  in  the  center  of  a  crowd  of  thousands  of  shouting 
friends. 

If  they  had  foreseen  how  he  would  come  out  in  the  debate,  they 
would  have  borne  him  off  before  it  commenced. 

[Mr.  Horace  WmTE  in  Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln, 
by  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co.] 
The  next  stage  brought  us  to  Ottawa,  the  first  joint  debate,  August 
21.     Here  the  crowd  was  enormous.     The  weather  had  been  very 


144  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

dry  and  the  town  was  shrouded  in  dust  raised  by  the  moving  populace. 
Crowds  were  pouring  into  town  from  sunrise  till  noon  in  all  sorts  of 
conveyances,  teams,  railroad  trains,  canal  boats,  cavalcades,  and  pro- 
cessions on  foot,  with  banners  and  inscriptions,  stirring  up  such  clouds 
of  dust  that  it  was  hard  to  make  out  what  was  underneath  them.  The 
town  was  covered  with  bunting,  and  bands  of  music  were  tooting 
around  every  corner,  drowned  now  and  then  by  the  roar  of  cannon. 
Mr.  Lincoln  came  by  railroad  and  Mr.  Douglas  by  carriage  from  La 
Salle.  A  train  of  seventeen  passenger  cars  from  Chicago  attested  the 
interest  felt  in  that  city  in  the  first  meeting  of  the  champions.  Two 
great  processions  escorted  them  to  the  platform  in  the  public  square. 
But  the  eagerness  to  hear  the  speaking  was  so  great  that  the  crowd 
had  taken  possession  of  the  square  and  platform  and  had  climbed  on 
the  wooden  awning  overhead  to  such  an  extent  that  the  speakers  and 
committees  and  reporters  could  not  get  to  their  places.  Half  an  hour 
was  consumed  in  a  rough-and-tumble  skirmish  to  make  way  for  them, 
and  when  finally  this  was  accomplished,  a  section  of  the  awning  gave 
way  with  its  load  of  men  and  boys,  and  came  down  on  the  heads  of 
the  Douglas  committee  of  reception.  But,  fortunately,  nobody  was 
hurt. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  August  26,  1858] 

The  complete  manner  in  which  Lincoln  used  up  Douglas  at  Ottawa 
is  evinced  by  the  desperation  of  the  latter's  newspaper  organs.  The 
Chicago  Times,  construing  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Republicans  in  bear- 
ing Lincoln  upon  their  shoulders  after  the  debate  in  triumph  through 
the  city,  says  that  he  "  broke  down  completely,  and  his  friends  were 
obliged  to  carry  him  from  the  ground ! "  That  will  do ;  the  Times  has 
touched  the  bottom! 

[Whig,  Quincy,  Ills.,  August  26,  1858] 

THE  ELEGANCIES  OF  DOUGLAS 

The  character  and  disposition  of  Judge  Douglas  were  pretty  clearly 
exhibited  in  his  speech  at  Ottawa,  the  other  day.  Among  other 
equally  elegant  terms  which  he  used  on  the  occasion,  were  the  follow- 
ing: In  speaking  of  Mr.  Lincoln  he  said  he  intended  to  "bring  him 
to  his  milk" — that  he  advocated  the  doctrine  that  "niggers  were 
equal  to  white  men" — that  he  was  going  to  "trot  him  (Lincoln)  down 
to  Egypt. "     And  much  more  of  the  same  sort. 

Isn't  this  beautiful  language  to  come  from  a  United  States  Senator? 


THE  OTTAWA  DEBATE  145 

Mr.  Douglas  is  as  much  a  blackguard  as  he  is  a  demagogue,  and 
scarcely  has  an  equal  in  either  respect. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  24,  1858] 

The  interest  in  the  debate  at  Ottawa  is  wide-spread Our 

own  extra  edition  of  2,000  copies  was  exhausted  before  9  o'clock  and 
a  third  edition  printed  and  sold  during  the  day, 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  August  23,  1858] 

THE  EESULT  OF  THE  FIRST  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

DEBATE 

The  Republicans  were  in  their  glory  at  Ottawa  on  Saturday,  the 
foolish  statements  and  falsehoods  of  the  Chicago  Times  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  At  least  two-thirds  of  the  vast  assemblage  that  was 
attracted  thither  to  listen  to  the  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debate,  was 
composed  of  Republicans,  and  every  candid  man  present  whom  we 
have  seen,  bears  testimony  to  the  fact  that  Lincoln  "  took  down  " 
Douglas  most  effectually,  on  every  point  of  the  debate.  The  gen- 
uine enthusiasm  of  the  occasion  was  all  on  the  side  of  Lincoln,  and  so 
pleased  were  his  friends  with  his  strong  and  crushing  reply  to  the 
misrepresentations  and  sophistications  of  Douglas,  that  when  he 
concluded  his  speech,  they  rushed  up  to  the  stand,  took  him  upon 
their  shoulders,  and  bore  him  in  triumphal  procession  to  the  house  of 
Mayor  Glover,  where  he  stopped. 

In  the  evening  the  Republicans  had  a  grand  time.  Preceded  by  a 
band  of  music,  they  marched  in  procession  to  Mayor  Glover's,  and 
escorted  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Owen  Lovejoy  from  thence  to  the  Court 
House,  where  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic  meetings  that  was  ever 
gotten  up,  was  held.  Mr.  Lovejoy  made  a  telling  speech — one  of  his 
characteristic  sledge-hammer  efforts, — after  which,  the  masses — all 
Republicans — (for  the  Douglasites  had  hidden  their  heads  in  shame, 
at  the,  to  them,  inglorious  result  of  the  public  debate,)  formed  a 
grand  torchlight  procession,  and  paraded  the  streets,  with  loud 
"hurrahs  for  Lincoln,"  until  a  late  hour. 

Every  Republican  present  at  this  first  regular  tussle  between  Lin- 
coln and  Douglas,  felt  entirely  satisfied,  and  the  general  opinion  is  that 
in  the  Third  Congressional  District,  at  least,  Douglas  is  "  a  dead  cock 
in  the  pit. " 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  26,  1858] 

HO!  FOR  FREEPORT! 

The  usual  fare  from  Chicago  to  Freeport  and  return,  is  $7.20.  But 
excursion  tickets  will  be  sold  to  those  who  wish  to  leave  this  evening 
or  tomorrow  morning  for  the  Lincoln  and  Douglas  meeting  at  Freeport 
tomorrow,  for  $4.35,  or  60  per  cent  of  the  usual  fare.  By  starting  on 
the  9^  train  tomorrow  morning,  you  reach  Freeport  at  3  p.  m.,  an 
hour  after  the  speaking  commences.  All  should,  therefore,  leave  by 
tonight's  train,  which  starts  from  the  Wells  Street  depot,  North  Side , 
at  45  minutes  after  10  o'clock.  Comfortable  sleeping  cars  will  be  put 
on,  and  all  can  reach  Freeport  in  season  for  the  whole  fun,  without 
losing  any  time.  Tickets  for  the  excursion  will  be  sold  at  the  Wells 
Street  Galena  passenger  depot  alone. 

[Freeport,  III.,  Journal,  August  26,  1858] 

HOUR  OF  ARRIVAL 

Lincoln  spoke  at  Augusta,  in  Hancock  County  yesterday.  He  will 
probably  arrive  in  town  to-morrow  forenoon,  on  the  extra  train  from 
Dixon,  which  train  will  also  bring  up  delegations  from  Ogle,  Lee  and 
Whiteside  Counties. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  25,  1858] 

LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT 

Our  readers  in  the  Western  part  of  the  State  will  bear  in  mind  the 
fact  that  the  second  encounter  between  LINCOLN  and  DOUGLAS 
comes  off  at  Freeport  on  Friday,  the  27th.  On  that  occasion  it  is 
expected  that  Douglas  will  try  to  "  bring  Mr.  Lincoln  to  his  milk, "  and 
all  who  are  curious  to  know  what  the  process  used  will  be,  and  what 
will  result  therefrom,  will  not  fail  to  be  on  hand. 

SECOND  JOINT  DEBATE 

Freeport,  August  27,   1858 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  introduced  by  Hon.  Thomas  J.  Turner,  and  was 
greeted  with  loud  cheers.     When  the  applause  had  subsided,  he  said : 

147 


148  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Speech 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  On  Saturday  last,  Judge  Douglas  and 
myself  first  met  in  public  discussion.  He  spoke  one  hour,  I  an  hour 
and  a  half,  and  he  replied  for  half  an  hour.  The  order  is  now  reversed. 
I  am  to  speak  an  hour,  he  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  then  I  am  to  reply 
for  half  an  hour.  I  propose  to  devote  myself  during  the  first  hour  to 
the  scope  of  what  was  brought  within  the  range  of  his  half-hour 
speech  at  Ottawa.  Of  course  there  was  brought  within  the  scope 
of  ^  that  half-hour's  speech  something  of  his  own  opening  speech. 

In  the  course  of  that  opening  argument  Judge  Douglas  proposed 
to  me  seven  distinct  interrogatories.  In  my  speech  of  an  hour  and  a 
half,  I  attended  to  some  other  parts  of  his  speech,  and  incidentally,  as 
I  thought,  answered  one  of  the  interrogatories  then.  I  then  distinctly 
intimated  to  him  that  I  would  answer  the  rest  of  his  interrogatories. 
He  made  no  intimation  at  the  time  of  the  proposition,  nor  did  he  in  his 
reply  allude  at  all  to  that  suggestion  of  mine.  I  do  him  no  injustice 
in  saying  that  he  occupied  at  least  half  of  his  reply  in  dealing  with  me 
as  though  I  had  refused  to  answer  his  interrogatories.  I  now  propose 
that  I  will  answer  any  of  the  interrogatories  upon  condition  that 
he  will  answer  questions  from  me  not  exceeding  the  same  number. 
I  give  him  an  opportunity  to  respond.  The  Judge  remains  silent. 
I  now  say^  that  I  will  answer  his  interrogatories,  whether  he  answers 
mine  or  not;  [applause]  and  after  that  I  have  done  so,  I  shall  pro- 
pound mine  to  him.     [Applause.] 

[Owing  to  the  press  of  people  against  the  platform,  our  reporter 
did  not  reach  the  stand  until  Mr.  Lincoln  had  spoken  to  this  point. 
The  previous  remarks  were  taken  by  a  gentleman  in  Freeport,  who 
has  politely  furnished  them  to  us.] 

I  have  supposed  myself,  since  the  organization  of  the  Republican 
party  at  Bloomington,  in  May,  1856,  bound  as  a  party  man  by  the  plat- 
forms of  the  party,  then  and  since.  If  in  any  interrogatories  which 
I  shall  answer  I  go  beyond  the  scope  of  what  is  within  these  platforms, 
it  will  be  perceived  that  no  one  is  responsible  but  myself. 

Having  said  thus  much,  I  will  take  up  the  Judge's  interrogatories 
as  I  find  them  printed  in  the  Chicago  Times,  and  answer  them  seriatim. 
In  order  that  there  may  be  no  mistake  about  it,  I  have  copied  the  in- 

iReads:  "In"  for  "of." 
^Inserts:  "to  you"  after  "say." 


UiTtl«l»UMM*»ii!''''"-"'' 


JESIDENT    HOOSEVELT, 


SITE  OF  THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE 

The  granite  boulder  and  tablets  were  placed  by  the  Freeport  Woman's  Club  to  mark  the  site 


LINXOLX  AT  FREE  PORT  149 

terrogatories  in  writing,  and  also  my  answers  to  it  J  The  first  one  of 
these  interrogatories  is  in  these  words: — 

Question  1. — ''I  desire  to  know  whether  Luicoki  to-day  stands  as 
he  did  in  1854,  ia  favor  of  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive- 
Slave  law?" 

Answer. — I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  in  favor  of  the  uncon- 
ditional repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law.     [Cries  of  "  Good  I  good ! "] 

Q.  2.  ''I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  stands  pledged  to-day 
as  he  did  in  1854,  against  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  into 
the  Union,  even  if  the  people  want  them?  " 

A.  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  pledged  against  the  admis- 
sion of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union. 

Q.  3.  "I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  against  the 
admission  of  a  new  State  into  the  Union  with  such  a  Constitution  as 
the  people  of  that  Stat^  may  see  fit  to  make?  " 

A.  I  do  not  stand  pledged  against  the  admission  of  a  new  State 
into  the  Union,  with  such  a  Constitution  as  the  people  of  that  State 
may  see  fit  to  make.     [Cries  of  "Good!  good!"'] 

Q.  4.  "I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  to-day  pledged  to  the 
abolition  of  slaver}^  in  the  District  of  Columbia?" 

A.  I  do  not  stand  to-day  pledged  to  the  aboUtion  of  slaver}^  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

Q.  5.  "I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  the 
prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  between  the  different  States?" 

A.  I  do  not  stand  pledged  to  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  be- 
tween the  different  states. 

Q.  6.  "I  desire  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  prohibit 
slavery  m  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  north  as  well  as 
south  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line?" 

A.  I  am  impliedly,  if  not  expressly,  pledged  to  a  behef  in  the  right 
and  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slaven,'  Ln  all  the  United  States  Terri- 
tories.    [Great  applause.] 

Q.  7.  ''I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  is  opposed  to  the  ac- 
quisition of  any  new  territory-  unless  slaver}-  is  first  prohibited 
therein?  " 

A.  I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  honest  acquisition  of  territory; 
and,  in  any  given  case,  I  would  or  would  not  oppose  such  acquisition, 
accordingly  as  I  might  think  such  acquisition  would  or  would  not 

i^Reads:  "them"  for  "It." 
—6 


150  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

aggravate^  the  slavery  question  among  ourselves.     [Cries  of  "Good! 
good!"] 

Now,  my  friends,  it  will  be  perceived,  upon  an  examination  of  these 
questions  and  answers,  that  so  far  I  have  only  answered  that  I  was  not 
pledged  to  this,  that,  or  the  other.  The  Judge  has  not  framed  his 
interrogatories  to  ask  me  anything  more  than  this,  and  I  have  an- 
swered in  strict  accordance  with  the  interrogatories,  and  have 
answered  truly,  that  I  am  not  pledged  at  all  upon  any  of  the  points 
to  which  I  have  answered.  But  I  am  not  disposed  to  hang  upon  the 
exact  form  of  his  interrogatory.  I  am  rather  disposed  to  take  up  at 
least  some  of  these  questions,  and  state  what  I  really  think  upon  them. 

As  to  the  first  one,  in  regard  to  the  Fugitive-Slave  law,  I  have  never 
hesitated  to  say,  and  I  do  not  now  hesitate  to  say,  that  I  think,  under 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  are  entitled  to  a  Congressional  Fugitive-Slave  law.  Having 
said  that,  I  have  had  nothing  to  say  in  regard  to  the  existing  Fugi- 
tive-Slave law,  further  than  that  I  think  it  should  have  been  framed 
so  as  to  be  free  from  some  of  the  objections  that  pertain  to  it,  without 
lessening  its  efficiency.  And  inasmuch  as  we  are  not  now  in  an 
agitation  in  regard  to  an  alteration  or  modification  of  that  law,  I 
would  not  be  the  man  to  introduce  it  as  a  new  subject  of  agitation 
upon  the  general  question  of  slavery. 

In  regard  to  the  other  question,  of  whether  I  am  pledged  to*the 
admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union,  I  state  to  you  very 
frankly  that  I  would  be  exceedingly  sorry  ever  to  be  put  in  a  position 
of  having  to  pass  upon  that  question.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to 
know  that  there  would  never  be  another  Slave  State  admitted  into  the 
Union;  [applause]  but  I  must  add  that  if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of 
the  Territories  during  the  Territorial  existence  of  any  one  given  Terri- 
tory, and  then  the  people  shall,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a  clear  field, 
when  they  come  to  adopt  the  constitution,  do  such  an  extraordinary 
thing  as  to  adopt  a  slave  constituion,  uninfluenced  by  the  actual  pres- 
ence of  the  institution  among  them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own 
the  country,  but  to  admit  them  into  the  Union.     [Applause.] 

The  third  interrogatory  is  answered  by  the  answer  to  the  second,  it 
being,  as  I  conceive,  the  same  as  the  second. 

The  fourth  one  is  in  regard  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia.     In  relation  to  that,  I  have  my  mind  very  distinctly 

iReads:  "agitate"  for  "aggravate." 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  151 

made  up.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  slavery  abolished  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  [Cries  of  "Good!  Good!"]  I  believe  that 
Congress  possesses  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish  it.  Yet  as  a 
member  of  Congress,  I  should  not,  with  my  present  views,  be  in  favor 
of  endeavoring  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  unless  it 
would  be  upon  these  conditions:  First,  that  the  abolition  should  be 
gradual;  second,  that  it  should  be  on  a  vote  of  the  majority  of  qualified 
voters  in  the  District;  and  third,  that  compensation  should  be  made  to 
unwilling  owners.  With  these  three  conditions,  I  confess  I  would  be 
exceedingly  glad  to  see  Congress  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and,  in  the  language  of  Henry  Clay,  ''sweep  from  our 
capital  that  foul  blot  upon  our  nation. "     [Loud  applause.] 

In  regard  to  the  fifth  interrogatory,  I  must  say  here,  that  as  to  the 
question  of  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  between  the  different  States 
I  can  truly  answer,  as  I  have,  that  I  am  pledged  to  nothing  about  it. 
It  is  a  subject  to  which  I  have  not  given  that  mature  consideration 
that  would  make  me  feel  authorized  to  state  a  position  so  as  to  hold 
myself  entirely  bound  by  it.  In  other  words,  that  question  has  never 
been  prominently  enough  before  me  to  induce  me  to  investigate 
whether  we  really  have  the  constitutional  power  to  do  it.  I  could 
investigate  it  if  I  had  sufficient  time  to  bring  myself  to  a  conclusion 
upon  that  subject;  but  I  have  not  done  so,  and  I  say  so  frankly  to  you 
here,  and  to  Judge  Douglas.  I  must  say,  however,  that  if  I  should  be 
of  opinion  that  Congress  does  possess  the  constitutional  power  to 
abolish  the  slave-trade^  among  the  different  States,  I  should  still  not 
be  in  favor  of  the  excercise  of  that  power  unless  upon  some  conser- 
vative principle  as  I  conceive  it,  akin  to  what  I  have  said  in  relation 
to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

My  answer  as  to  whether  I  desire  that  slavery  should  be  prohibited 
in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  is  full  and  explicit  within 
itself,  and  cannot  be  made  clearer  by  any  comments  of  mine.  So  I 
suppose  in  regard  to  the  question  whether  I  am  opposed  to  the  acquisi- 
tion of  any  more  territory  unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  therein,  my 
answer  is  such  that  I  could  add  nothing  by  way  of  illustration,  or  mak- 
ing myself  better  understood,  than  the  answer  which  I  have  placed  in 
writing. 

Now  in  all  this  the  Judge  has  me,  and  he  has  me  on  the  record.  I 
suppose  he  had  flattered  himself  that  I  was  really  entertaining  one  set 

Reads:  "slavery"  for  "thejslave  trade." 


152  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

of  opinions  for  one  place,  and  another  set  for  another  place;  that  I  was 
afraid  to  say  at  one  place  what  I  uttered  at  another.  What  I  am 
saying  here  I  suppose  I  say  to  a  vast  audience  as  strongly  tending  to 
Abolitionism  as  any  audience  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  I  believe  I 
am  saying  that  which,  if  it  would  be  offensive^  to  any  persons  and 
render  them  enemies  to  myself,  would  be  offensive  to  persons  in  this 
audience. 

I  now  proceed  to  propound  to  the  Judge  the  interrogatories,  so  far 
as  rhave  framed  them.  I  will  bring  forward  a  new  installment  when 
I  get  them  ready.  [Laughter.]  I  will  bring  them  forward  now,  only 
reaching  to  number  four. 

The  first  one  is: — 

Question  1.  If  the  people  of  Kansas  shall,  by  means  entirely  un- 
objectionable in  all  other  respects,  adopt  a  State  Constitution,  and  ask 
admission  into  the  Union  under  it,  before  they  have  the  requisite  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  according  to  the  English  bill, — some  ninety-three 
thousand, — will  you  vote  to  admit  them?     [Applause.] 

Q.  2.  Can  the  people  of  the  United  States  Territory,  in  any  lawful 
way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  exclude 
slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  constitution? 
[Renewed  applause.] 

Q.  3.  If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  shall  decree  that 
States  cannot  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  are  you  in  favor  of 
acquiescing  in,  adopting,  and  following,  such  decision  as  a  rule  of 
political  action?     [Loud  applause.] 

Q.  4.  Are  you  in  favor  of  acquiring  additional  territory,  in  disre- 
gard of  how  such  acquisition  may  affect  the  nation  on  the  slavery 
question?     [Cries  of  "Good!     Good!"] 

As  introductory  to  these  interrogatories  which  Judge  Douglas  pro- 
pounded to  me  at  Ottawa,  he  read  a  set  of  resolutions  which  he  said 
Judge  Trumbull  and  myself  had  participated  in  adopting,  in  the  first 
Republican  State  Convention,  held  at  Springfield  in  October,  1854.  He 
insisted  that  I  and  Judge  Trumbull,  and  perhaps  the  entire  Republican 
party,  were  responsible  for  the  doctrines  contained  in  the  set  of  resolu- 
tions which  he  read,  and  I  understand  that  it  was  from  that  set  of 
resolutions  that  he  deduced  the  interrogatories  which  he  propounded 
to  me,  using  these  resolutions  as  a  sort  of  authority  for  propounding 
those  questions  to  me.  Now,  I  say  here  to-day  that  I  do  not  answer 
his  interrogatories  because  of  their  springing  at  all  from  that  set  of 

'Reads:  "affirmed"  for  "offensive." 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  153 

resolutions  which  he  read.  I  answered  them  because  Judge  Douglas 
thought  fit  to  ask  them.  [Applause.]  I  do  not  now,  nor  never  did, 
recognize  any  responsibility  upon  myself  in  that  set  of  resolutions. 
When  I  replied  to  him  on  that  occasion,  I  assured  him  that  I  never 
had  anything  to  do  with  them.  I  repeat  here  to-day  that  I  never  in 
any  possible  form  had  anything  to  do  with  that  set  of  resolutions. 

It  turns  out,  I  believe,  that  those  resolutions  were  never  passed  in 
any  convention  held  in  Springfield.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  It  turns 
out  that  they  we're  never  passed  at  any  convention  or  any  pubhc 
meeting  that  I  had  any  part  in.  I  believe  it  turns  out,  in  addition  to 
all  this,  that  there  was  not,  in  the  fall  of  1854,  any  convention  holding 
a  session  in  Springfield,  calling  itself  a  Republican  State  Convention; 
yet  it  is  true  there  was  a  convention,  or  assemblage  of  men  calling 
themselves  a  convention,  at  Springfield,  that  did  pass  some  resolutions. 
But  so  little  did  I  really  know  of  the  proceedings  of  that  convention, 
or  what  set  of  resolutions  they  had  passed,  though  having  a  general 
knowledge  that  there  had  been  such  an  assemblage  of  men  there,.that 
when  Judge  Douglas  read  the  resolutions,  I  really  did  not  know  but 
they  had  been  the  resolutions  passed  then  and  there.  I  did  not 
question  that  they  were  the  resolutions  adopted.  For  I  could  not 
bring  myself  to  suppose  that  Judge  Douglas  could  say  what  he  did 
upon  this  subject  without  knowing  that  it  was  true.  [Cheers  and 
laughter.]  I  contented  myself,  on  that  occasion,  with  denying,  as  I 
truly  could,  all  connection  with  them,  not  denying  or  afiirming 
whether  they  were  passed  at  Springfield.  Now,  it  turns  out  that  he 
had  got  hold  of  some  resolutions  passed  at  some  convention  or  pubhc 
meeting  in  Kane  County.  [Renewed  laughter.]  I  wish  to  saj'  here, 
that  I  don't  conceive  that  in  any  fair  and  just  mind  this  discovery 
relieves  me  at  all.  I  had  just  as  much  to  do  with  the  convention  in 
Kane  County  as  that  at  Springfield.  I  am  just  as  much  responsible 
for  the  resolutions  at  Kane  County  as  those  at  Springfield, — the 
amount  of  the  responsibility  being  exactly  nothing  in  either  case;  no 
more  than  there  would  be  in  regard  to  a  set  of  resolutions  passed  in 
the  moon.     [Laughter  and  loud  cheers.] 

I  allude  to  this  extraordinary  matter  in  this  canvass  for  some 
further  purpose  than  anj'thing  yet  advanced.  Judge  Douglas  did  not 
make  his  statement  upon  that  occasion  as  matters  that  he  believed  to 
be  true,  but  he  stated  them  roundlj'  as  heiyig  true,  in  such  form  as  to 
pledge  his  veracity  for  their  truth.      When  the  whole  matter  turns 


154  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

out  as  it  does,  and  when  we  consider  who  Judge  Douglas  is, — that 
he  is  a  distinguished  Senator  of  the  United  States ;  that  he  has  served 
nearly  twelve  years  as  such ;  that  his  character  is  not  at  all  limited  as 
an  ordinary  Senator  of  the  United  States,  but  that  his  name  has 
become  of  world-wide  renown, — it  is  most  extraordinary  that  he  should 
so  far  forget  all  the  suggestions  of  justice  to  an  adversary,  or  of  pru- 
dence to  himself,  as  to  venture  upon  the  assertion  of  that  which  the 
slightest  investigation  would  have  shown  him  to  be  wholly  false. 
[Cheers.]  I  can  only  account  for  his  having  done  so  upon  the  sup- 
position that  that  evil  genius  which  has  attended  him  through  his 
life,  giving  to  him  an  apparent  astonishing  prosperity,  such  as  to 
lead  very  many  good  men  to  doubt  there  being  any  advantage  in 
virtue  over  vice,  [cheers  and  laughter] — I  say  I  can  only  account  for 
it  on  the  supposition  that  that  evil  genius  has  at  last  made  up  its 
mind  to  forsake  him.     [Continued  cheers  and  laughter.] 

And  I  may  add  that  another  extraordinary  feature  of  the  Judge's 
conduct  in  this  canvass — made  more  extraordinary  by  this  incident — 
is,  that  he  is  in  the  habit,  in  almost  all  the  speeches  he  makes,  of  charg- 
ing falsehood  upon  his  adversaries,  myself  and  others.  I  now  ask 
whether  he  is  able  to  find  in  anything  that  Judge  Trumbull,  for 
instance,  has  said,  or  in  anything  that  I  have  said,  a  justification  at 
all  compared  with  what  we  have,  in  this  instance,  for  that  sort  of 
vulgarity.     [Cries  of  ''Good!  Good!  Good!"] 

I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  charging  as  a  matter  of  belief  on  my 
part  that,  in  the  introduction  of  the  Nebraska  bill  into  Congress,  there 
was  a  conspiracy  to  make  slavery  perpetual  and  national.  I  have 
arranged  from  time  to  time  the  evidence  which  establishes  and  proves 
the  truth  of  this  charge.  I  recurred  to  this  charge  at  Ottawa.  I  shall 
not  now  have  time  to  dwell  upon  it  at  very  great  length;  but  inasmuch 
as  Judge  Douglas,  in  his  reply  of  half  an  hour,  made  some  points  upon 
me  in  relation  to  it,  I  propose  noticing  a  few  of  them. 

The  Judge  insists  that,  in  the  first  speech  I  made,  in  which  I  very 
distinctly  made  that  charge,  he  thought  for  a  good  while  I  was  in  fun! 
that  I  was  playful;  that  I  was  not  sincere  about  it;  and  that  he  only 
grew  angry  and  somewhat  excited  when  he  found  that  I  insisted  upon 
it  as  a  matter  of  earnestness.  He  says  he  characterized  it  as  a  false- 
hood as  far  as  I  implicated  his  moral  character  in  that  transaction. 
Well,  I  did  not  know,  till  he  presented  that  view,  that  I  had  implicated 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  155 

his  moral  character.  He  is  very  much  in  the  habit,  when  he  argues 
me  up  into  a  position  I  never  thought  of  occupying,  of  very  cosily 
saying  he  has  no  doubt  Lincoln  is  "  conscientious  "  in  saying  so.  He 
should  remember  that  I  did  not  know  but  what  he  was  altogether 
"conscientious"  in  that  matter.  [Great  laughter.]  I  can  con- 
ceive it  was  possible  for  men  to  conspire  to  do  a  good  thing,  and  I 
really  find  nothing  in  Judge  Douglas's  course  or  arguments  that  is 
contrary  to,  or  inconsistent  with,  his  belief  of  a  conspiracy  to  national- 
ize and  spread  slavery  as  being  a  good  and  blessed  thing;  [continued 
laughter]  and  so  I  hope  he  will  understand  that  I  do  not  at  all  question 
but  that  in  all  this  matter  he  is  entirely  "  conscientious. "  [More 
laughter  and  cheers.] 

But  to  draw  your  attention  to  one  of  the  points  I  made  in  this  case, 
beginning  at  the  beginning.  When  the  Nebraska  bill  was  introduced, 
or  a  short  time  afterward,  by  an  amendment,  I  believe,  it  was  provid- 
ed that  it  must  be  considered  ''the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this 
Act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  State  or  Territory,  or  to  exclude  it 
therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and 
regulate  their  own  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  "  I  have  called  his  attention 
to  the  fact  that  when  he  and  some  others  began  arguing  that  they 
were  giving  an  increased  degree  of  liberty  to  the  people  in  the  Terri- 
tories over  and  above  what  they  formerly  had  on  the  question  of 
slavery,  a  question  was  raised  whether  the  law  was  enacted  to  give 
such  unconditional  liberty  to  the  people;  and  to  test  the  sincerity  of 
this  mode  of  argument,  Mr.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  introduced  an  amendment, 
in  which  he  made  the  law — if  the  amendment  were  adopted — ex- 
pressly declare  that  the  people  of  the  Territory  should  have  the 
power  to  exclude  slavery  if  they  saw  fit. 

I  have  asked  attention  also  to  the  fact  that  Judge  Douglas  and  those 
who  acted  with  him  voted  that  amendment  down,  notwithstanding  it 
expressed  exactly  the  thing  they  said  was  the  true  intent  and  meaning 
of  the  law.  I  have  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  subsequent 
times  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  has  been  made,  in  which  it  has 
been  declared  that  a  Territorial  Legislature  has  no  constitutional 
right  to  exclude  slavery.  And  I  have  argued  and  said  that  for  men 
who  did  intend  that  the  people  of  the  Territory  should  have  the  right 
to  exclude  slavery  absolutely  and  unconditionally,  the  voting  down  of 
Chase's  amendment  is  wholly  inexplicable.     It  is  a  puzzle,  a  riddle. 


156  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

But  I  have  said  that  with  men  who  did  look  forward  to  such  a  decision, 
or  who  had  it  in  contemplation  that  such  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  would  or  might  be  made,  the  voting  down  of  that  amendment 
would  be  perfectly  rational  and  intelligible.  It  would  keep  Congress 
from  coming  in  collision  with  the  decision  when  it  was  made. 

Anybody  can  conceive  that  if  there  was  an  intention  or  expectation 
that  such  a  decision  was  to  follow,  it  would  not  be  a  very  desirable 
party  attitude  to  get  into,  for  the  Supreme  Court — all  or  nearly  all 
its  members  belonging  to  the  same  party — to  decide  one  way,  when 
the  party  in  Congress  had  decided  the  other  way.  Hence  it  would  be 
very  rational  for  men  expecting  such  a  decision  to  keep  the  niche  in 
that  law  clear  for  it.  After  pointing  this  out,  I  tell  Judge  Douglas 
that  it  looks  to  me  as  though  here  was  the  reason  why  Chase's  amend- 
ment was  voted  down.  I  tell  him  that,  as  he  did  it,  and  knows  why 
he  did  it,  if  it  was  done  for  a  reason  different  from  this,  he  knows  what 
that  reason  was,  and  can  tell  us  what  it  was.  I  tell  him,  also,  it  will  be 
vastly  more  satisfactory  to  the  country  for  him  to  give  some  other 
plausible,  intelligible,  reason  why  it  was  voted  down  than  to  stand 
upon  his  dignity  and  call  people  liars.     [Loud  cheers.] 

Well,  on  Saturday  he  did  make  his  answer;  and  what  do  you  think 
it  was?  He  says  if  I  had  only  taken  upon  myself  to  tell  the  whole 
truth  about  that  amendment  of  Chase's,  no  explanation  would  have 
been  necessary  on  his  part, — or  words  to  that  effect.  Now,  I  say  here 
that  I  am  quite  unconscious  of  having  suppressed  anything  material 
to  the  case,  and  I  am  very  frank  to  admit  if  there  is  any  sound  reason 
other  than  that  which  appeared  to  me  material,  it  is  quite  fair  for  him 
to  present  it.  What  reason  does  he  propose? — That  when  Chase  came 
forward  with  his  amendment  expressly  authorizing  the  people  to 
exclude  slavery  from  the  limits  of  every  Territory,  General  Cass  pro- 
posed to  Chase,  if  he  (Chase)  would  add  to  his  amendment  that  the 
people  should  have  the  power  to  introduce  or  exclude,  they  would  let 
it  go.  (This  is  substantially  all  of  his  reply.)  And  because  Chase 
would  not  do  that,  they  voted  his  amendment  down.  Well,  it  turns 
out,  I  believe,  upon  examination,  that  General  Cass  took  some  part 
in  the  little  running  debate  upon  that  amendment,  and  then  ran  awaj' 
and  did  not  vote  on  it  at  all.  [Laughter.]  Is  not  that  the  fact?  So 
confident,  as  I  think,  was  General  Cass  that  there  was  a  snake  some- 
where about,  he  chose  to  run  away  from  the  whole  thing.  This  is  an 
inference  I  draw  from  the  fact  that,  though  he  took  part  in  the  debate, 
his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  ayes  and  noes.     But  does  Judge 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  157 

Douglas's  reply  amount  to  a  satisfactory  answer?  [Cries  of  "Yes," 
"  Yes, "  and  "  No, "  "  No.  "]  There  is  some  little  difference  of  opinion 
here.     [Laughter.] 

But  I  ask  attention  to  a  few  more  views  bearing  on  the  question  of 
whether  it  amounts  to  a  satisfactory  answer.  The  men  who  were 
determined  that  that  amendment  should  not  get  into  the  bill  and  spoil 
the  place  where  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  to  come  in,  sought  an 
excuse  to  get  rid  of  it  somewhere.  One  of  these  ways — one  of  these 
excuses — was  to  ask  Chase  to  add  to  his  proposed  amendment  a  pro- 
vision that  the  people  might  introduce  slavery  if  they  wanted  to. 
They  very  well  knew  Chase  would  do  no  such  thing,  that  Mr.  Chase 
was  one  of  the  men  differing  from  them  on  the  broad  principle  of  his 
insisting  that  freedom  was  better  than  slavery, — a  man  who  would  not 
consent  to  enact  a  law,  penned  with  his  own  hand,  by  which  he  was 
made  to  recognize  slavery  on  the  one  hand,  and  liberty  on  the  other, 
as  precisely  equal;  and  when  they  insisted  on  his  doing  this,  they  very 
well  knew  they  insisted  on  that  which  he  would  not  for  a  moment 
think  of  doing,  and  that  they  were  only  bluffing  him.  I  believe 
(I  have  not,  since  he  made  his  answer,  had  a  chance  to  examine  the 
journals  or  Congressional  Globe  and  therefore  speak  from  memory)  — 
I  believe  the  state  of  the  bill  at  that  time,  according  to  parliamentary 
rules,  was  such  that  no  member  could  propose  an  additional  amend- 
ment to  Chase's  amendment.  I  rather  think  this  is  the  truth, — the 
Judge  shakes  his  head.  Very  well.  I  would  like  to  know,  then, 
if  they  wanted  Chase's  amendment  fixed  over,  why  somebody  else  could 
not  have  offered  to  do  it?  If  they  wanted  it  amended,  why  did  they  not 
offer  the  amendment?  Why  did  they  stand  there  taunting  and 
quibbling  at  Chase?  [Laughter.]  Why  did  they  not  put  it  in  them- 
selves? 

But  to  put  it  on  the  other  ground :  Suppose  that  there  was  such  an 
amendment  offered,  and  Chase's  was  an  amendment  to  an  amendment 
until  one  is  disposed  of,  by  parliamentary  law  you  cannot  pile  another 
on.  Then  all  these  gentlemen  had  to  do  was  to  vote  Chase's  on,  and 
then,  in  the  amended  form  in  which  the  whole  stood,  add  their  own 
amendment  to  it,  if  they  wanted  to  put  it  in  that  shape.  This  was  all 
they  were  obliged  to  do,  and  the  ayes  and  noes  show  that  there  were 
thirty-six  who  voted  it  down,  against  ten  who  voted  in  favor  of  it.  The 
thirty-six  held  entire  sway  and  control.  They  could  in  some  form  or 
other  have  put  that  bill  in  the  exact  shape  they  wanted.     If  there  was 


158  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

a  rule  preventing  their  amending  it  at  the  time,  they  could  pass  that, 
and  then.  Chase's  amendment  being  merged,  put  it  in  the  shape  they 
wanted.  They  did  not  choose  to  do  so,  but  they  went  into  a  quibble 
with  Chase  to  get  him  to  add  what  they  knew  he  would  not  add,  and 
because  he  would  not,  they  stand  upon  that  flimsy  pretext  for  voting 
down  what  they  argued  was  the  meaning  and  intent  of  their  own  bill. 
They  left  room  thereby  for  this  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  goes  very 
far  to  make  slavery  national  throughout  the  United  States. 

I  pass  one  or  two  points  I  have,  because  my  time  will  very  soon 
expire;  but  I  must  be  allowed  to  say  that  Judge  Douglas  recurs  again, 
as  he  did  upon  one  or  two  other  occasions,  to  the  enormity  of  Lincoln — 
an  insignificant  individual  like  Lincoln, — upon  his  ipse  dixit  charging  a 
conspiracy  upon  a  large  number  of  members  of  Congress,  the  Supreme 
•Court,  and  two  Presidents,  to  nationalize  slavery.  I  want  to  say  that, 
in  the  first  place,  I  have  made  no  charge  of  this  sort  upon  my  ipse 
dixit.  I  have  only  arrayed  the  evidence  tending  to  prove  it,  and 
presented  it  to  the  understanding  of  others,  saying  what  I  think  it 
proves,  but  giving  you  the  means  of  judging  whether  it  proves  it  or 
not.  This  is  precisely  what  I  have  done.  I  have  not  placed  it  upon 
my  ipse  dixit  at  all. 

On  this  occasion,  I  wish  to  recall  his  attention  to  a  piece  of  evidence 
which  I  brought  forward  at  Ottawa  on  Saturday,  showing  that  he  had 
made  substantially  the  same  charge  against  substantially  the  same 
persons,  excluding  his  dear  self  from  the  category.  I  ask  him  to  give 
some  attention  to  the  evidence  which  I  brought  forward  that  he  him- 
self had  discovered  a  "fatal  blow  being  struck"  against  the  right  of 
the  people  to  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  which  fatal  blow  he 
assumed  as  in  evidence  in  an  article  in  the  Washington  Union,  pub- 
lished "by  authority."  I  ask  by  whose  authority?  He  discovers  a 
similar  or  identical  provision  in  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  Made 
by  whom?  The  framers  of  that  Constitution.  Advocated  by  whom? 
By  all  the  members  of  the  party  in  the  nation,  who  advocated  the 
introduction  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  under  the  Lecompton  Con- 
stitution. 

I  have  asked  his  attention  to  the  evidence  that  he  arrayed  to  prove 
"that  such  a  fatal  blow  was  being  struck,  and  to  the  facts  which  he 
brought  forward  in  support  of  that  charge, — being  identical  with  the 
one  which  he  thinks  so  villainous  in  me.    He  pointed  it,  not  at  a  news- 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  159 

paper  editor  merely,  but  at  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  and  the 
members  of  Congress  advocating  the  Lecompton  Constitution  and 
those  framing  that  instrument.  I  must  again  be  permitted  to  remind 
him  that  although  my  ipse  dixit  may  not  be  as  great  as  his,  yet  it 
somewhat  reduces  the  force  of  his  calling  my  attention  to  the  enormity 
of  my  making  a  like  charge  against  him.  [Loud  applause.] 
Go  on,  Judge  Douglas. 


Mr.  Doug-las's  Reply 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  The  silence  with  which  you  have  listened  to 
Mr.  Lincoln  during  his  hour  is  creditable  to  this  vast  audience,  com- 
posed of  men  of  various  political  parties.  Nothing  is  more  honorable 
to  any  large  mass  of  people  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  a  fair  dis- 
cussion than  that  kind  and  respectful  attention  that  is  yielded,  not 
only  to  your  political  friends,  but  to  those  who  are  opposed  to  you 
in  politics. 

I  am  glad  that  at  last  I  have  brought  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  conclusion 
that  he  had  better  define  his  position  on  certain  political  questions  to 
which  I  called  his  attention  at  Ottawa.  He  there  showed  no  disposi- 
tion, no  inclination,  to  answer  them.  I  did  not  present  idle  questions 
for  him  to  answer,  merely  for  my  gratification.  I  laid  the  foundation 
for  those  interrogatories  by  showing  that  they  constituted  the  plat- 
form of  the  party  whose  nominee  he  is  for  the  Senate.  I  did  not 
presume  that  I  had  the  right  to  catechise  him  as  I  saw  proper,  unless 
I  showed  that  his  party,  or  a  majority  of  it,  stood  upon  the  platform 
and  were  in  favor  of  the  propositions,  upon  which  my  questions  were 
based.  I  desired  simply  to  know,  inasmuch  as  he  had  been  nominated 
as  the  first,  last,  and  only  choice  of  his  party,  whether  he  concurred  in 
the  platform  which  that  party  had  adopted  for  its  government.  In  a 
few  moments  I  will  proceed  to  review  the  answers  which  he  has  given 
to  these  interrogatories;  but,  in  order  to  relieve  his  anxiety,  I  will  first 
respond  to  these-  which  he  has  presented  to  me.  Mark  you,  he  has 
not  presented  interrogatories  which  have  ever  received  the  sanction  of 
the  party  with  which  I  am  acting,  and  hence  he  has  no  other  founda- 
tion for  them  than  his  own  curiosity.     ["That's  a  fact."] 

First,  he  desires  to  know  if  the  people  of  Kansas  shall  form  a  con- 
stitution by  means  entirely  proper  and  unobjectional,  and  ask  admis- 
sion into  the  Union  as  a  State,  before  they  have  the  requisite  popula- 

iReads:  "those"  for  "these." 


160  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

tion  for  a  member  of  Congress,  whether  I  will  vote  for  that  admission. 
Well,  now,  I  regret  exceedingly  that  he  did  not  answer  that  inter- 
rogatory himself  before  he  put  it  to  me,  in  order  that  we  might 
understand,  and  not  be  left  to  infer,  on  which  side  he  is.  [''Good, 
good. "]  Mr.  Trumbull,  during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  voted 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  against  the  admission  of  Oregon, 
although  a  Free  State,  because  she  had  not  the  requisite  population 
for  a  member  of  Congress.  ["That's  it.  "]  Mr.  Trumbull  would  not 
consent,  under  any  circumstances,  to  let  a  State,  Free  or  Slave,  come 
into  the  Union  until  it  had  the  requisite  population.  As  Mr.  Trum- 
bull is  in  the  field,  fighting  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  would  like  to  have  Mr. 
Lincoln  answer  his  own  question,  and  tell  me  whether  he  is  fighting 
Trumbull  on  that  issue  or  not.     ["  Good,  put  it  to  him, "  and  cheers.] 

But  I  will  answer  his  question.  In  reference  to  Kansas,  it  is  my 
■opinion  that  as  she  has.  population  enough  to  constitute  a  Slave  State, 
she  has  people  enough  for  a  Free  State.  [Cheers.]  I  will  not  make 
Kansas  an  exceptional  case  to  the  other  States  of  the  Union. 
{"  Sound, "  and  "  Hear,  hear.  "]  I  hold  it  to  be  a  sound  rule,  of  uni- 
versal application,  to  require  a  Territory  to  contain  the  requisite 
population  for  a  member  of  Congress  before  it  is  admitted  as  a  State 
into  the  Union.  I  made  that  proposition  in  the  Senate  in  1856,  and 
I  renewed  it  during  the  last  session,  in  a  bill  providing  that  no  Ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  should  form  a  constitution  and  apply  for 
admission  until  it  had  the  requisite  population.  On  another  occasion 
I  proposed  that  neither  Kansas  nor^  any  other  Territory  should  be 
-admitted  until  it  had  the  requisite  population.  Congress  did  not 
adopt  any  of  my  propositions  containing  this  general  rule,  but  did 
make  an  exception  of  Kansas.  I  will  stand  by  that  exception. 
[Cheers.]  Either  Kansas  must  come  in  as  a  Free  State,  with  whatever 
population  she  may  have,  or  the  rule  must  be  applied  to  all  the  other 
Territories  alike.  [Cheers.]  I  therefore  answer  at  once,  that,  it 
having  been  decided  that  Kansas  has  people  enough  for  a  Slave  State, 
I  hold  that  she  has  enough  for  a  Free  State.     ["  Good, "  and  applause.] 

I  hope  Mr.  Lincoln  is  satisfied  with  my  answer;  ["  He  ought  to  be, " 
and  cheers.]  and  now  I  would  like  to  get  his  answer  to  his  own  inter- 
rogatory,— whether  or  not  he  will  vote  to  admit  Kansas  before  she  has 
the  requisite  population.  ["  Hit  him  again. "]  I  want  to  know 
whether  he  will  vote  to  admit  Oregon  before  that  Territory  has  the 

»Reads:  "or"  for  "nor." 


CO 

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DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  161 

requisite  population.  Mr.  Trumbull  will  not,  and  the  same  reason 
that  commits  Mr.  Trumbull  against  the  admission  of  Oregon,  commits 
him  against  Kansas,  even  if  she  should  apply  for  admission  as  a  Free 
State.  ["You've  got  him,"  and  cheers.]  If  there  is  any  sincerity, 
any  truth,  in  the  argument  of  Mr.  Trumbull  in  the  Senate,  against 
the  admission  of  Oregon  because  she  had  not  93,420  people,  although 
her  population  was  larger  than  that  of  Kansas,  he  stands  pledged 
against  the  admission  of  both  Oregon  and  Kansas  until  they  have 
93,420  inhabitants.  I  would  like  Mr.  Lincoln  to  answer  this  question. 
I  would  like  him  to  take  his  own  medicine.  [Laughter.]  If  he  differs 
with  Mr.  Trumbull,  let  him  answer  his  argument  against  the  admission 
of  Oregon,  instead  of  poking  questions  at  me.  ["  Right,  good,  good, " 
laughter  and  cheers.] 

The  next  question  propounded  to  me  by  Mr.  Lincoln  is.  Can  the 
people  of  a  Territory  in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wishes  of  any 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits  prior  to 
the  formation  of  a  State  constitution?  I  answer  emphatically,  as  Mr. 
Lincoln  has  heard  me  answer  a  hundred  times  from  every  stump  in 
Illinois,  that  in  my  opinion  the  people  of  a  Territor}-  can,  by  lawful 
means,  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a 
State  constitution.  [Enthusiastic  applause.]  Mr.  Lincoln  knew  that 
I  had  answered  that  question  over  and  over  again.  He  heard  me 
argue  the  Nebraska  bill  on  that  principle  all  over  the  State  in  1854,  in 
1855,  and  in  1856,  and  he  has  no  excuse  for  pretending  to  be  in  doubt 
as  to  my  position  on  that  question.  It  matters  not  what  way  the 
Supreme  Court  may  hereafter  decide  as  to  the  abstract  question 
whether  slavery  may  or  may  not  go  into  a  Territory  under  the  Con- 
stitution, the  people  have  the  lawful  means  to  introduce  it  or  exclude 
it  as  they  please,  for  the  reason  that  slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an 
hour  anywhere,  unless  it  is  supported  by  local  police  regulations. 
["  Right,  right. "]  Those  police  regulations  can  only  be  established 
by  the  local  legislature;  and  if  the  people  are  opposed  to  slavery,  they 
will  elect  representatives  to  that  body  who  will  by  unfriendly  legisla- 
tion effectually  prevent  the  introduction  of  it  into  their  midst.  If,  on 
the  contrary,  they  are  for  it,  their  legislation  will  favor  its  extension. 
Hence,  no  matter  what  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  may  be  on 
that  abstract  question,  still  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  a  Slave 
Territory  or  a  Free  Territory  is  perfect  and  complete  under  the  Ne- 


162  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

braska  bill.  I  hope  Mr.  Lincoln  deems  my  answer  satisfactory  on 
that  point. 

[Deacon  Bross  spoke.] 

In  this  coimection,  I  will  notice  the  charge  which  he  has  introduced 
in  relation  to  Mr.  Chase's  amendment.  I  thought  that  I  had  chased 
that  amendment  out  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  brain  at  Ottawa ;  [laughter]  but 
it  seems  that  it  still  haunts  his  imagination,  and  he  is  not  yet  satisfied. 
I  had  supposed  that  he  would  be  ashamed  to  press  that  question 
further.  He  is  a  lawyer,  and  has  been  a  member  of  Congress,  and  has 
occupied  his  time  and  amused  you  by  telling  you  about  parliamentary 
proceedings.  He  ought  to  have  knowm  better  than  to  try  to  palm  off 
his  miserable  impositions  upon  this  intelligent  audience.  ["Good," 
and  cheers.]  The  Nebraska  bill  provided  that  the  legislative  power 
and  authority  of  the  said  Territory  should  extend  to  all  rightful 
subjects  of  legislation  consistent  with  the  organic  act  and  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  It  did  not  make  any  exception  as  to 
slavery,  but  gave  all  the  power  that  it  was  possible  for  Congress  to 
give,  without  violating  the  Constitution,  to  the  Territorial  legislature, 
with  no  exception  or  limitation  on  the  subject  of  slavery  at  all.  The 
language  of  that  bill  which  I  have  quoted,  gave  the  full  power  and 
the  full  authority  over  the  subject  of  slavery,  affirmatively  and 
negatively,  to  introduce  it  or  exclude  it,  so  far  as  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  would  permit.  Wliat  more  could  Mr.  Chase  give 
by  his  amendment?  Nothing.  He  offered  his  amendment  for  the 
identical  purpose  for  which  Mr.  Lincoln  is  using  it, — to  enable 
demagogues  in  the  country  to  try  and  deceive  the  people.  ["  Good, 
hit  him  again,"  and  cheers.] 

[Deacon  Bross  spoke.] 

His  amendment  was  to  this  effect.  It  provided  that  the  legislature 
should  have  the  power  to  exclude  slavery;  and  General  Cass  suggested, 
"Why  not  give  the  power  to  introduce  as  well  as  exclude?"  The 
answer  was.  They  have  the  power  already  in  the  bill  to  do  both.  Chase 
was  afraid  his  amendment  would  be  adopted  if  he  put  the  alternative 
proposition,  and  so  make  it  fair  both  ways,  but  would  not  yield.  He 
offered  it  for  the  purpose  of  having  it  rejected.  He  offered  it,  as  he  has 
himself  avowed  over  and  over  again,  simply  to  make  capital  out  of  it 
for  the  stump.  He  expected  that  it  would  be  capital  for  small  politi- 
cians in  the  country,  and  that  they  would  make  an  effort  to  deceive 
the  people  with  it;  and  he  was  not  mistaken,  for  Lincoln  is  carrying 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  163 

out  the  plan  admirably.  ["Good,  good.'"]  Lincoln  knows  that  the 
Nebraska  bill,  without  Chase's  amendment,  gave  all  the  power  which 
the  Constitution  would  permit.  Could  Congress  confer  any  more? 
["  Xo,  no. "]  Could  Congress  go  beyond  the  Constitution  of  the 
countrv-?  We  gave  all — a  full  grant,  with  no  exception  in  regard  to 
slavery-  one  way  or  the  other.  We  left  that  question  as  we  left  all 
others,  to  be  decided  by  the  people  for  themselves,  just  as  thej^ 
pleased.  I  vs-ill  not  occupy  my  time  on  this  question.  I  have  argued 
it  before,  all  over  Illinois.  I  have  argued  it  in  this  beautiful  city  of 
Freeport;  I  have  argued  it  in  the  North,  the  South,  the  East,  and  the 
West,  avowing  the  same  sentiments  and  the  same  principles.  I  have 
not  been  afraid  to  avow  my  sentiments  up  here  for  fear  I  would  be 
trotted  down  into  Egj^t.     [Cheers  and  laughter.] 

The  third  question  which  Mr.  Lincoln  presented  is,  If  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  shall  decide  that  a  State  of  this  Union  can- 
not exclude  slaver}'  from  its  own  limits  -^-ill  I  submit  to  it?  I  am 
amazed  that  Lincoln  should  ask  such  a  question.  ["A  schoolboy 
knows  better. "]  Yes,  a  schoolboy  does  know  better,  Mr.  Lincoln's 
object  is  to  cast  an  imputation  upon  the  Supreme  Court.  He  knows 
that  there  never  was  but  one  man  in  America,  claiming  any  degree  of 
intelligence  or  decency,  who  ever  for  a  moment  pretended  such  a 
thing.  It  is  true  that  the  Washington  Union,  in  an  article  published 
on  the  17th  of  last  December,  did  put  forth  that  doctrine,  and  I 
denounced  the  article  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  in  a  speech  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  now  pretends  was  against  the  President.  The  Union  had 
claimed  that  slaver}'  had  a  right  to  go  into  the  Free  States,  and  that 
any  provision  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  the  Free  States  to  the 
contrary  were  null  and  void.  I  denounced  it  in  the  Senate,  as  I  said 
before,  and  I  was  the  first  man  who  did.  Lincoln's  friends,  Trumbull, 
and  Seward,  and  Hale,  and  Wilson,  and  the  whole  Black  RepubHcan 
side  of  the  Senate,  were  silent.  They  left  it  to  me  to  denotmce  it. 
[Cheers.] 

And  what  was  the  reply  made  to  me  on  that  occasion?  Mr. 
Toombs,  of  Georgia,  got  up  and  undertook  to  lecture  me  on  the 
ground  that  I  ought  not  to  have  deemed  the  article  worthy  of  notice, 
and  ought  not  to  have  replied  to  it;  that  there  was  not  one  man, 
woman,  or  child  south  of  the  Potomac,  in  any  Slave  State,  who  did 
not  repudiate  any  such  pretension.  Mr.  Lincoln  knows  that  that 
reply  was  made  on  the  spot,  and  yet  now  he  asks  this  question.  He 
might  as  well  ask  me,  Suppose  Mr.  Lincoln  should  steal  a  horse,  would 


164  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  sanction  it,  [laughter]  and  it  would  be  as  genteel  in  me  to  ask  him, 
in  the  event  he  stole  a  horse,  what  ought  to  be  done  with  him.  He 
casts  an  imputation  upon  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  by 
supposing  that  they  would  violate  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  I  tell  him  that  such  a  thing  is  not  possible.  [Cheers.]  It 
would  be  an  act  of  moral  treason  that  no  man  on  the  bench  could  ever 
descend  to.  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  would  never  in  his  partisan  feelings 
so  far  forget  what  was  right  as  to  be  guilty  of  such  an  act.  ["  Good, 
good."] 

The  fourth  question  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is.  Are  you  in  favor  of  acquiring 
additional  territorj^  in  disregard  as  to  how  such  acquisition  may  affect 
the  Union  on  the  Slaverj'  question?^  This  question  is  very  ingenious- 
ly and  cunningly  put. 

[Deacon  Bross  here  spoke,  sotto  voce,-^the  reporter  understanding 
him  to  say,  "  Now  we've  got  him. "] 

The  Black  Republican  creed  lays  it  down  expressly  that  under 
no  circumstances  shall  we  acquire  any  more  territory,  unless  slavery  is 
first  prohibited  in  the  country.  I  ask  Mr.  Lincoln  whether  he  is  in 
favor  of  that  proposition.  Are  you  [addressing  Mr.  Lincoln]  opposed 
to  the  acquisition  of  any  more  territory,  under  any  circumstances, 
unless  slavery  is  prohibited  in  it?  That  he  does  not  like  to  answer. 
When  I  ask  him  whether  he  stands  up  to  that  article  in  the  platform 
of  his  party,  he  turns,  Yankee-fashion,  and  without  answering  it,  asks 
me  whether  I  am  in  favor  of  acquiring  territory  without  regard  to  how 
it  may  affect  the  Union  on  the  slavery  question.  ["  Good. "]  I 
answer  that  whenever  it  becomes  necessary,  in  our  growth  and  pro- 
gress, to  acquire  more  territory,  that  I  am  in  favor  of  it,  without 
reference  to  the  question  of  slavery;  and  when  we  have  acquired  it,  I 
will  leave  the  people  free  to  do  as  they  please,  either  to  make  it  slave 
or  free  territory  as  they  prefer.  [Here  Deacon  Bross  spoke;  the 
reporter  believes  that  he  said,  "  That's  bold.  "  It  was  said  solemnly.] 
It  is  idle  to  tell  me  or  you  that  we  have  territory  enough.  Our 
fathers  supposed  that  we  had  enough  when  our  territory  extended  to 
the  Mississippi  River;  but  a  few  years'  growth  and  expansion  satisfied 
them  that  we  needed  more,  and  the  Louisana  Territory,  from  the  West 
branch  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  British  possessions,  was  acquired. 
Then  we  acquired  Oregon,  then  California  and  New  Mexico.  We 
have  enough  now  for  the  present;  but  this  is  a  young  and  a  growing 

i Reads:  "questions"  for  "question." 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  165 

nation.  It  swarms  as  often  as  a  hive  of  bees;  and  as  new  swarms  are 
turned  out  each  year,  there  must  be  hives  in  which  they  can  gather  and 
make  their  honey.     ["  Good.  "] 

In  less  than  fifteen  years,  if  the  same  progress  that  has  distinguished 
this  country  for  the  last  fifteen  years  continues,  every  foot  of  vacant 
land  between  this  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  o"u-ned  by  the  United  States, 
will  be  occupied.  Will  you  not  continue  to  increase  at  the  end  of 
fifteen  years  as  well  as  now?  I  tell  you,  increase,  and  multiply,  and 
expand,  is  the  law  of  this  nation's  existence.  ["Good."]  You  can- 
not limit  this  great  Republic  by  mere  boundary-  lines,  saying,  "  Thus 
far  shalt  thou  go,  and  no  farther.  "  Any  one  of  you  gentlemen  might 
as  well  say  to  a  son  twelve  years  old  that  he  is  big  enough,  and  must 
not  grow  any  larger;  and  in  order  to  prevent  his  gro-^-th,  put  a  hoop 
around  him  to  keep  him  to  his  present  size.  "VMiat  would  be  the 
result?  Either  the  hoop  must  burst  and  be  rent  asunder,  or  the  child 
must  die.  So  it  would  be  with  this  great  nation.  With  our  natural 
increase,  growing  with  a  rapidity  unknown  in  any  other  part  of  the 
globe,  with  the  tide  of  emigration  that  is  fleeing  from  despotism  in  the 
old  world  to  seek  refuge^  in  our  own,  there  is  a  constant  torrent 
pouring  into  this  country  that  requires  more  land,  more  territory 
upon  which  to  settle;  and  just  as  fast  as  our  interests  and  our  destiny 
require  additional  territory  in  the  North,  in  the  South,  or  on  the 
islands  of  the  ocean,  I  am  for  it;  and  when  we  acquire  it,  will  leave  the 
people,  according  to  the  Nebraska  bill,  free  to  do  as  they  please  on  the 
subject  of  slavery  and  every  other  question.  ["Good,  good,"  "hur- 
rah for  Douglas. "] 

I  trust  now  that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  deem  himself  answered  on  his 
four  points.  He  racked  his  brain  so  much  in  devising  these  four  ques- 
tions that  he  exhausted  himself,  and  had  not  strength  enough  to  invent 
the  others.  [Laughter.]  As  soon  as  he  is  able  to  hold  a  council  with 
his  advisers,  Lovejoy,  Farnsworth,  and  Fred  Douglas,  he  will  frame 
and  propound  others.  ["  Good,  good. "  Renewed  laughter,  in  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  feebly  joined,  saying  that  he  hoped  with  their  aid  to  get 
seven  questions,  the  number  asked  him  by  Judge  Douglas,  and  so 
make  conclusions  even.]  You  Black  Republicans  who  say  good,  I 
have  no  doubt  think  that  they  are  all  good  men.     ["WTiite,  white. "] 

I  have  a  reason  to  recollect  that  some  people  in  this  countrj^  think 
that  Fred  Douglass  is  a  very  good  man.     The  last  time  I  came  here  to 

iReads:  "Seek  a  refuge." 


166  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

make  a  speech,  while  talking  from  the  stand  to  you,  people  of  Freeport 
as  I  am  doing  to-day,  I  saw  a  carriage — and  a  magnificent  one  it  was, 
— drive  up  and  take  a  position  on  the  outside  of  the  crowd ;  a  beautiful 
young  lady  was  sitting  on  the  box-seat,  whilst  Fred  Douglass  and  her 
mother  reclined  inside,  and  the  owner  of  the  carriage  acted  as  driver. 
[Laughter,  cheers,  cries  of  "right,"  "what  have  you  to  say  against 
it,"  etc.]  I  saw  this  in  your  own  town.  ["What  of  it?"]  All  I 
have  to  say  of  it  is  this,  that  if  you.  Black  Republicans,  think  that  the 
negro  ought  to  be  on  a  social  equality  with  your  wives  and  daughters, 
and  ride  in  a  carriage  with  your  wife,  whilst  you  drive  the  team,  you 
have  a  perfect  right  to  do  so.  ["Good,  good,"  and  cheers,  mingled 
with  hooting  and  cries  of  "white,  white."] 

I  am  told  that  one  of  Fred  Douglass's  kinsmen,  another  rich  black 
negro,  is  now  traveling  in  this  part  of  the  State,  making  speeches 
for  his  friend  Lincoln  as  the  champion  of  black  men.  ["White 
men,  white  men,"  and  "What  have  you^  to  say  against  it?"  "That's 
right,"  etc.]  All  I  have  to  say  on  that  subject  is,  that  those  of  you 
who  believe  that  the  negro  is  your  equal  and  ought  to  be  on  an 
equality  with  you  socially,  politically,  and  legally,  have  a  right  to 
entertain  those  opinions,  and  of  course  will  vote  for  Mr.  Lincoln. 
["Down  with  the  negro,"  "no,  no,"  etc.] 

I  have  a  word  to  say  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  answer  to  the  interrogatories 
contained  in  my  speech  at  Ottawa,  and  which  he  has  pretended  to  re- 
ply to  here  to-day.  Mr.  Lincoln  makes  a  great  parade  of  the  fact  that 
I  quoted  a  platform  as  having  been  adopted  by  the  Black  Republican 
party  at  Springfield  in  1854,  which,  it  turns  out,  was  adopted  at 
another  place.  Mr.  Lincoln  loses  sight  of  the  thing  itself  in  his  ecsta- 
sies over  the  mistake  I  made  in  stating  the  place  where  it  was  done. 
He  thinks  that  that  platform  was  not  adopted  on  the  right  "  spot. " 

When  I  put  the  direct  questions  to  Mr.  Lincoln  to  ascertain  whether 
he  now  stands  pledged  to  that  creed, — to  the  unconditional  repeal  of 
the  Fugitive-Slave  law,  a  refusal  to  admit  any  more  Slave  States  into 
the  Union,  even  if  the  people  want  them,  a  determination  to  apply  the 
Wilmot  proviso,  not  only  to  all  the  territory,  we  now  have,  but  all  that 
we  may  hereafter  acquire, — he  refused  to  answer;  and  his  followers  say 
in  excuse,  that  the  resolutions  upon  which  I  based  my  interrogatories 
were  not  adopted  at  the  "  right  spot. "     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

iReads:  "What  have  you  got  to  say  against  it?' 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  167 

Lincoln  and  his  political  friends  are  great  on  "spots."  [Renewed 
laughter.]  In  Congress,  as  a  representative  of  this  State,  he  declared 
the  Mexican  war  to  be  unjust  and  infamous,  and  would  not  support  it, 
or  acknowledge  his  own  country  to  be  right  in  the  contest,  because  he 
said  that  American  blood  was  not  shed  on  American  soil  in  the  "  right 
spot.  "  ["  Lay  on  to  him.  "]  And  now  he  cannot  answer  the  questions 
I  put  to  him  at  Ottawa  because  the  resolutions  I  read  were  not  adopted 
at  the  "  right  spot.  "  It  may  be  possible  that  I  was  led  into  an  error  as 
to  the  spot  on  which  the  resolutions  I  then  read  were  proclaimed,  but 
I  was  not,  and  am  not,  in  error  as  to  the  fact  of  their  forming  the  basis 
of  the  creed  of  the  Republican  party  when  that  party  was^  first 
organized.     [Cheers.] 

I  will  state  to  you  the  evidence  I  had,  and  upon  which  I  relied  for 
my  statement  that  the  resolutions  in  question  were  adopted  at  Spring- 
field on  the  oth  of  October,  1854.  Although  I  was  aware  that  such 
resolutions  had  been  passed  in  this  district,  and  nearly  all  the  North- 
ern Congressional  Districts  and  County  Conventions,  I  had  not  noticed 
whether  or  not  they  had  been  adopted  by  any  State  Convention. 
In  1856,  a  debate  arose  in  Congress  between  Major  Thomas  L.  Harris, 
of  the  Springfield  District,  and  Mr.  Norton,  of  the  Joliet  District,  on 
political  matters  connected  w4th  our  State,  in  the  course  of  which. 
Major  Harris  quoted  those  resolutions  as  having  been  passed  by  the 
first  Republican  State  Convention  that  ever  assembled  in  Illinois.  I 
knew  that  Major  Harris  was  remarkable  for  his  accuracy,  that  he  was 
a  very  conscientious  and  sincere  man,  and  I  also  noticed  that  Norton 
did  not  question  the  accuracy  of  this  statement.  I  therefore  took  it 
for  granted  that  it  was  so ;  and  the  other  da}'  when  I  concluded  to  use 
the  resolutions  at  Ottawa,  I  wrote  to  Charles  H.  Lanphier,  editor  of  the 
State  Register  at  Springfield,  calling  his  attention  to  them,  telling  him 
that  I  had  been  informed  that  Major  Harris  was  lying  sick  at  Spring- 
field, and  desiring  him  to  call  upon  him  and  ascertain  all  the  facts 
concerning  the  resolutions,  the  time  and  the  place  where  they  were 
adopted.  In  reply,  Mr.  Lanphier  sent  me  two  copies  of  his  paper, 
which  I  have  here.  The  first  is  a  copy  of  the  State  Register,  published 
at  Springfield,  Mr.  Lincoln's  own  town,  on  the  16th  of  October,  1854, 
only  eleven  days  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention,  from 
which  I  desire  to  read  the  following — 

iReads:  "party  first"  for  "party  was  first." 


168  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

"  During  late  discussions  in  this  city,  Lincoln  made  a  speech,  to  which  Judge 
Douglas  rephed.  In  Lincoln's  speech  he  took  the  broad  ground  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  whites  and  blacks  are  equal. 
From  this  he  drew  the  conclusion,  which  he  several  times  repeated,  that  the 
white  man  had  no  right  to  pass  laws  for  the  government  of  the  black  man 
without  the  nigger's  consent.  This  speech  of  Lincoln's  was  heard  and  ap- 
plauded by  all  the  Abolitionists  assembled  in  Springfield.  So  soon  as  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  done  speaking,  Mr.  Codding  arose,  and  requested  all  the  dele- 
gates to  the  Black  Republican  Convention  to  withdraw  into  the  Senate 
chamber.  They  did  so;  and  after  long  deliberation,  they  laid  down  the  fol- 
lowing abolition  platform  as  the  platform  on  which  they  stood.  We  call  the 
particular  attention  of  all  our  readers  to  it. " 

Then  follows  the  identical  platform,  word  for  word,  which  I  read 
at  Ottawa.  [Cheers.]  Now,  that  was  published  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  own 
town,  eleven  days  after  the  Convention  was  held,  and  it  has  remained 
on  record  up  to  this  day  never  contradicted. 

When  I  quoted  the  resolutions  at  Ottawa  and  questioned  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  relation  to  them,  he  said  that  his  name  was  on  the  com- 
mittee that  reported  them,  but  he  did  not  serve,  nor  did  he  think  he 
served,  because  he  was,  or  thought  he  was,  in  Tazewell  County  at  the 
time  the  Convention  was  in  session.  He  did  not  deny  that  the  reso- 
lutions were  passed  by  the  Springfield  Convention.  He  did  not  know 
better,  and  evidently  thought  that  they  were;  but  afterward  his 
friends  declared  that  they  had  discovered  that  they  varied  in  some 
respects  from  the  resolutions  passed  by  that  convention.  I  have 
shown  you  that  I  had  good  evidence  for  believing  that  the  resolutions 
had  been  passed  at  Springfield.  Mr.  Lincoln  ought  to  have  known 
better;  but  not  a  word  is  said  about  his  ignorance  on  the  subject, 
whilst  I,  notwithstanding  the  circumstances,  am  accused  of  forgery. 

Now,  I  will  show  you  that  if  I  have  made  a  mistake  as  to  the  place 
where  these  resolutions  were  adopted, — and  when  I  get  down  to 
Springfield  I  will  investigate  the  matter,  and  see  whether  or  not  I 
have, — that  the  principles  they  enunciate  were  adopted  as  the  Black 
Republican  platform,  ["White,  white"]  in  the  various  counties  and 
Congressional  Districts  throughout  the  north  end  of  the  State  in  1854. 
This  platform  was  adopted  in  nearly  every  county  that  gave  a  Black 
Republican  majority  for  the  Legislature  in  that  year,  and  here  is  a 
man  [pointing  to  Mr.  Denio,  who  sat  on  the  stand  near  Deacon  Bross] 
who  knows  as  well  as  any  living  man  that  it  was  the  creed  of  the  Black 
Republican  party  at  that  time.  I  would  be  willing  to  call  Denio  as  a 
witness,  or  any  other  honest  man  belonging  to  that  party.     I  will  now 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  169 

read  the  resolutions  adopted  at  the  Rockford  Convention  on  the  30th 
of  August,  1854,  which  nominated  Washburne  for  Congress.  You 
elected  him  on  the  following  platform: — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  continued  and  increasing  aggressions  of  slavery  in  our 
country  are  destructive  of  the  best  rights  of  a  free  people,  and  that  such 
aggressions  cannot  be  successfully  resisted  without  the  united  political  action 
of  all  good  men. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  hold  in  their  hands  peace- 
ful, constitutional,  and  efficient  remedy  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
slave  power, —  the  ballot-box ;  and  if  that  remedy  is  boldly  and  wisely  applied, 
the  principles  of  liberty  and  eternal  justice  will  be  estabUshed. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  accept  this  issue  forced  upon  us  by  the  slave  power,  and, 
in  defense  of  freedom,  will  co-operate  and  be  known  as  Republicans,  pledged 
to  the  accomplishment  of  the  following  purposes: — 

"  To  bring  the  Administration  of  the  Government  back  to  the  control  of 
first  principles;  to  restore  Kansas  and  Nebraska  to  the  position  of  Free  Ter- 
ritories; to  repeal  and  entirely  abrogate  the  Fugitive-Slave  law;  to  restrict 
slavery  to  those  States  in  which  it  exists;  to  prohibit  the  admission  of  any 
more  Slave  States  into  the  Union;  to  exclude  slavery  from  all  the  Territories 
over  which  the  General  Government  has  exclusive  jurisdiction;  and  to  resist 
the  acquisition  of  any  more  Territories,  unless  the  introduction  of  slavery 
therein  forever  shall  have  been  prohibited. 

"  Resolved,  That  in  furtherance  of  these  principles  we  will  use  such  constitu- 
tional and  lawful  means  as  shall  seem  best  adapted  to  their  accomplishment, 
and  that  we  will  support  no  man  for  office  under  the  General  or  State  Govern- 
ment who  is  not  positively  committed  to  the  support  of  these  principles,  and 
whose  personal  character  and  conduct  is  not  a  guarantee  that  he  is  reliable, 
and  shall  abjure  all  party  allegiance  and  ties. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  cordially  invite  persons  of  all  former  political  parties 
whatever,  in  favor  of  the  object  expressed  in  the  above  resolutions,  to  unite 
with  us  in  carrying  them  into  effect."  [Senator  Douglas  was  frequently 
interrupted  in  reading  these  resolutions  by  loud  cries  of  "Good,  good," 
"that's  the  doctrine,"  and  vociferous  applause.] 

Well,  you  think  that  is  a  very  good  platform,  do  you  not?  [''Yes, 
yes,  all  right, "  and  cheers.]  If  you  do,  if  you  approve  it  now,  and 
think  it  is  all  right,  you  will  not  join  with  those  men  who  say  that  I 
libel  you  by  calling  these  your  principles,  will  you?  ["Good,  good, 
hit  him  again,"  and  great  laughter  and  cheers.]  Now,  Mr.  Lincoln 
complains;  Mr.  Lincoln  charges  that  I  did  you  and  him  injustice  by 
saying  that  this  was  the  platform  of  your  party.  [Renewed  laughter.] 
I  am  told  that  Washburne  made  a  speech  in  Galena  last  night,  in 
which  he  abused  me  awfully  for  bringing  to  light  this  platform,  on 
which  he  was  elected  to  Congress.  He  thought  that  you  had  forgotten 
it,  as  he  and  Mr.  Lincoln  desires  to.     [Laughter.]    He  did  not  deny  but 


170  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

that  you  had  adopted  it.  and  that  he  had  subscribed  to  and  was 
pledged  by'  it,  but  he  did  not  think  it  was  fair  to  call  it  up  and  remind 
the  people  that  it  was  their  platform.     [Here  Deacon  Bross  spoke.] 

But  I  am  glad  to  find  that  you  are  more  honest  in  your  Abolitionism 
than  your  leaders,  by  avowing  that  it  is  your  platform,  and  right  in 
your  opinion.     [Laughter,  ''You  have  them,  good,  good."] 

In  the  adoption  of  that  platform,  you  not  only  declared  that  you 
would  resist  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States,  and  work  for  the 
repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law,  but  you  pledged  yourselves  not  to 
vote  for  any  man  for  State  or  Federal  offices  who  was  not  committed 
to  these  principles.  ['"Exactly  so,  exactly  so,"  cheers.]  You  were 
thus  committed.  Similar  resolutions  to  those  were  adopted  in  your 
county  Convention  here,  and  now  with  your  admissions  that  they  are 
vour  platform  and  embody  your  sentiments  now  as  they  did  then, 
what  do  you  think  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  your  candidate  for  the  L^nited 
States  Senate,  who  is  attempting  to  dodge  the  responsibility  of  this 
platform,  because  it  was  not  adopted  in  the  right  spot.  [Shouts  of 
laughter,  •"  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "]  I  thought  that  it  was  adopted  in 
Springfield;  but  it  turns  out  it  was  not,  that  it  was  adopted  at  Rock- 
ford,  and  in  the  various  cotmties  which  comprise  this  Congressional 
District.  When  I  get  into  the  next  district,  I  will  show  that  the 
same  platform  was  adopted  there,  and  so  on  through  the  State,  until 
I  nail  the  responsibility  of  it  upon  the  back  of  the  Black  RepubHcan 
party  throughout  the  State.  [''White,  white,"  "three  cheers  for 
Douglas. "] 

A  Voice. — Couldn't  you  modify,  and  call  it  brown?     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Douglas. — Not  a  bit.  I  thought  that  you  were  becoming  a 
little  brown  when  your  members  in  Congress  voted  for  the  Crittenden- 
Montgomery-  bill;  but  since  you  have  backed  out  from  that  position 
and  gone  back  to  AboHtionism  you  are  black,  and  not  brown.  [Shouts 
of  laughter,  and  a  voice,  "Can't  you  ask  him  another  question?"] 

Gentlemen,  I  have  shown  you  what  your  platform  was  in  1854. 
You  still  adhere  to  it.  The  same  platform  was  adopted  by  nearly  all 
the  counties  where  the  Black  RepubHcan  party  had  a  majority  in 
1854.  I  wish  now  to  call  your  attention  to  the  action  of  your  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Legislature  when  they  assembled  together  at  Spring- 
field. In  the  first  place,  you  must  remember  that  this  was  the 
organization  of  a  new|party.     It  is  so  declared  in  the  resolutions 

iReads:  "to"  for  "by." 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  171 

themselves,  which  say  that  you  are  going  to  dissolve  all  old  party  ties 
and  call  the  new  party  Republican.  The  old  Whig  party  was  to  have 
its  throat  cut  from  ear  to  ear,  and  the  Democratic  party  was  to  be 
annihilated  and  blotted  out  of  existence,  whilst  in  Ueu  of  these  parties 
the  Black  Republican  party  was  to  be  organized  on  this  AboHtion 
platform.  You  know  who  the  chief  leaders  were  in  breaking  up  and 
destro^Tug  these  two  great  parties.  Lincoln  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Trumbull  on  the  other,  being  disappointed  pohticians,  [laughter]  and 
having  retired  or  been  driven  to  obscurity  by  an  outraged  constitu- 
ency because  of  their  political  sins,  formed  a  scheme  to  Abohtionize 
the  two  parties,  and  lead  the  Old  Line  Whigs  and  Old  Line  Democrats 
captive,  bound  hand  and  foot,  into  the  Abohtion  camp.  Giddings, 
Chase,  Fred  Douglass,  and  Lovejoy  were  here  to  christen  them  when- 
ever they  were  brought  in.  [Great  laughter.]  Lincoln  went  to  work 
to  dissolve  the  Old  Line  Whig  party.  Clay  was  dead;  and  although 
the  sod  was  not  yet  green  on  his  grave,  this  man  undertook  to  bring 
into  disrepute  those  great  Compromise  measures  of  ISoO,  with  which 
Clay  and  Webster  were  identified. 

Up  to  1854  the  Old  Whig  party  and  the  Democratic  party  had  stood 
on  a  common  platform  so  far  as  this  slaver}'  question  was  concerned. 
You  Whigs  and  we  Democrats  differed  about  the  bank,  the  tariff, 
distribution,  the  specie  circular,  and  the  sub-treasur\',  but  we  agreed 
on  this  slaver}'  question,  and  the  true  mode  of  preser\'ing  the  peace  and 
harmony  of  the  Union.  The  Compromise  measures  of  ISoO  were  in- 
troduced by  Clay,  were  defended  by  Webster,  and  supported  by  Cass, 
and  were  approved  by  Fillmore,  and  sanctioned  by  the  Xational  men 
of  both  parties.  They  constituted  a  common  plank  upon  which  both 
Whigs  and  Democrats  stood.  In  1S52  the  Whig  party,  in  its  last 
Xational  Convention  at  Baltimore,  indorsed  and  approved  these 
measures  of  Clay,  and  so  did  the  Xational  Convention  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  held  that  same  year.  Thus  the  Old  Line  Whigs  and  the 
Old  Line  Democrats  stood  pledged  to  the  great  principle  of  self- 
government,  which  guarantees  to  the  people  of  each  Territory-  the 
right  to  decide  the  slaver}-  question  for  themselves.  In  1S54.  after 
the  death  of  Clay  and  Webster,  Mr.  Lincoln,  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs, 
undertook  to  Abolitionize  the  TMiig  party,  by  dissoh^ing  it.  trans- 
ferring the  members  into  the  Abolition  camp,  and  making  them  train 
under  Giddings.  Fred  Douglass,  Lovejoy.  Chase.  Famsworth.  and 
other  Abolition  leaders.     Trumbull  undertook  to  dissolve  the  Demo- 


172  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

cratic  party  by  taking  old  Democrats  into  the  Abolition  camp. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  aided  in  his  efforts  by  many  leading  Whigs  through- 
out the  State,  your  member  of  Congress,  Mr.  Washburne,  being  one 
of  the  most  active.  [Good  fellow.]  Trumbull  was  aided  by  many 
renegades  from  the  Democratic  party,  among  whom  were  John 
Wentworth,  [laughter]  Tom  Turner,  and  others,  with  whom  you 
are  familiar. 

[Mr.  Turner,  who  was  one  of  the  moderators,  here  interposed,  and 
said  that  he  had  drawn  the  resolutions  which  Senator  Douglas  had 
read.] 

Mr.  Douglas. — Yes,  and  Turner  says  that  he  drew  these  resolu- 
tions. ["  Hurrah  for  Turner, "  "  Hurrah  for  Douglas.  "]  That  is 
right;  give  Turner  cheers  for  drawing  the  resolutions  if  you  approve 
them.  If  he  drew  those  resolutions,  he  will  not  deny  that  they  are 
the  creed  of  the  Black  Republican  party. 

Mr.   Turner. — They  are  our  creed  exactly.     [Cheers.] 

Mr.  Douglas. — And  yet  Lincoln  denies  that  he  stands  on  them. 
["  Good,  good, "  and  laughter.]  Mr.  Turner  says  that  the  creed  of  the 
Black  Republican  party  is  the  admission  of  no  more  Slave  States,  and 
yet  Mr.  Lincoln  declares  that  he  would  not  like  to  be  placed  in  a  posi- 
tion where  he  would  have  to  vote  for  them.  All  I  have  to  say  to 
friend  Lincoln  is,  that  I  do  not  think  there  is  much  danger  of  his 
being  placed  in  such  a  position.  [More  laughter.]  As  Mr.  Lincoln 
would  be  very  sorry  to  be  placed  in  such  an  embarrassing  position  as 
to  be  obliged  to  vote  on  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States,  I 
propose,  out  of  mere  kindness,  to  relieve  him  from  any  such  necessity. 
[Renewed  laughter  and  cheers.] 

When  the  bargain  between  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  was  completed 
for  Abolitionizing  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  they  "spread" 
over  the  State,  Lincoln  still  pretending  to  be  an  Old  Line  Whig,  in 
order  to  "  rope  in  "  the  Whigs,  and  Trumbull  pretending  to  be  as  good 
a  Democrat  as  he  ever  was,  in  order  to  coax  the  Democrats  over  into 
the  Abolition  ranks.  ["  That's  exactly  what  we  want.  "]  They  played 
the  part  that  "  decoy  ducks  "  play  down  on  the  Potomac  River.  In 
that  part  of  the  country  they  make  artificial  ducks,  and  put  them  on 
the  water  in  places  where  the  wild  ducks  are  to  be  found,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  decoying  them.  Well,  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  played  the  part 
of  these  "  decoy  ducks, "  and  deceived  enough  Old  Line  Whigs  and  Old 
Line  Democrats  to  elect  a  Black  Republican  Legislature.     When  that 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  173 

Legislature  met,  the  first  thing  it  did  was  to  elect  as  Speaker  of  the 
House  the  very  man  who  is  now  boasting  that  he  wrote  the  Abolition 
platform  on  which  Lincoln  will  not  stand.  ["Good,"  "Hit  him 
again,"  and  cheers.]  I  want  to  know  of  Mr.  Turner  whether  or  not, 
when  he  was  elected,  he  was  a  good  embodiment  of  Republican 
principles? 

Mr.  Turner. — I  hope  I  was  then,  and  am  now. 

Mr.  Douglas. — He  swears^  that  he  hopes  he  was  then,  and  is  now. 
He  wrote  that  Black  Republican  platform,  and  is  satisfied  with  it  now. 
["  Hurrah  for  Turner, "  "  Good, "'  etc.]  I  admire  and  acknowledge 
Turner's  honesty.  Every  man  of  you  knows  that  what  he  says  about 
these  resolutions  being  the  platform  of  the  Black  Republican  party  is 
true,  and  you  also  know  that  each  one  of  these  men  who  are  shuffling 
and  trying  to  deny  it  are  only  trying  to  cheat  the  people  out  of  their 
votes  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  them  still  more  after  the  election. 
["Good,"  and  cheers.]  I  propose  to  trace  this  thing  a  little  further, 
in  order  that  you  can  see  what  additional  evidence  there  is  to  fasten 
this  revolutionary  platform  upon  the  Black  Republican  party.  When 
the  Legislature  assembled,  there  was  a^  United  States  Senator  to  elect 
in  the  place  of  General  Shields,  and  before  they  proceeded  to  ballot, 
Lovejoy  insisted  on  laying  down  certain  principles  by  which  to  govern 
the  party. 

It  has  been  published  to  the  world  and  satisfactorily  proven  that 
there  was,  at  the  time  the  alliance  was  made  between  Trumbull  and 
Lincoln  to  Abolitionize  the  two  parties,  an  agreement  that  Lincoln 
should  take  Shield's  place  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  Trumbull 
should  have  mine  so  soon  as  they  could  conveniently  get  rid  of  me. 
When  Lincoln  was  beaten  for  Shield's  place,  in  a  manner  I  will  refer 
to  in  a  few  minutes,  he  felt  very  sore  and  restive;  his  friends  grumbled, 
and  some  of  them  came  out  and  charged  that  the  most  infamous 
treachery  had  been  practiced  against  him;  that  the  bargain  was  that 
Lincoln  was  to  have  had  Shield's  place,  and  Trumbull  was  to  have 
waited  for  mine,  but  that  Trumbull,  having  the  control  of  a  few 
Abolitionized  Democrats,  he  prevented  them  from  voting  for  Lincoln, 
thus  keeping  him  within  a  few  votes  of  an  election  until  he  succeeded 
in  forcing  the  party  to  drop  him  and  elect  Trumbull.  Well,  TrumbuU 
having  cheated  Lincoln,  his  friends  made  a  fuss,  and  in  order  to  keep 
them  and  Lincoln  quiet,  the  party  were  obliged  to  come  forward,  in 

iReads:  "Answers"  for  "swears."  "Reads:  "an"  for  "a." 


174  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

advance,  at  the  last  State  election,  and  make  a  pledge  that  they 
would  go  for  Lincoln  and  nobody  else.  Lincoln  could  not  be  silenced 
in  any  other  way. 

Now,  there  are  a  great  many  Black  Republicans  of  you  who  do  not 
know  this  thing  was  done.  ["White,  white,"  and  great  clamor.] 
I  wish  to  remind  you  that  while  Mr.  Lincoln  was  speaking  there  was 
not  a  Democrat  vulgar  and  blackguard  enough  to  interrupt  him. 
[Great  applause  and  cries  of,  "  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "]  But  I  know 
that  the  shoe  in  pinching  you.  I  am  clinching  Lincoln  now,  and  you 
are  scared  to  death  for  the  result.  [Cheers.]  I  have  seen  this  thing 
before.  I  have  seen  men  make  appointments  for  joint  discussions, 
and  the  moment  their  man  has  been  heard,  try  to  interrupt  and  pre- 
vent a  fair  hearing  of  the  other  side.  I  have  seen  your  mobs  before, 
and  defy  your  wrath.  [Tremendous  applause.]  My  friends,  do  not 
cheer,  for  I  need  my  whole  time.  The  object  of  the  opposition  is  to 
occupy  my  attention  in  order  to  prevent  me  from  giving  the  whole 
evidence  and  nailing  this  double  dealing  on  the  Black  Republican 
party. 

As  I  have  before  said,  Lovejoy  demanded  a  declaration  of  principles 
on  the  part  of  the  Black  Republicans  of  the  Legislature  before  going 
into  an  election  for  United  States  Senator.  He  offered  the  following 
preamble  and  resolutions  which  I  hold  in  my  hand : — 

"  Whereas,  Human  slavery  is  a  violation  of  the  principles  of  natural  and 
revealed  rights;  and  whereas  the  fathers  of  the  Revolution,  fully  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  these  principles,  declared  freedom  to  be  the  inalienable  birthright 
of  all  men;  and  whereas  the  preamble  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
avers  that  that  instrument  was  ordained  to  establish  justice,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  our  selves  and  our  posterity;  and  whereas,  in  furtherance 
of  the  above  principles,  slavery  was  forever  prohibited  in  the  old  Northwest 
Territory,  and  more  recently  in  all  that  Territory  lying  west  and  north  of  the 
State  of  Missouri,  by  the  Act  of  the  Federal  Government;  and  whereas  the 
repeal  of  the  prohibition  last  referred  to  was  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the 
people  of  Illinois,  a  violation  of  an  implied  compact  long  deemed^  sacred  by 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  a  wide  departure  from  the  uniform 
action  of  the  General  Government  in  relation  to  the  extension  of  slavery; 
therefore, 

"  Resolved,  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  Senate  concurring  therein. 
That  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed,  and  our  Representatives  re- 
quested to  introduce,  if  not  otherwise  introduced,  and  to  vote  for,  a  bill  to 
restore  such  prohibition  to  the  aforesaid  Territories,  and  also  to  extend  a 
similar  prohibition  to  all  territory  which  now  belongs  to  the  United  States, 
or  which  may  hereafter  come  under  their  jurisdiction. 
iReads:  "deemed  and  held." 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  175 

"  Resolved,  That  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed,  and  our  Represen- 
tatives requested,  to  vote  against  the  admission  of  any  State  into  the  Union, 
the  Constitution  of  which  does  not  prohibit  slavery,  whether  the  Territory 
out  of  which  such  State  may  have  been  formed  shall  have  been  acquired  by 
conquest,  treaty,  purchase,  or  from  original  Territory  of  the  United  States. 

"Resolved,  That  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed,  and  our  Repre- 
sentatives requested,  to  introduce  and  vote  for,  a  bill  to  repeal  an  Act  entitled 
'an  Act  respecting  fugitives  from  justice  and  persons  escaping  from  the 
service  of  their  masters;'  and,  faihng  in  that,  for  such  a  modification  of  it  as 
shall  secure  the  right  of  habeas  corpus  and  trial  by  jury  before  the  regularly 
constituted  authorities  of  the  State,  to  all  persons  claimed  as  owing  service 
or  labor.' 

[Cries  of  "good,"  "good,"  and  cheers.]  Yes,  you  say  "good," 
"good,"  and  I  have  no  doubt  you  think  so. 

Those  resolutions  were  introduced  by  Mr.  Lovejoy  immediately 
preceding  the  election  of  Senator.  They  declared,  first,  that  the 
Wilmot  Proviso  must  be  applied  to  all  territory  north  of  36  deg.  30 
min.  Secondly,  that  it  must  be  applied  to  all  territory  south  of  36 
deg.  30  min.  Thirdly,  that  it  must  be  applied  to  all  territory  now 
owned  by  the  United  States;  and  finally,  that  it  must  be  applied  to  all 
territory  hereafter  to  be  acquired  by  the  United  States.  The  next 
resolution  declares  that  no  more  Slave  States  shall  be  admitted  into 
this  Union  under  any  circumstances  whatever,  no  matter  whether 
they  are  formed  out  of  territory  now  owned  by  us  or  that  we  may 
hereafter  acquire,  by  treaty,  by  Congress,  or  in  any  manner  whatever. 
(A  voice,  "That  is  right. "]  You  say  that  is  right.  We  will  see  in  a 
moment.  The  next  resolution  demands  the  unconditional  repeal  of 
the  Fugitive-Slave  law,  although  its  unconditional  repeal  would 
leave  no  provision  for  carrying  out  that  clause  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  which  guarantees  the  surrender  of  fugitives.  If 
they  could  not  get  an  unconditional  repeal,  they  demanded  that  that 
law  should  be  so  modified  as  to  make  it  as  nearly  useless  as  possible. 

Now,  I  want  to  show  you  who  voted  for  these  resolutions.  When 
the  vote  was  taken  on  the  first  resolution  it  was  decided  in  the  affirma- 
tive,— yeas,  41,  nays  32.  You  will  find  that  this  is  a  strict  party  vote, 
between  the  Democrats  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Black  Republicans 
on  the  other.  [Cries  of  "White,  white,"  and  clamor.]  I  know  your 
name  and  always  call  things  by  their  right  name.  The  point  I  wish  to 
call  your  attention  to  is  this:  that  these  resolutions  were  adopted  on 
the  7th  day  of  February,  and  that  on  the  8th  they  went  into  an  election 
for  a  United  States  Senator,  and  that  day  every  man  who  voted  for 


176  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

these  resolutions,  with  but  two  exceptions,  voted  for  Lincoln  for  the 
United  States  Senate.  [Cries  of  "  Good,  good, "  and  cheers.  "  Give 
us  their  names. "]  I  will  read  the  names  over  to  you  if  you  want  them, 
but  I  believe  your  object  is  to  occupy  my  time.  [Cries  of  "That  is  it."] 

On  the  next  resolution  the  vote  stood — yeas  33,  nays  40;  and  on  the 
third  resolution, — yeas  35,  nays  47.  I  wish  to  impress  it  upon  you 
that  every  man  who  voted  for  those  resolutions,  with  but  two  excep- 
tions, voted  on  the  next  day  for  Lincoln  for  United  States  Senator. 
Bear  in  mind  that  the  members  who  thus  voted  for  Lincoln  were 
elected  to  the  Legislature  pledged  to  vote  for  no  man  for  office  under 
the  State  or  Federal  Government  who  was  not  committed  to  this 
Black  Republican  platform.  [Cries  of  "White,  white,"  and  "Good 
for  you.  "]  They  were  all  so  pledged.  Mr.  Turner,  who  stands  by  me 
and  who  then  represented  you,  and  who  says  that  he  wrote  those 
resolutions,  voted  for  Lincoln,  when  he  was  pledged  not  to  do  so  unless 
Lincoln  was  in  favor  of  those  resolutions.  I  now  ask  Mr.  Turner 
[turning  to  Mr.  Turner],  did  you  violate  your  pledge  in  voting  for  Mr. 
Lincoln,  or  did  he  commit  himself  to  your  platform  before  you  cast 
your  vote  for  him?  [Mr.  Lincoln  here  started  forward  and  grasping 
Mr.  Turner  shook  him  nervously  and  said  "Don't  answer.  Turner, 
you  have  no  right  to  answer."] 

I  could  go  through  the  whole  list  of  names  here,  and  show  you  that 
all  the  Black  Republicans  in  the  Legislature,  ["  White,  white. "]  who 
voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  had  voted  on  the  day  previous  for  these  reso- 
lutions. For  instance,  here  are  the  names  of  Sargent,  and  Little,  of 
Jo  Daviess  and  Carroll;  Thomas  J.  Turner,  of  Stephenson;  Lawrence, 
of  Boone  and  McHenry;  Swan,  of  Lake;  Pinckney,  of  Ogle  County; 
and  Lyman,  of  Winnebago.  Thus  you  see  every  member  from  your 
Congressional  District  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  they  were  pledged 
not  to  vote  for  him  unless  he  was  committed  to  the  doctrine  of  no 
more  Slave  States,  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and 
the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law.  Mr.  Lincoln  tells  you  to-day 
that  he  is  not  pledged  to  any  such  doctrine.  Either  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
then  committed  to  these  propositions,  or  Mr.  Turner  violated  his 
pledges  to  you  when  he  voted  for  him.  Either  Lincoln  was  pledged 
to  each  one  of  those  propositions,  or  else  every  Black  Republican 
[cries  of  "White,  white"]  Representative  from  this  Congressional 
District  violated  his  pledge  of  honor  to  his  constituents  by  voting 
for  him. 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  177 

I  ask  you  which  horn  of  the  dilemma  will  you  take?  Will  you  hold 
Lincoln  up  to  the  platform  of  his  party,  or  will  you  accuse  every  Re- 
presentative you  had  in  the  Legislature  of  violating  his  pledge  of 
honor  to  his  constituents?  [Voices:  "We  go  for  Turner,"  "We  go 
for  Lincoln; "  "  Hurrah  for  Douglas, "  "  Hurrah  for  Turner. "]  There 
is  no  escape  for  you.  Either  Mr.  Lincoln  was  committed  to  those 
propositions,  or  your  members  violated  their  faith.  Take  either 
horn  of  the  dilemma  you  choose.  There  is  no  dodging  the  question; 
I  want  Lincoln's  answer.  He  says  he  was  not  pledged  to  repeal  the 
Fugitive-Slave  law,  that  he  does  not  quite  like  to  do  it;  he  will  not 
introduce  a  law  to  repeal  it,  but  thinks  there  ought  to  be  some  law;  he 
does  not  tell  what  it  ought  to  be;  upon  the  whole  he  is  altogether 
undecided,  and  don't  know  what  to  think  or^  do.  That  is  the  sub- 
stance of  his  answer  upon  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law.  I  put 
the  question  to  him  distinctly,  whether  he  indorsed-^  that  part  of  the 
Black  Republican  platform  which  calls  for  the  entire  abrogation  and 
repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law.  He  answers.  No !  that  he  does  not 
indorse^  that;  but  he  does  not  tell  what  he  is  for,  or  what  he  will  vote 
for.  His  answer  is,  in  fact,  no  answer  at  all.  Why  cannot  he  speak 
out,  and  say  what  he  is  for,  and  what  he  will  do?  [Cries  of  "That's 
right. "] 

In  regard  to  there  being  no  more  Slave  States,  he  is  not  pledged  to 
that.  He  would  not  like,  he  says,  to  be  put  in  a  position  where  he 
would  have  to  vote  one  way  or  another  upon  that  question.  I  pray 
you,  do  not  put  him  in  a  position  that  would  embarrass  him  so  much. 
[Laughter.]  Gentlemen,  if  he  goes  to  the  Senate,  he  may  be  put  in 
that  position,  and  then  which  way  will  he  vote? 

A  Voice. — How  will  you  vote? 

Mr.  Douglas. — I  will  vote  for  the  admission  of  just  such  a  State  as 
by  the  form  of  their  constitution  the  people  show  they  want ;  if  they 
want  slavery,  they  shall  have  it;  if  they  prohibit  slavery,  it  shall  be 
prohibited.  They  can  form  their  institutions  to  please  themselves, 
subject  only  to  the  Constitution;  and  I,  for  one,  stand  ready  to  receive 
them  into  the  Union.  ["  Three  cheers  for  Douglas.  "]  Why  cannot 
your  Black  Republican  candidates  talk  out  as  plain  as  that  when  they 
are  questioned?     [Cries  of  "Good,  good."] 

[Here  Deacon  Bross  spoke.] 

■^ Reads:  "or  to  do"  for  "or  do."  aReads:  "endorsed"  for  "indorsed." 

3Reads:  "endorse"  for  "indorse." 


178  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  do  not  want  to  cheat  any  man  out  of  his  vote.  No  man  is  de- 
ceived in  regard  to  my  principles  if  I  have  the  power  to  express 
myself  in  terms  explicit  enough  to  convey  my  ideas. 

Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  speech  when  he  was  nominated  for  the  United 
States  Senate  which  covers  all  these  Abolition  platforms.  He  there 
lays  down  a  proposition  so  broad  in  its  Abolitionism  as  to  cover  the 
whole  ground. 

"  In  my  opinion  it  [the  slavery  agitation]  wiU  not  cease  until  a  crisis  shall 
Iiave  been  reached  and  passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot 
stand. '  I  beheve  this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently,  half  Slave 
and  half  Free.  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease 
to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the 
opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread,  of  it,  and  place  it  where 
the  pubUc  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate 
extinction,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike 
lawful  in  all  the  States, —  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South. " 

There  you  will  find  that  Mr.  Lincoln  lays  down  the  doctrine  that  this 
Union  cannot  endure  divided  as  our  fathers  made  it,  with  Free  and 
Slave  States.  He  says  they  must  all  become  one  thing,  or  all  the 
other;  that  they  must  all  be  Free  or  all  Slave,  or  else  the  Union  cannot 
continue  to  exist;  it  being  his  opinion  that  to  admit  any  more  Slave 
States,  to  continue  to  divide  the  Union  into  Free  and  Slave  States  will 
dissolve  it.  I  want  to  know  of  Mr.  Lincoln  whether  he  will  vote  for 
the  admission  of  another  Slave  State.     [Cries  of  "  Bring  him  out. "] 

He  tells  you  the  Union  cannot  exist  unless  the  States  are  all  Free  or 
all  Slave ;  he  tells  you  that  he  is  opposed  to  making  them  all  Slave  and 
hence  he  is  for  making  them  all  free,  in  order  that  the  Union  may  exist; 
and  yet  he  will  not  vote  against  another  Slave  State,  knowing  that  the 
Union  must  be  dissolved  if  he  votes  for  it.  [Great  laughter.]  I  ask 
you  if  that  is  fair  dealing?  The  true  intent  and  inevitable  conclusion 
to  be  drawn  from  his  first  Springfield  speech  is,  that  he  is  opposed  to 
the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  under  any  circumstances.'  If 
he  is  so  opposed,  why  not  say  so?  If  he  believes  this  Union  cannot 
endure  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  that  they  must  all  become 
free  in  order  to  save  the  Union,  he  is  bound  as  an  honest  man  to  vote 
against  any  more  Slave  States.  If  he  believes  it,  he  is  bound  to  do  it. 
Show  me  that  it  is  my  duty  in  order  to  save  the  Union,  to  do  a  par- 
ticular act,  and  I  will  do  it  if  the  Constitution  does  not  prohibit  it. 
[Applause.]     I  am  not  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  under  any 

^Reads:  "circumstance"  for  "circumstances." 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  179 

circumstances.  [Renewed  applause.]  I  will  pursue  no  course  of 
conduct  that  will  give  just  cause  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The 
hope  of  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  world  rests  upon  the 
perpetuity  of  this  Union.  The  down-trodden  and  oppressed  people 
who  are  suffering  under  European  despotism  all  look  with  hope  and 
anxiety  to  the  American  Union  as  the  only  resting  place  and  per- 
manent home  of  freedom  and  self-government. 

Mr.  Lincoln  says  that  he  believes  that  this  Union  cannot  continue 
to  endure  with  Slave  States  in  it,  and  yet  he  will  not  tell  you  distinctly 
whether  he  will  vote  for  or  against  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave 
States,  but  says  he  would  not  like  to  be  put  to  the  test.  [Laughter.] 
I  do  not  think  he  will  be  put  to  the  test.  [Renewed  laughter.]  I  do 
not  think  that  the  people  of  Illinois  desire  a  man  to  represent  them 
who  would  not  like  to  be  put  to  the  test  on  the  performance  of  high 
constitutional  duty.  [Cries  of  "Good.  "]  I  will  retire  in  shame  from 
the  Senate  of  the  L^nited  States  when  I  am  not  willing  to  be  put  to  the 
test  in  the  performance  of  my  duty.  I  have  been  put  to  severe  tests. 
["  That  is  so.  "]  I  have  stood  by  my  principles  in  fair  weather  and  in 
foul,  in  the  sunshine  and  in  the  rain.  I  have  defended  the  great 
principles  of  self-government  here  among  you  when  Northern  senti- 
ment ran  in  a  torrent  against  me,  [A  voice,  "That  is  so.  "]  and  I  have 
defended  that  same  great  principle  when  Southern  sentiment  came 
down  like  an  avalanche  upon  me.  I  was  not  afraid  of  any  test  they 
put  to  me.  I  knew  I  was  right;  I  knew  my  principles  were  sound;  I 
knew  that  the  people  would  see  in  the  end  that  I  had  done  right,  and 
I  knew  that  the  God  of  heaven  would  smile  upon  me  if  I  was  faithful 
in  the  performance  of  my  duty.  [Cries  of  "Good,"  cheers  and 
laughter.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  makes  a  charge  of  corruption  against  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  two  Presidents  of  the  United  States, 
and  attempts  to  bolster  it  up  by  saying  that  I  did  the  same  against  the 
Washington  Union.  Suppose  I  did  make  that  charge  of  corruption 
against  the  Washington  Union,  when  it  was  true,  does  that  justify  him 
in  making  a  false  charge  against  me  and  others?  That  is  the  question 
I  would  put.  He  says  that  at  the  time  the  Nebraska  bill  was  intro- 
duced, and  before  it  was  passed,  there  was  a  conspiracy  between  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  President  Pierce,  President  Buchanan, 
and  myself,  by  that  bill  and  the  decision  of  the  court,  to  break  down 
the  barrier  and  establish  slavery  all  over  the  Union. 


180  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Does  he  not  know  that  that  charge  is  historically  false  as  against 
President  Buchanan?  He  knows  that  Mr.  Buchanan  was  at  that  time 
in  England,  representing  this  country  with  distinguished  ability  at  the 
Court  of  St.  James,  that  he  was  there  for  a  long  time  before,  and  did 
not  return  for  a  year  or  more  after.  He  knows  that  to  be  time,  and 
that  fact  proves  his  charge  to  be  false  as  against  Mr.  Buchanan. 
[Cheers.]  Then,  again,  I  wish  to  call  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  at 
the  time  the  Nebraska  bill  was  passed,  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  not 
before  the  Supreme  Court  at  aU;  it  was  not  upon  the  docket  of  the 
Supreme  Court;  it  had  not  been  brought  there;  and  the  Judges  in  all 
probability  knew  nothing  of  it.  Thus  the  history  of  the  country 
proves  the  charge  to  be  false  as  against  them. 

As  to  President  Pierce,  his  high  character  as  a  man  of  integrity  and 
honor  is  enough  to  vindicate  him  from  such  a  charge;  [laughter  and 
applause]  and  as  to  myself,  I  pronounce  the  charge  an  infamous  lie, 
whenever  and  wherever  made,  and  by  whomsoever  made.  I  am  wil- 
ling that  Mr.  Lincoln  should  go  and  rake  up  every  public  act  of  mine, 
every  measure  I  have  introduced,  report  I  have  made,  speech  delivered 
and  criticise  them;  but  when  he  charges  upon  me  a  corrupt  conspir- 
acy for  the  purpose  of  perverting  the  institutions  of  the  country,  I 
brand  it  as  it  deserves.  I  say  the  history  of  the  country  proves  it  to 
be  false;  and  that  it  could  not  have  been  possible  at  the  time. 

But  now  he  tries  to  protect  himself  in  this  charge,  because  I  made  a 
charge  against  the  Washington  Union.  My  speech  in  the  Senate 
against  the  Washington  Union  was  made  because  it  advocated  a 
revolutionary  doctrine,  by  declaring  that  the  Free  States  had  not  the 
right  to  prohibit  slavery  within  their  own  limits.  Because  I  made 
that  charge  against  the  Washington  Union,  Mr.  Lincoln  says  it  was  a 
charge  against  Mr.  Buchanan.  Suppose  it  was:  is  Mr.  Lincoln  the 
pecuHar  defender  of  Mr.  Buchanan?  Is  he  so  mterested  in  the  Fed- 
eral Administration,  and  so  bound  to  it  that  he  must  jump  to  the 
rescue  and  defend  it  from  every  attack  that  I  may  make  against  it? 
[Great  laughter  and  cheers.]  I  understand  the  whole  thing.  The 
Washington  Union,  under  that  most  corrupt  of  all  men,  Cornelius 
Wendell,  is  advocating  Mr.  Lincoln's  claim  to  the  Senate.  Wendell 
was  the  printer  of  the  last  Black  Republican  House  of  Representa- 
tives; he  was  a  candidate  before  the  present  Democratic  House,  but 
was  ignominiously  kicked  out ;  and  then  he  took  the  money  which  he 
had  made  out  of  the  public  printing  by  means  of  the  Black  Repub- 


DOUGLAS  AT  FREEPORT  181 

licans,  bought  the  Washington  Union,  and  is  now  publishing  it  in  the 
name  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  advocating  Mr.  Lincohi's  election 
to  the  Senate.  Mr.  Lincoln  therefore  considers  an  attack  upon 
Wendell  and  his  corrupt  gang  as  a  personal  attack  upon  him.  [Im- 
mense cheering  and  laughter.]  This  only  proves  what  I  have  charged. 
— that  there  is  an  alliance  between  Lincoln  and  his  supporters,  and  the 
Federal  office-holders  of  this  State,  and  Presidential  aspirants  out  of 
it,  to  break  me  down  at  home.  [A  voice — '"That  is  impossible, "  and 
cheering.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  feels  bound  to  come  in  to  the  rescue  of  the  Washington 
Union.  In  that  speech  which  I  delivered  in  answer  to  the  Washington 
Union,  I  made  it  distinctly  against  the  Union,  and  against  the  Union 
alone.  I  did  not  choose  to  go  beyond  that.  If  I  have  occasion  to 
attack  the  President's  conduct,  I  will  do  it  in  language  that  '«*ill  not  be 
misunderstood.  TMien  I  differed  with  the  President,  I  spoke  out  so 
that  you  aU  heard  me.  [''  That  you  did, "  and  cheers.]  That  question 
passed  away;  it  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  my  principle,  by  allowing 
the  people  to  do  as  they  please;  and  there  is  an  end  of  the  controversy. 
["  Hear,  hear.  "]  Wlienever  the  great  principle  of  self-government, — 
the  right  of  the  people  to  make  their  own  Constitution,  and  come  into 
the  Union  -^-ith  slavery  or  without  it,  as  they  see  proper, — shaU  again 
arise,  you  wiU  find  me  standing  firm  in  the  defense^  of  that  principle, 
and  fighting  whoever  fights  it.  ["  Right,  right, "  "  Good,  good, "  and 
cheers.]  If  Buchanan  stands,  as  I  doubt  not  he  will,  by  the  recom- 
mendation contained  in  his  Message,  that  hereafter  all  Stat^ 
constitutions  ought  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  before  the  admission 
of  the  State  into  the  Union,  he  will  find  me  standing  by  him  firmly, 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  in  carrj'ing  it  out.  I  know  Mr.  Lincoln's 
object:  he  wants  to  divide  the  Democratic  party,  in  order  that  he 
may  defeat  me  and  get  to  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Douglas's  time  here  expired,  and  he  stopped  on  the  moment. 


Mr.  Lincoln's  Rejoinder 

As  Mr.  Lincoln  arose  he  was  greeted  with  vociferous  cheers.  He 
said: 

My  Friends:  It  will  readily  occur  to  you  that  I  cannot,  in  half  an 
hour,  notice  all  the  things  that  so  able  a  man  as  Judge  Douglas  can 

'  Reads:  "In  defense"  for  -'in  the  defense." 


182  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

say  in  an  hour  and  a  half;  and  I  hope,  therefore,  if  there  be  anything 
that  he  has  said  upon  which  you  would  like  to  hear  something  from  me, 
but  which  I  omit  to  comment  upon,  you  will  bear  in  mind  that  it 
would  be  expecting  an  impossibility  for  me  to  go  over  his  whole 
ground.  I  can  but  take  up  some  of  the  points  that  he  has  dwelt  upon, 
and  employ  my  half  hour  specially  on  them. 

The  first  thing  I  have  to  say  to  you  is  a  word  in  regard  to  Judge 
Douglas's  declaration  about  the  "vulgarity  and  blackguardism"  in 
the  audience, — that  no  such  thing,  as  he  says,  was  shown  by  any 
Democrat  while  I  was  speaking.  Now,  I  only  wish,  by  way  of  reply 
on  this  subject,  to  say  that  while  I  was  speaking,  /  used  no  "  vulgarity 
or  blackguardism  "  toward  any  Democrat.     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

Now,  my  friends,  I  come  to  all  this  long  portion  of  the  Judge's 
speech, — perhaps  half  of  it, —  which  he  has  devoted  to  the  various 
resolutions  and  platforms  that  have  been  adopted  in  the  different 
counties  in  the  different  Congressional  Districts,  and  in  the  Illinois 
Legislature,  which  he  supposes  are  at  variance  with  the  positions  I 
have  assumed  before  you  to-day.  It  is  true  that  many  of  these 
resolutions  are  at  variance  with  the  positions  I  have  here  assumed. 
All  I  have  to  ask  is  that  we  talk  reasonably  and  rationally  about  it 
I  happen  to  know,  the  Judge's  opinion  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing, that  I  have  never  tried  to  conceal  my  opinions,  nor  tried  to 
deceive  any  one  in  reference  to  them.  He  may  go  and  examine  all 
the  members  who  voted  for  me  for  United  States  Senator  in  1855, 
after  the  election  of  1854.  They  were  pledged  to  certain  things  here 
at  home,  and  were  determined  to  have  pledges  from  me;  and  if  he  will 
find  any  of  these  persons  who  will  tell  him  anything  inconsistent  with 
what  I  say  now,  I  will  resign,  or  rather  retire  from  the  race,  and  give 
him   no   more   trouble.     [Applause.] 

The  plain  truth  is  this:  At  the  introduction  of  the  Nebraska 
policy,  we  believed  there  was  a  new  era  being  introduced  in  the  history 
of  the  Republic,  which  tended  to  the  spread  and  perpetuation  of 
slavery.  But  in  our  opposition  to  that  measure  we  did  not  agree  with 
one  another  in  everything.  The  people  in  the  north  end  of  the  State 
were  for  stronger  measures  of  opposition  than  we  of  the  central  and 
southern  portions  of  the  State,  but  we  were  all  opposed  to  the 
Nebraska  doctrine.  We  had.  that  one  feeling  and  that  one  sentiment 
in  common.  You  at  the  north  end  met  in  your  Conventions  and 
passed  your  resolutions.     We  in  the  middle  of  the  State  and  further 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  183 

south  did  not  hold  such  Conventions  and  pass  the  same  resolutions, 
although  we  had  in  general  a  common  view  and  a  common  sentiment. 
So  that  these  meetings  which  the  Judge  has  alluded  to,  and  the  reso- 
lutions he  has  read  from,  were  local,  and  did  not  spread  over  the 
whole  State.  We  at  last  met  together  in  1856,  from  all  parts  of  the 
State,  and  we  agreed  upon  a  common  platform.  You  who  held  more 
extreme  notions,  either  yielded  those  notions,  or,  if  not  wholly  yield- 
ing them,  agreed  to  yield  them  practically,  for  the  sake  of  embodying 
the  opposition  to  the  measures  which  the  opposite  party  were  pushing 
forward  at  that  time.  We  met  you  then  and  if  there  was  anything 
yielded,  it  was  for  practical  purposes.  We  agreed  then  upon  a  plat- 
form for  the  party  throughout  the  entire  State  of  Illinois,  and  now  we 
are  all  bound,  as  a  party,  to  that  platform.  And  I  say  here  to  you,  if 
any  one  expects  of  me — in  the  case  of  my  election — that  I  will  do 
anything  not  signified  by  our  Republican  platform  and  my  answers 
here  to-day,  I  tell  you  very  frankly  that  person  will  be  deceived. 

I  do  not  ask  for  the  vote  of  any  one  who  supposes  that  I  have  secret 
purposes  or  pledges  that  I  dare  not  speak  out.  Cannot  the  Judge  be 
satisfied?  If  he  fears,  in  the  unfortunate  case  of  my  election,  [laugh- 
ter] that  my  going  to  Washington  will  enable  me  to  advocate  senti- 
ments contrary  to  those  which  I  expressed  when  you  voted  for  and 
elected  me,  I  assure  him  that  his  fears  are  wholly  needless  and 
groundless.  Is  the  Judge  really  afraid  of  any  such  thing? 
[Laughter.]  I'll  tell  you  what  he  is  afraid  of.  He  is  afraid  we'll 
all  pull  together.  [Applause  and  cries  of  "We  will!  we  will!"]  This 
is  what  alarms  him  more  than  anything  else.  [Laughter.]  For  my 
part,  I  do  hope  that  all  of  us,  entertaining  a  common  sentiment  in 
opposition  to  what  appears  to  us  a  design  to  nationalize  and  perpe- 
tuate slavery,  will  waive  minor  differences  on  questions  which  either 
belong  to  the  dead  past  or  the  distant  future,  and  all  pull  together 
in  this  struggle.  What  are  your  sentiments?  ["  We  will!  We  will! " 
loud  cheers.]  If  it  be  true  that  on  the  ground  which  I  occupy, — 
ground  which  I  occupy  as  frankly  and  boldly  as  Judge  Douglas  does 
his, — my  views,  though  partly  coinciding  with  yours,  are  not  as 
perfectly  in  accordance  with  your  feelings  as  his  are,  I  do  say  to  you 
in  all  candor,  go  for  him,  and  not  for  me.  I  hope  to  deal  in  all  things 
fairly  with  Judge  Douglas,  and  with  the  people  of  the  State,  in  this 
contest.  And  if  I  should  never  be  elected  to  any  office,  I  trust  I  may 
go  down  with  no  stain  of  falsehood  upon  my  reputation,  notwith- 


184  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

standing  the  hard  opinions  Judge  Douglas  chooses  to  entertain  of  me. 
[Laughter.] 

The  Judge  has  again  addressed  himself  to  the  Abolition  tendencies 
of  a  speech  of  mine  made  at  Springfield  in  June  last.  I  have  so  often 
tried  to  answer  what  he  is  always  saying  on  that  melancholy  theme 
that  I  almost  turn  with  disgust  from  the  discussion, — from  the 
repetition  of  an  answer  to  it.  I  trust  that  nearly  all  of  this  intelligent 
audience  have  read  that  speech.  ["We  have!  We  have!"]  If  you 
have,  I  may  venture  to  leave  it  to  you  to  inspect  it  closely,  and  see 
whether  it  contains  any  of  those  "bugaboos"  which  frighten  Judge 
Douglas.     [Laughter.] 

The  Judge  complains  that  I  did  not  fully  answer  his  questions.  If 
I  have  the  sense  to  comprehend  and  answer  those  questions,  I  have 
done  so  fairly.  If  it  can  be  pointed  out  to  me  how  I  can  more  fully 
and  fairly  answer  him,  I  will  do  it,^  but  I  aver  I  have  not  the  sense  to 
see  how  it  is  to  be  done.  He  says  I  do  not  declare  I  would  in  any  event 
vote  for  the  admission  of  a  Slave  State  into  the  Union.  If  I  have  been 
fairly  reported,  he  will  see  that  I  did  give  an  explicit  answer  to  his 
interrogatories ;  I  did  not  merely  say  that  I  would  dislike  to  be  put  to 
the  test,  but  I  said  clearly,  if  I  were  put  to  the  test,  and  a  Territory 
from  which  slavery  had  been  excluded  should  present  herself  with  a 
State  constitution  sanctioning  slavery, — a  most  extraordinary  thing, 
and  wholly  unlikely^  to  happen, — I  did  not  see  how  I  could  avoid 
voting  for  her  admission.  But  he  refuses  to  understand  that  I  said 
so  and  he  wants  this  audience  to  understand  that  I  did  not  say  so. 
Yet  it  will  be  so  reported  in  the  printed  speech  that  he  cannot  help 
seeing  it. 

He  says  if  I  should  vote  for  the  admission  of  a  Slave  State  I  would 
be  voting  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  because  I  hold  that  the  Union 
cannot  permanently  exist  half  Slave  and  half  Free.  I  repeat  that  I  do 
not  believe  this  Government  can  endure  permanently  half  Slave  and 
half  Free;  yet  I  do  not  admit,  nor  does  it  at  all  follow,  that  the  admis- 
sion of  a  single  Slave  State  will  permanently  fix  the  character  and 
establish  this  as  a  universal  slave  nation.  The  Judge  is  very  happy 
indeed  at  working  up  these  quibbles.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Before 
leaving  the  subject  of  answering  questions,  I  aver  as  my  confident 
belief,  when  you  come  to  see  our  speeches  in  print,  that  you  will  find 

'••  I  will  do  it;  but"  omitted. 
^'"Ever"  inserted  after  "unlikely." 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  185 

every  question  which  he  has  asked  me  more  fairly  and  boldly  and 
fully  answered  than  he  has  answered  those  which  I  put  to  him.  Is 
not  that  so?  [Cries  of  "  Yes,  yes.  "]  The  two  speeches  may  be  placed 
side  by  side,  and  I  will  venture  to  leave  it  to  impartial  judges  whether 
his  questions  have  not  been  more  directly  and  circumstantially 
answered  than  mine. 

Judge  Douglas  says  he  made  a  charge  upon  the  editor  of  the  Wash- 
ington Union,  alone,  of  entertaining  a  purpose  to  rob  the  States  of 
their  power  to  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits.  I  undertake  to  say, 
and  I  make  the  direct  issue,  that  he  did  not  make  his  charge  against 
the  editor  of  the  Union  alone.  [Applause.]  I  will  undertake  to 
prove  by  the  record  here  that  he  made  that  charge  against  more  and 
higher  dignitaries  than  the  editor  of  the  Washington  Union.  I  am 
quite  aware  that  he  was  shirking  and  dodging  around  the  form  in 
which  he  put  it,  but  I  can  make  it  manifest  that  he  levelled  his 
"fatal  blow"  against  more  persons  than  this  Washington  editor. 
Will  he  dodge  it  now  by  alleging  that  I  am  trying  to  defend  Mr. 
Buchanan  against  the  charge?  Not  at  all.  Am  I  not  making  the 
same  charge  myself?  [Laughter  and  applause.]  I  am  trying  to 
show  that  you.  Judge  Douglas,  are  a  witness  on  my  side.  [Renewed 
laughter.]  I  am  not  defending  Buchanan,  and  I  will  tell  Judge  Doug- 
las that  in  my  opinion,  when  he  made  that  charge,  he  had  an  eye 
farther  north  than  he  has  to-day.  He  was  then  fighting  against 
people  who  called  him  a  Black  Republican  and  an  Abolitionist.  It 
is  mixed  all  through  his  speech,  and  it  is  tolerably  manifest  that  his 
eye  was  a  great  deal  farther  north  than  it  is  to-day.  [Cheers  and 
laughter.]  The  Judge  says  that  though  he  made  this  charge,  Toombs 
got  up  and  declared  there  was  not  a  man  in  the  United  States,  except 
the  editor  of  the  Union,  who  was  in  favor  of  the  doctrines  put  forth  in 
that  article.  And  thereupon  I  understand  that  the  Judge  withdrew 
the  charge.  Although  he  had  taken  extracts  from  the  newspaper,  and 
then  from  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  to  show  the  existence  of  a 
conspiracy  to  bring  about  a  "  fatal  blow, "  by  which  the  States  were  to 
be  deprived  of  the  right  of  excluding  slavery,  it  all  went  to  pot  as  soon 
as  Toombs  got  up  and  told  him  it  was  not  true.     [Laughter.] 

It  reminds  me  of  the  story  that  John  Phoenix,  the  California  rail- 
road surveyor,  tells.  He  says  they  started  out  from  the  Plaza  to  the 
Mission  of  Dolores.  They  had  two  ways  of  determining  distances. 
One  was  by  a  chain  and  pins  taken  over  the  ground.     The  other  was 


186  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

by  a  "  go-it-ometer, " — an  invention  of  his  own, — a  three-legged 
instrument,  with  which  he  computed  a  series  of  triangles  between  the 
points.  At  night  he  turned  to  the  chain-man  to  ascertain  what 
distance  they  had  come,  and  found  that  by  some  mistake  he  had 
merely  dragged  the  chain  over  the  ground,  'without  keeping  any 
record.  By  the  "  go-it-ometer "  he  found  he  had  made  ten  miles. 
Being  skeptical  about  this,  he  asked  a  drayman  who  was  passing  how 
far  it  was  to  the  Plaza.  The  drayman  replied  it  was  just  half  a  mile; 
and  the  surveyor  put  it  down  in  his  book, — just  as  Judge  Douglas 
says,  after  he  had  made  his  calculations  and  computations,  he  took 
Toomb's  statement.  [Great  laughter,]  I  have  no  doubt  that  after 
Judge  Douglas  had  made  his  charge,  he  was  as  easily  satisfied  about 
its  truth  as  the  surveyor  was  of  the  drayman's  statement  of  the 
distance  to  the  Plaza.  [Renewed  laughter.]  Yet  it  is  a  fact  that  the 
man  who  put  forth  all  that  matter  which  Douglas  deemed  a  "fatal 
blow  "  at  State  sovereignty,  was  elected  by  the  Democrats  as  public 
printer. 

Now,  gentlemen,  you  may  take  Judge  Douglas's  speech  of  March 
22d,  1858,  beginning  about  the  middle  of  page  21,  and  reading  to  the 
bottom  of  page  24,  and  you  will  find  the  evidence  on  which  I  say  that 
he  did  not  make  his  charge  against  the  editor  of  the  Union  alone.  I 
cannot  stop  to  read  it,  but  I  will  give  it  to  the  reporters.  Judge  Doug- 
las said: — 

"Mr.  President,  you  here  find  several  distinct  propositions  advanced  boldly 
by  the  Washington  Union  editorially,  and  apparently  authoritatively,  and  every 
man  who  questions  any  of  them  is  denounced  as  an  Abolitionist,  a  Free-soiler, 
a  fanatic.  The  propositions  are,  first,  that  the  primary  object  of  all  govern- 
ment at  its  original  institution  is  the  protection  of  persons  and  property; 
second,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares  that  the  citizens 
of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  pri-\aleges  and  immunities  of  citizens 
in  the  several  States;  and  that,  therefore,  thirdly,  all  State  laws,  whether 
organic  or  otherwise,  which  prohibit  the  citizens  of  one  State  from  settling 
in  another  with  their  slave  propert.y,  and  especially  declaring  it  forfeited, 
are  direct  violations  of  the  original  intention  of  the  Government  and  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States;  and,  fourth,  that  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  of  the  Northern  States  was  a  gross  outrage  on  the  rights  of  property, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  involuntarily  done  on  the  part  of  the  owner. 

"  Remember  that  this  article  was  published  in  the  Union  on  the  17th  of 
November,  and  on  the  18th  appeared  the  first  article,  giving  the  adhesion  of 
the  Union  to  the  Lecompton  Constitution.     It  was  in  these  words: — 

"  Kansas  and  her  Constitution. — The  vexed  question  is  settled.  The 
problem  is  solved.  The  dead  point  of  danger  is  passed.  All  serious  trouble 
to  Kansas  affairs  is  over  and  gone — ' 


LINCOLN  AT  FREEPORT  187 

"And  a  column,  nearly,  of  the  same  sort.  Then,  when  you  come  to  look 
into  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  you  find  the  same  doctrine  incorporated  in 
it  which  was  put  forth  editorially  in  the  Union.     What  is  it? 

"'Article  7,  Section  I.  The  right  of  property  is  before  and  higher  than 
any  constitutional  sanction;  and  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a  slave  to  such 
slave  and  its  increase  is  the  same  and  as  invariable  as  the  right  of  the  owner 
of  any  property  whatever. ' 

"  Then  in  the  schedule  is  a  provision  that  the  Constitution  may  be  amended 
after  1864  by  a  two-thirds  vote. 

'"But  no  alteration  shall  be  made  to  affect  the  right  of  property  in  the 
ownership  of  slaves. ' 

"  It  will  be  seen  by  these  clauses  in  the  Lecompton  Constitution  that  they 
are  identical  in  spirit  with  this  authoritative  article  in  the  Washington  Union 
of  the  day  previous  to  its  indorsement  of  this  Constitution. 

"  When  I  saw  that  article  in  the  Union  of  the  17th  of  November,  followed 
by  the  glorification  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  on  the  18th  of  November, 
and  this  clause  in  the  Constitution  asserting  the  doctrine  that  a  State  has  no 
right  to  prohibit  slavery  within  its  Umits,  I  saw  that  there  was  a  fatal  blow 
being  struck  at  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  of  the  Union. " 

Here,  he  says,  "  Mr.  President,  you  here  find  several  distinct  propo- 
sitions advanced  boldly,  and  apparently  authoritatively. "  By  whose 
authority.  Judge  Douglas?  [Great  cheers  and  laughter.]  Again,  he 
says  in  another  place,"  It  will  be  seen  by  these  clauses  in  the  Lecomp- 
ton Constitution  that  they  are  identical  in  spirit  with  this  authoritative 
article. "  By  whose  authority?  [Renewed  cheers.]  Who  do  you  mean 
to  say  authorized  the  publication  of  these  articles?  He  knows  that 
the  Washington  Union  is  considered  the  organ  of  the  Administration. 
I  demand  of  Judge  Douglas  by  whose  authority  he  meant  to  say  those 
articles  were  published,  if  not  by  the  authority  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  and  his  Cabinet?  I  defy  him  to  show  whom  he 
referred  to,  if  not  to  these  high  functionaries  in  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. More  than  this,  he  says  the  articles  in  that  paper  and  the 
provisions  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  are  "identical,"  and. 
being  identical,  he  argues  that  the  authors  are  co-operating  and 
conspiring  together.  He  does  not  use  the  word  "conspiring,"  but 
what  other  construction  can  you  put  upon  it?  He  winds  up  with 
this : — 

"When  I  saw  that  article  in  the  Union  of  the  17th  of  November,  followed 
by  the  glorification  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  on  the  18th  of  November, 
and  this  clause  in  the  Constitution  asserting  the  doctrine  that  a  State  has  no 
right  to  prohibit  slavery  within  its  limits,  I  saw  that  there  was  a  fatal  blow 
being  struck  at  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  of  this  Union. " 


188  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  ask  him  if  all  this  fuss  was  made  over  the  editor  of  this  newspaper. 
[Laughter.]  It  would  be  a  terribly  "fatal  blow  "  indeed  which  a  single 
man  could  strike,  when  no  President,  no  Cabinet  officer,  no  member  of 
Congress,  was  giving  strength  and  efficiency  to  the  movement.  Out 
of  respect  to  Judge  Douglas's  good  sense  I  must  believe  he  did  not 
manufacture  his  idea  of  the  "fatal"  character  of  that  blow  out  of 
such  a  miserable  scapegrace  as  he  represents  that  editor  to  be.  But 
the  Judge's  eye  is  farther  south  now.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Then, 
it  was  very  peculiarly  and  decidedly  north.  His  hope  rested  on  the 
idea  of  enlisting^  the  great  "  Black  Repubhcan  "  party,  and  making  it 
the  tail  of  his  new  kite.  [Great  laughter.]  He  knows  he  was  then 
expecting  from  day  to  day  to  turn  Repubhcan,  and  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  our  organization.  He  has  found  that  these  despised 
''Black  Republicans"  estimate  him  by  a  standard  which  he  has 
taught  them  none  too  well.  Hence  he  is  crawling  back  into  his  old 
camp,  and  you  will  find  him  eventually  installed  in  full  fellowship 
among  those  whom  he  was  then  battling,  and  with  whom  he  now 
pretends  to  be  at  such  fearful  variance.  [Loud  applause,  and  cries  of 
^'Go  on,  go  on. "]     I  cannot,  gentlemen,  my  time  has  expired. 

[Chicago  Times,  August  29,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN.-THE  DISCUSSION  AT  FREEPORT 


Doug-las  and  Lincoln.— 15,000  Present!— Lincoln  on  Pledg-es. —Lincoln 
"Aint  Pledg-ed"  to  Anything!  Lincoln  Asks  Questions!  Lincoln 
Gets  Answered!— A  Leak  Takes  Place.— The  "Lion"  Frig-htened 
the  "Dog-"!— Lincoln  Gets  Weak!  Lincoln  a  Fountain!!— Speeches 
of  the  Candidates 

Friday  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  joint  discussion  at  Freeport 
between  Douglas  and  Lincoln. 

On  Thursday  night  Judge  Douglas  reached  Freeport  from  Galena, 
and  was  met  at  the  depot  by  a  vast  multitude  of  persons.  As  he 
stepped  upon  the  platform,  he  was  greeted  with  tremendous  shouts 
and  cheers.  A  grand  salute  was  fired  at  the  same  time,  which,  as  it 
resounded  through  the  city,  gave  notice  to  the  people  that  the  cham- 
pion of  popular  rights  had  arrived,  and  thousands  of  persons  flocked 
from  the  hotels  and  from  all  parts  of  the  city,  swelling  the  assemblage 
to  not  less  than  five  thousand  persons.  A  procession  was  formed, 
and,  with  not  less  than  a  thousand  torches,  music,  the  cheers  of 
people,  and  the  thunders  of  the  cannon.  Judge  Douglas  was  escorted 

1^ Reads:  "visiting"  for  "enlisting." 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  189 

to  the  Brewster  House.  When  the  head  of  the  procession  reached 
the  hotel,  the  ranks  opened,  and  the  carriage  containing  the  people's 
guest  drove  up  to  the  door.  At  this  moment  the  scene  was  the 
grandest  ever  beheld  in  Freeport.  The  whole  area  of  the  streets  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  hotel  was  densely  packed;  a  few  squares  off,  the 
cannon  was  belching  forth  its  notes  of  welcome;  a  thousand  torches 
blazed  with  brilliancy;  the  crowd  cheered  lustily,  and  from  windows, 
balconies,  house-tops,  etc.,  there  were  to  be  seen  the  smiling  faces 
and  waving  handkerchiefs  of  ladies. 

Friday's  proceedings 

On  Friday  the  day  was  heavy,  and  weather  chilly  and  damp,  yet, 
at  two  o'clock,  there  had  assembled  at  the  grove  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
town,  a  multitude  numbering  not  less  than  15,000  persons,  many  of 
them  ladies.  Hon.  Thomas  J.  Turner  was  moderator  on  the  part  of 
the  Republicans,  and  Col.  Mitchell  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats.  At 
two  o'clock  the  discussion  commenced,  and  we  give  the  speeches  in  the 
order  that  they  were  delivered. 

A    PRELIMINARY   SCENE 

Mr.  Lincoln — Fellow  Citizens,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen — 

Deacon  Bross — Hold  on,  Lincoln.  You  can't  speak  yet.  Hitt 
ain't  here,  and  there  is  no  use  of  your  speaking  unless  the  Press  and 
Tribune  has  a  report. 

Mr.  Lincoln — Ain't  Hitt  here?     Where  is  he? 

A  Voice. — Perhaps  he  is  in  the  crowd. 

Deacon  Bross — (After  adjusting  the  green  shawl  around  his  classic 
shoulders,  after  the  manner  of  McVicker  in  Brutus,  advanced  to  the 
front  of  the  stand  and  spoke.)  If  Hitt  is  in  the  crowd  he  will  please 
to  come  forward.  Is  Hitt  in  the  crowd?  If  he  is,  tell  him  Mr.  Bross 
of  the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune  wants  him  to  come  up  here  on  the 
stand  to  make  a  verbatim  report  for  the  only  paper  in  the  Northwest 
that  has  enterprise  enough  to  publish  speeches  in  full. 

Joe  Medill— That's  the  talk. 

Herr  Kriesman  here  wiped  his  spectacles  and  looked  into  the  crowd 
to  see  if  he  could  distinguish  Hitt. 

A  Voice — If  Hitt  ain't  here,  I  know  a  young  man  from  our  town 
that  can  make  nearly  a  verbatim  report,  I  guess.     Shall  I  call  him? 

Deacon  Bross — Is  he  here. 


190  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

A  Voice — "Yes,  I  see  him,  his  name  is  Hitch." 

Loud  cries  for  "  Hitch  "  were  made,  and  messengers  ran  wildly  about 
enquiring  "where  is  Hitch?"  "where  is  Hitch?" 

After  a  delay,  the  moderator  decided  that  the  speaking  must  go  on. 

Deacon  Bross — "Well,  wait,  (taking  a  chair)  I'll  report  the  speech. 
Lincoln  you  can  go  on  now.     I'll  report  you. " 

Mr.  Lincoln,  though  he  had  five  minutes  of  his  time  left,  then  took 
his  seat. 

During  the  delivery  of  Douglas'  speech  Lincoln  was  very  uneasy; 
he  could  not  sit  still,  nor  would  his  limbs  sustain  him  while  standing. 
He  was  shivering,  quaking,  trembling,  and  his  agony  during  the  last 
fifteen  minutes  of  Judge  Douglas'  speech  was  positively  painful  to  the 
•crowd  who  witnessed  his  behavior.  The  weather  was  lowering,  and 
occasionally  showering,  and  this,  together  with  the  fearful  blows  of 
Douglas,  had  a  terrible  effect  upon  Lincoln.  He  lost  all  his  natural 
powers,  and  it  was  discovered  that  whenever  he  moved  about  the 
stand  there  was  a  leak  from  the  roof  or  elsewhere.  The  leak  seemed  to 
be  confined  to  the  "  spot "  where  Lincoln  stood ;  his  boots  glistened  with 
the  dampness,  which  seemed  to  have  the  attribute  of  mercy  for 

It  droppeth  like  the  gentle  rain 
Upon  the  "place  beneath. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  30,  1858] 

GREAT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN 

AND  DOUGLAS  AT  FEEEPORT 


Fifteen  Thousand  Persons  Present.— The  Dred  Scott  Champion  "Trot- 
ted Out"  and  "Broug-ht  to  His  Milk."— It  Proves  to  Be  Stump- 
Tailed.— Great  Caving--in  on  the  Ottawa  Forg-ery.— He  Was  "Con- 
scientious" about  It.— Why  Chase's  Amendment  Was  Voted  Down. 
—Lincoln  Tumbles  Him  AH  over  Stephenson  County.— Verbatim 
Report  of  Lincoln's  Speech. — Douglas'  Reply  and  Lincoln's  Re- 
joinder 

The  second  great  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  came  off  at 
Freeport,  on  Friday  afternoon.  The  day  broke  chilly,  cloudy  and 
lowering.  Alternations  of  wind,  and  sunshine  filled  up  the  forenoon. 
At  twelve  o'clock  the  weather  settled  dismally,  cold  and  damp,  and  the 
-afternoon  carried  out  the  promise  of  the  morning  with  the  single  ex- 
ception of  the  rain. 


FHEKPORT    HUSIXEKS   DIRrCTORY 


'iiifi   S;c|ii!t:!iso!i    and  ilfecliaiiic  Sirecfs. 


I. 


W.  HUft^PHREY,   Proprietor. 

FREEPORT,  ILLINOIS— THE  BREWSTER  HOUSE.  1860 

Lincoln  was  the  guest  of  this  hotel  at  the  time  of  the  debate 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  191 

The  crowd,  however,  was  enormous.  At  nine  o'clock  the  Carroll 
County  delegation  came  in  with  a  long  procession  headed  by  a  band  of 
music  and  a  banner  on  which  was  inscribed: 

CARROLL  COUNTY 

FOR 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

At  ten  o'clock  a  special  train  from  Amboy,  Dixon  and  Polo,  arrived 
with  twelve  cars  crowded  full.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  on  this  train,  and 
some  two  thousand  citizens  of  Freeport  and  vicinity  had  assembled  to 
escort  him  to  the  Brewster  House.  Six  deafening  cheers  were  given 
as  our  next  Senator  stepped  from  the  cars;  after  which  the  whole 
company  formed  in  procession  and  escorted  him  around  the  principal 
streets  to  the  elegant  hotel.  Here  the  reception  speech  was  delivered 
by  Hon.  Thomas  J.  Turner — to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  responded  in  a 
few  appropriate  remarks.  Half  an  hour  later  a  train  of  eight  cars 
arrived  from  Galena.  Another  procession  was  formed,  preceded  by  a 
banner  on  which  was  inscribed : 

THE  GALENA  LINCOLN  CLUB. 

The  delegation  marched  to  the  Brewster  House  and  gave  three 
rousing  cheers  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  Mr.  L.  appeared  on  the  balcony 
and  returned  his  thanks  amid  a  storm  of  applause.  But  the  special 
train  on  the  Galena  road  from  Rockford,  Marengo  and  Belvidere, 
eclipsed  the  whole — consisting  of  sixteen  cars  and  over  a  thousand  per- 
sons. They  also  marched  to  the  Brewster  House  with  a  national  flag 
bearing  the  words: 

WINNEBAGO  COUNTY 

FOR 

''OLD  ABE" 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  again  called  out  and  received  with  loud  cheers. 

Douglas  arrived  in  the  town  on  Thursday  evening  and  was  escorted 
from  the  depot  by  what  purported  to  be  a  torchlight  procession.  It 
was  held  to  be  a  torchlight  procession  by  a  number  of  Dred  Scottites 
who  were  in  the  secret,  but  with  the  mass  of  the  community  it  passed 
for  a  small  pattern,  candle-box  mob  of  Irishmen  and  street  urchins. 
"Plenty  of  torches,  gentlemenl"  cried  the  chief  lictor, — "plenty  of 
torches;  won't  cost  you  a  cent."  "Don't  be  afraid  of  e'm. "  He 
succeeded  in  "  passing  "  about  seventy-five  of  them.  The  rest  will  be 
good  for  the  next  time. 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

At  two  o'clock  the  people  rushed  to  the  grove,  a  couple  of  squares  in 
the  rear  of  the  Brewster  House.  The  crowd  was  about  one-third 
larger  than  that  at  Ottawa.  It  formed  a  vast  circle  around  a  pyramid 
of  lumber  in  the  center,  which  had  been  erected  for  the  speakers  and 
reporters. 

In  the  essence  of  billingsgate  Douglas  transcended  his  Ottawa 
performance.  He  threw  mud  in  great  handfuls.  So  disgusting  was 
his  language  that  the  people  on  the  ground  peremptorily  hushed  him 
up,  three  times.  After  a  copious  volley  of  phrases  from  the  cock-pit, 
he  bellowed  out  "You  Black  Republicans"  to  his  audience,  who 
stopped  him  right  in  his  tracks,  and  ordered  him  to  say  ''  white, "  or 
to  leave  ofiF  the  adjective  entirely.  Twice  did  he  essay  to  go  on,  and 
twice  did  the  people  bring  him  to,  and  make  him  take  a  fresh  start. 
"Good  for  old  Stephenson! 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  September  2,  1858] 

THE  SENATORIAL  CONTEST  IN  ILLINOIS 

[From  our  Special  Correspondent] 

• 

Freeport,  III.,  Friday,  August  27, 1858 
To-day  was  set  apart  as  the  occasion  of  the  second  discussion  be- 
tween Lincoln  and  Douglas,  and  Freeport  has  the  distinguished  honor. 
It  is  a  day  fruitful  in  debate,  and  abundantly  refreshing  to  hotel  and 
saloon  keepers,  who  stand  aghast  at  the  multitudes  to  be  fed.  There 
is  an  immense  throng  here,  larger  than  that  at  Ottawa,  and  larger,  it  is 
admitted,  than  that  at  the  great  Fremont  demonstration  here,  two 
years  ago.  By  the  Illinois  Central  and  the  Chicago  and  Galena 
railroads,  by  boats  on  the  Pecatonic,  and  by  divers  vehicles,  the 
masses  have  come.  The  Rockford  train  brought  eighteen  cars  filled. 
The  Dixon  train  brought  twelve,  and  others  in  proportion.  All 
prairiedom  has  broken  loose.  Banners  waive  unyielding  devotion  to 
*'  Old  Abe  Lincoln, "  and  unfettering  faith  in  "  Douglas  and  Popular 
Sovereignty. "  Cotton  mottoes  proclaim  a  similar  creed,  and  small 
flags  upon  the  horses  announce  a  like  truth.  The  town,  which  has  a 
population  of  7,000  has  an  outside  delegation  of  many  more,  and  the 
streets  are  fairly  black  with  people.  It  would  be  uncomfortable,  if  it 
were  hot  and  sunny;  but  the  weather  is  cool  and  cloudy. 

Mr.  Douglas  arrived  last  night,  and  was  greeted  with  a  turn-out  of 
torches,  a  salvo  of  artillery,  and  a  stunning  illumination  of  the  hotel. 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  193 

Mr.  Lincoln  came  in  this  morning  by  the  Dixon  train,  and  was  received 
at  the  depot  by  a  host  of  staunch  friends,  who  roared  themselves 
hoarse  on  his  appearance.  The  forenoon  was  occupied  with  the 
receptions  and  levees  of  the  distinguished  orators,  and  by  a  free  inter- 
change of  political  views  and  speculations  among  the  masses,  that 
blocked  up  every  avenue  of  approach  to  anywhere. 

After  dinner  the  crowd  hurried  to  a  grove  near  the  hotel,  where  the 
speakers'  stand  and  the  seats  for  listeners  has  been  arranged.  Here 
also  were  confusion  and  disorder.  They  have  a  wretched  way  in 
Illinois  of  leaving  the  platform  unguarded  and  exposed  to  the  forcible 
entry  of  the  mob,  who  seize  upon  it  an  hour  or  so  before  the  notabil- 
ities arrive,  and  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  all  urgent  appeals  to  evacuation. 
Hence  orators,  committee  of  reception,  invited  guests,  and  last,  but 
not  least,  the  newspaper  gentry,  have  to  fight  a  hand-to-hand  conflict 
for  even  the  meagerest  chance  for  standing  room.  This  consumes 
half  an  hour  or  so,  during  which  the  crowd,  taking  their  cue  from 
those  of  high  places,  improvise  a  few  scuffles  for  position  among 
themselves. 

Yours  truly, 

Bayou 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  August  31,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


The  Joint  Discussion   at  Freeport.— Reception  of  Senator  Douglas.— 

Torch-Iig-lit  Procession.— The  Excitement  Commencing'. 

— The  Lincoln  Reception.— Hig"h  Times 

Freeport,  Stephenson  Co.,  III.,  August  27,  1858 
The  excitement  which  I  had  thought  had  run  to  its  extremest  inten- 
sity in  this  State,  as  connected  with  the  canvass,  is  largely  on  the 
increase.  In  so  far  I  was  mistaken,  for  crowds  which  were  heretofore 
great'are  now  greater.  If  this  displeases  our  friends  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  they  can  feel  that  it  is  to  a  great  extent  their  own  fault, 
whereat  good  Democrats  may  laugh,  for  the  falsehoods  and  false 
reports  which  of  late  they  have  sent  floating  thick  through  the  air, 
until  there  is  a  very  murkiness  of  disorder  around  the  districts  infested 
by  their  evil  cogitations,  are  commencing  like  curses  and  chickens  to 
come  home  to  roost.  These  lying  reports  have  been  devised  by  the 
Republican  committee,  which  meets  every  evening  at  the  office  of  the 


194  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Press  and  Tribune  for  the  puipose  of  squaring  up  the  reports  sent  in 
by  Lincoln's  hired  reporters,  and  to  see  that  they  tell  the  tale  of  his 
progress  as  Republican  leaders  can  best  afford  to  let  the  readers  of 
their  circulating  mediums  peruse  them.  I  speak  on  no  hypothesis, 
for  it  is  beyond  denial  that  the  committee  does  so  meet  on  nearly 
every  evening,  and  that  the  Black  Republican  gubernatorial  aspirant 
for  1860,  Mr.  Judd,  is  constantly  running  in  to  see  that  all  goes  on 
according  to  gunter. 

Judge  Douglas  arrived  at  this  place,  the  second  on  his  second  list 
of  appointments,  last  evening,  when  he  was  made  to  be  the  recipient  of 
honors  which  would  well  become  the  crowned  head  of  a  monarch. 
Napoleon  or  Victoria,  passing  to  Cherbourg,  through  towns  of  equal 
size  with  this,  followed  by  the  proud  pageantry  of  modem  monarchical 
show,  never  fell  in  with  such  enthusiastic  greeting,  such  cordial  wel- 
come of  vociferous  applause  as  fell  to  his  share  when  he  stepped  from 
the  railroad  car  into  this,  which  is  claimed  to  be  a  Black  Republican 
town.  There  was  no  Mayor  in  scarlet  robes,  supported  by  potbel- 
lied Aldermen  to  deliver  him  keys  of  gold,  no  cringing  and  fawning 
employees,  no  standing  multitudes  gaping  upon  hereditary  greatness, 
but  there  was  a  shout — oh,  such  a  shout —  as  in  times  of  yore  they 
were  wont  to  describe  as  making  the  ''  welkin  ring.  "  There  were  not 
multitudes  of  people  obeying  the  behests  of  titled  lords,  or  following 
the  command  of  some  flattering  courtier,  but  there  were  thousands 
of  men  whose  sovereignty  is  in  their  own  hands,  and  whose  votes  are 
the  tokens  of  their  unbought  and  unpurchasable  rights. 

But  a  new  feature  has  here  been  introduced  into  the  reception.  By 
the  side  of  every  main  street  there  are  flaming  torches,  each  with  a 
living  bearer;  a  field  piece  is  yielding  from  its  unswelling  and  untiring 
throat  the  echo  of  those  glorious  shouts,  banners  are  waving,  and  the 
gloom  of  the  evening  is  dissipated  by  the  flooding  of  light,  and  con- 
cealed by  those  waving  colors,  which,  as  the  breeze  sweeps  by,  stir  and 
rustle  in  like  tones  of  jubilee. 

Such  a  shout  and  such  an  echo  as  that  I  have  spoken  of,  could  not 
but  find  the  Senator  at  his  feet,  when  he  would  have  bowed  his 
acknowledgment,  had  it  not  been  that  these  people,  in  their  glee, 
captured  him,  to  make  him  first  see  how  they  welcomed  the  favorite 
son  of  Illinois.  They  took  him  to  the  carriage  which  was  in  waiting 
hard  by  to  the  line  of  procession,  which  they  formed.  First  was  the 
band,  discoursing  sweet  sounds;  then  the  committee  of  arrangements, 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  195 

with  Mr.  Douglas;  then  came  the  hosts  of  citizens  who  tendered  the 
honor.  On  the  left  hand  and  on  the  right,  in  regular  order,  marched 
but  a  few  paces  apart,  perhaps  a  thousand  men,  each  carrying  a 
lighted  torch.  As  the  procession  passed  through  these  lines  of  torches, 
they  closed  in  and  became  part  of  the  parading  mass. 

Thus  escorted  the  Senator  was  taken  to  the  Brewster  House,  a 
large  and  very  fine  hotel  opened  within  the  last  few  months.  Here 
Mr.  Mitchell  a  prominent  Democrat  of  this  place,  and  a  man  of  large 
influence,  having  been  delegated  thereto,  made  him  a  reception  speech. 

But  let  me  hurry.  There  has  been  another  reception.  Lincoln 
arrived  in  town  this  morning  and  his  political  friends  raking  the  earth 
all  around  have  paraded  their  strength,  having  at  that  the  benefit  of 
all  the  delegations,  Democrat  and  Abolition,  that  came  in.  Their 
cannon  did  as  good  service  as  did  that  for  Douglas,  it  was  likely  the 
same  piece,  but  they  could  not  come  the  torches,  nor  could  they  make 
the  cheers  which  the  Black  Republicans  so  much  covet,  rise  above  the 
yell  of  a  defeated  pack  of  "  living  dogs. "  The  only  flag  they  had 
among  them  had  lost  its  color — it  looked  as  though  it  had  been  of  a 
variety  trailed  in  the  dust,  as  without  doubt  it  was,  when  at  Ottawa 
Lincoln  on  last  Saturday  stood  and  shivered  at  the  side  of  Douglas  as 
he  exposed  his  nigger-loving  propensities. 

Well,  these  folks,  numbering  perchance  a  thousand  men,  got  them- 
selves into  order,  they  walked  in  procession  up  the  main  street,  where, 
of  course,  they  were  followed  by  the  Democrats  who  had  been  com- 
pelled to  come  on  the  same  cars.  They  took  Lincoln  to  the  Brewster 
House  and  then  adjourned  to  meet  the  Rockford  people  and  such 
others  as  should  come  by  the  cars  from  that  region.  These  made 
quite  a  procession,  they  having  filled  some  eleven  cars;  of  course  they 
all  marched  up  to  the  house  together  and  Lincoln  was  "  toted  "  out  to 
the  balcony,  when  lo!  these  folks  sent  up  a  shout  for  Douglas,  which 
showed  how  the  wind  blew  in  that  quarter  at  any  rate. 

As  I  write  it  is  estimated  that  there  are  upward  of  ten  thousand 
people  in  town,  but  of  this  I  shall  be  able  better  to  inform  you  in  my 
next. 

B.  B. 


196  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Freeport,  III,  Journal,  September  2,  1858] 

THE   DISCUSSION   BETWEEN    LINCOLN   AND  DOUGLAS 


At  Freeport,  August  27th,  1858.— A  Tremendous  Crowd  Present.— 
Doug-las  Abuses  the  Republicans!— Gets  Paid  off  in  His  Own  Coin! 
And  Gets  Mad  about  It!— Lincoln  Too  Much  for  Him!! 

On  Friday  last  this  city  witnessed  one  of  the  largest  outpourings  of 
the  masses  ever  known  in  Northern  Illinois.  They  commenced  com- 
ing the  day  before,  upon  the  regular  trains,  and  from  that  time  until 
noon  of  Friday,  by  regular  trains  and  extra  trains  from  every  direction 
and  by  teams  from  this  and  adjoining  counties,  the  tide  kept  flowing 
in.  Some  of  the  trains  came  in  with  18  passenger  cars  completely 
jammed  full.  The  crowd  in  attendance  is  variously  estimated.  It 
could  not  have  been  less  than  10,000,  and  it  probably  did  not  exceed 
20,000  people. 

Mr.  Douglas  reached  the  city  on  Thursday  evening  and  was  met 
at  the  depot  by  his  friends,  and  made  a  brief  reception  speech  at  the 
Brewster  House. 

On  Friday  morning  at  10  o'clock  Lincoln  arrived  on  an  extra  train 
from  the  South,  and  was  welcomed  at  the  depot  by  an  immense 
assemblage  of  Republicans.  He  was  saluted  by  the  firing  of  cannons 
and  escorted  by  a  large  procession  headed  by  a  Band  of  music,  with 
banners,  to  the  Brewster  House,  where  a  speech  of  welcome  was  made 
by  Hon.  T.  J.  Turner,  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  briefly  responded  in  a 
happy  style.  All  away  along  the  route  of  the  procession  he  was 
received  with  the  most  unbounded  enthusiasm,  cheer  after  cheer  for 
the  man  of  the  people,  the  Champion  of  Free  Labor,  rending  the  air. 
It  was  plainly  evident  that  a  very  large  majority  of  the  multitude 
present,  had  no  sympathy  with  the  party  that  endorsed  Dred  Scott, 
or  with  their  unprincipled  leader.  Jo  Daviess,  CarroU,  Winnebago 
and  Ogle  Counties  were  all  represented  by  enthusiastic  Republicans, 
bearing  banners  with  appropriate  inscriptions,  and  evincing  an  enthu- 
siasm and  zeal  which  betokens  auspicious  results.  But  we  have  not 
room  for  the  particulars  we  should  be  glad  to  give.  Want  of  space 
compels  us  to  omit  much  that  might  be  said. 

At  a  little  before  two  o'clock  the  speakers  were  escorted  to  the 
speaking  stand — Arrangements  had  been  made  by  the  Douglasites  to 
escort  their  champion  over  in  a  splendid  carriage,  drawn  by  white 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  197 

horses.  The  Republicans  chose  a  more  appropriate  conveyance  for 
"  Old  Abe, "  he  being  a  man  of  the  people  and  not  an  aristocrat,  and 
chartered  a  regular  old-fashioned  Pennsylvania  wagon,  to  which  were 
attached  six  horses,  all  with  the  old  "strap"  harness,  and  the  driver 
riding  one  of  the  wheel  horses.  Abe  was  seated  in  the  wagon,  together 
with  about  a  dozen  good,  solid,  old-fashioned  farmers,  the  ''bone  and 
sinew  "  of  the  land,  and  they  were  greeted  with  hearty  rounds  of  cheers 
as  they  passed  along.  The  Douglasites  concluded  that  the  "white 
horse  "  arrangement  wouldn't  be  popular  after  such  a  truly  democratic 
display,  and  backed  out  of  it.  At  two  o'clock  the  speaking  com- 
menced, Mr.  Lincoln  being  introduced  by  Hon.  T.  J.  Turner,  Moder- 
ator on  the  part  of  the  Republicans,  Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  for  one  hour. 
Douglas'  Manners — During  the  whole  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  opening 
speech  at  the  discussion  on  Friday  last,  Mr.  Douglas  sat  near  him 
smoking  a  cigar,  and  puffing  out  its  fumes  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Speaker  and  the  Ladies  who  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  this  "  Shortboy  Senator. "  Take  this  in  con- 
nection with  the  ridiculous  exhibition  he  made  of  himself  when  in  his 
"mad"  fit,  and  what  a  specimen  does  he  afford  of  an  American 
Statesman !     A  libel  upon  the  race  of  heroes 

[Daily  Missouri  Democrat,  St.  Louis,  September  3,  1858] 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  CAMPAIGN 


Second  Meeting-  of  the  Rival   Senatorial  Candidates.— Debate  between 

Lincoln  and  Doug-las  at  Freeport.— Fifteen  Thousand 

Persons  Present 

Notwithstanding  the  combined  drawbacks  of  wind  and  rain,  the 
second  debate  between  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  which  took 
place  at  Freeport,  Illinois  on  Friday  last,  attracted  even  a  larger 
crowd  than  that  which  greeted  the  contestants  at  Ottawa,  on  the 
Saturday  preceding.  About  15,000  persons  were  present,  a  gain  of 
one-third  on  the  former  attendance. 

At  their  first  meeting  the  advantage  of  opening  and  closing  the  dis- 
cussion was  enjoyed  by  Douglas,  while  at  the  second,  Lincoln  in  turn 
had  the  first  and  last  word. 

In  a  repeated  consideration  of  the  same  topics,  there  must  of  neces- 
sity be  in  general,  a  rehearsal  of  the  same  arguments,  although  circum- 


198  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

stances  will  exert  more  or  less  influence  in  reproducing  them  in  new 
lights  and  connections. 

In  some  respects  the  debate  at  Freeport  was  more  interesting  than 
that  at  Ottawa.  Having  once  measured  their  own  strength,  and  felt 
the  full  weight  of  their  antagonist's  attacks,  the  combatants  were 
respectively  more  at  ease,  and  were  prepared  to  enforce  their  strong 
points  with  greater  zeal,  to  correct  their  mistakes,  supply  their 
deficiencies,  and  bring  to  bear  new  aids  upon  what  had  been  too 
lightly  touched  on. 

[Chicago  Journal,  August  28,  1858] 

THE  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  DEBATE  AT   FREEPORT 


From  15,000  to  20,000  People  Present.— Lincoln   Answers  and  Asks 
Some  Questions.— Doug-las  Gets  into  a  Passion 

There  was  an  immense  assemblage  of  the  people  of  Northern  Illinois 
at  Freeport  yesterday.  They  came  down  from  above,  and  came  up 
from  below,  in  scores  and  hundreds.  All  the  regular  railroad  trains 
and  one  or  two  special  excursions  trains,  both  on  Thursday  afternoon 
and  on  Friday  morning,  brought  in  great  crowds,  and  hundreds  of 
others  came  in  with  teams  from  all  directions. 

Senator  Douglas  reached  Freeport  the  evening  previous,  and  was 
honored  with  the  show  of  a  public  reception  by  his  friends,  and  made 
a  short  address  from  the  Brewster  House  balcony. 

Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  by  the  Illinois  Central  train  at  about  9  o'clock 
Friday  morning  and  was  saluted  by  the  cannon  and  received  by  a 
large  procession  of  Republicans,  on  whose  behalf  Hon.  T.  J.  Turner  of 
Freeport,  made  the  speech  of  welcome.  He  was  conducted  to  the 
Brewster  House,  where  he  made  a  most  happy  speech  of  acknowledg- 
ment. From  the  moment  he  came  out  of  the  cars  till  he  entered  his 
room  in  the  hotel,  the  streets  were  made  perfectly  clamorous  with 
shouts  and  hurrahs  for  Lincoln.  He  tried  in  vain  to  enjoy  a  few 
hours  of  retirement  at  the  hotel;  the  multitude  insisted  upon  his 
''showing  himself"  again  on  the  balcony,  and  of  greeting  him  with 
hearty  shakes  of  his  right  hand.  The  people,  on  this  occasion,  were 
Lincoln  men — there  being  four  Republicans  present  to  every  Doug- 
lasite.     Northern  Illinois  is  "all  right,"  and  no  mistake. 

At  two  o'clock,  the  mass  of  people  had  surrounded  the  platform  that 
had  been  erected  in  a  large  vacant  lot  in  the  rear  of  the  Brewster 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  199 

House,  and  the  debate  commenced,  Mr.  Lincoln  opening  in  a  speech 
of  an  hour;  Douglas  following  in  a  reply  of  an  hour  and  a  half;  and 
Mr.  Lincoln  concluding  in  a  half  hour  speech. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  September  1,  1858] 

THE  FEEEPOET  DEBATE.-  SECOND  EOUT  OF  LINCOLN 

We  give  today,  from  the  report  of  the  Chicago  Times,  the  first  half 
of  the  second  debate  between  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  at  Free- 
port.  We  shall  complete  it  to-morrow.  We  regret  that  our  space 
prevents  our  giving  the  whole  in  a  single  issue  of  our  daily.  In  this 
bout  Mr.  Lincoln  led  off,  and,  consequently,  had  the  conclusion.  Mr. 
L.,  did  not  recover  any  of  the  ground  lost  at  Ottawa.  He  was  only 
involved  deeper  in  the  intricate  mazes  of  his  inconsistency.  He  seems 
to  have  learned  a  "  Yankee  trick  "  during  his  northern  tour — of  ask- 
ing questions  in  response  to  those  put  to  him.  In  this  he  was  foiled. 
Douglas  promptly  replied,  while  Lincoln  again  shuffled  and  quibbled 
upon  the  leading  points  of  the  black  republican  creed.  We  have 
given  the  Ottawa  debate  in  full,  and  shall  give  the  Freeport.  In 
these  our  readers  can  judge  for  themselves  as  to  the  merits  of  the 
debates,  which  afford  their  own  comment.  With  such  a  succession 
of  disasters,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  sachems  of  his  party  sit  here  in 
secret  conclave  three  or  four  days  debating  as  to  what  had  better  be 
done  with  their  candidate,  and  the  best  means  of  getting  him  from 
before  the  public,  who  are  daily  witnessing  his  discomfiture  and  the 
withering  contrast  between  himself  and  Douglas. 

We  invite  the  special  attention  of  our  readers  to  Lincoln's  speech, 
and  Douglas'  reply.  We  suggest  to  them  to  lay  away  the  paper  for 
future  reference.  The  Journal  will,  probably,  keep  this  debate  from 
its  readers,  as  it  did  the  Ottawa  debate.  The  editors  prefer  giving 
their  lying  versions  of  the  contest  between  the  two  men  to  the  verba- 
tim report  of  their  debates.  Keep  the  debate  by  you,  to  refute  the 
lies  and  misrepresentations  in  regard  to  it  which  the  lying  organs  of 
Lincoln  will  put  forth. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  August  30,  1858] 

THE  GEEAT  DEBATE  AT  FEEEPOET 

BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

Carroll  County  mustered  several  thousand  strong.  Jo  Daviess 
sent  over  nine  carloads  including  the  Lincoln  Club  of  Galena.     Large 


200  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

delegations  came  in  from  Rockford  and  other  points,  and  all  with 
their  banners  and  bands  of  music. 

Douglas  arrived  the  night  before  the  discussion  but  met  with  a  poor 
reception.  Lincoln  came  in  on  the  morning  train  from  Amboy  at  10 
o'clock.  Full  five  thousand  strong  received  him  at  the  depot,  and  es- 
corted him  to  the  hotel  where  he  made  a  short  speech  which  set  the 
crowd  in  a  blaze  of  enthusiasm.  He  was  several  times  afterwards 
called  out  by  the  various  delegations,  who  as  they  arrived,  paraded  in 
quest  of  his  quarters  to  pay  their  respects  to  him. 

At  two  o'clock  p.  M.,  he  was  wheeled  to  the  place  appointed  for  the 
speaking  in  a  cannestoga,  wagon,  drawn  by  six  white  horses.  A  tre- 
mendous hurrah  went  up  as  the  crowd  joined  in  the  procession  and 
march,  the  music  playing  and  the  flags  and  banners  waving  in  all 
directions.  Douglas  was  to  have  been  driven  out  in  his  splendid  six- 
horse  coach,  but  when  he  saw  Lincoln's  equipments  he  backed  out  of 
the  arrangement. 

[New  York  Daily  Tribune,  September  9,  1858] 

FEOM  CHICAGO 


Doug-las  and  Lincoln.— Blunders  Corrected 

[Correspondence  of  the  A'^.  Y.  Tribune] 

Chicago,  Sept.  1,  1858 
Douglas  and  Lincoln  have  had  two  encounters  before  the  people. 
The  first  was  at  Ottawa,  in  La  Salle  County,  where  the  strong  point  of 
the  Judge's  speech  was  a  forgery,  set  off  and  illustrated  by  the  most 
virulent  abuse  of  his  opponents.  Trumbull  in  particular  came  in  for 
a  large  share  of  these  compliments,  which  the  Judge  dispenses  with  a 
grace  all  his  own.  "Liar,"  ''sneak,"  ''coward,"  these  are  some  of 
the  Douglassian  flowers  of  rhetoric. 

He  is  rather  more  cautious  how  he  talks  about  Lincoln,  "Long 
Abe"  being  a  man  of  Kentucky  raising,  and  one  who  might  fight — 
and  "  Little  Dug  "  is  well  known  to  be  a  bully  who  only  insults  peace- 
able men.  He  could  talk  in  the  Senate  about  kicking  Charles  Sum- 
ner; but  J.  J.  Crittenden  shut  him  up  very  quickly  when  he  tried  to 
play  off  his  arrogance  upon  the  old  Kentuckian. 

The  second  meeting  was  at  Freeport,  Stephenson  County,  and  the 
largest  part  of  the  audience  being  Repubhcans,  Douglas  adopted  the 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  201 

same  tactics  which  he  used  at  Chicago  some  years  ago.  He  deliber- 
ately insulted  the  audience,  in  order  to  provoke  them  to  interrupt 
him,  so  that  he  might  make  capital  for  himself  by  the  cry  of  perse- 
cution and  unfairness.  On  both  occasions  Lincoln  made  the  best 
impression.  He  is  an  earnest,  fluent  speaker,  with  a  very  good  com- 
mand of  language,  and  he  ran  the  Judge  so  hard  that  the  latter  quite 
lost  his  temper. 

Douglas  is  no  beauty,  but  he  certainly  has  the  advantage  of  Lincoln 
in  looks.  Very  tall  and  awkward,  with  a  face  of  grotesque  ugliness,  he 
presents  the  strongest  possible  contrast  to  the  thick  set,  burly  bust  and 
short  legs  of  the  Judge.  They  tell  this  story  of  Lincoln  in  Southern 
Illinois,  where  he  resides: 

Being  out  in  the  woods  hunting,  he  fell  in  with  a  most  truculent 
looking  hunter,  who  immediately  took  a  sight  on  him  with  his  rifle. 

"Halloo!"  says  Lincoln.     "What  are  you  going  to  do,  stranger!" 

"See  here,  friend;  the  folks  in  my  settlement  told  me  if  ever  I  saw 
a  man  uglier  than  I  was,  then  I  must  shoot  him;  and  I've  found  him  at 
last. " 

"Well,"  said  Lincoln,  after  a  good  look  at  the  man,  "shoot  away; 
for  if  I  am  really  uglier  than  you  are,  I  don't  want  to  live  any  longer! " 

But  you  wiU  see  him  in  Washington,  and  then  you  can  form 
your  own  opinion  as  to  his  looks.     We  mean  to  send  him  there. 

Sauganash 
[Evening  Post,  New  York,  September  7,  1858] 

THE  SENATORIAL  CANVASS  OF  ILLINOIS 

[From  our  Special  Correspondent.] 

Chicago,  III.,  September  2,  1858 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  very  evident  that  Mr.  Douglas  was  "  cor- 
nered "  by  the  questions  put  to  him  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  claimed  to  be 
the  upholder  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  also  of  popular  sover- 
eignty. He  was  asked  to  reconcile  the  two.  He  said  that  the  people 
of  a  territory  had  the  right  to  exclude  slavery  before  the  territory 
comes  in  as  a  state,  and  that  whatever  the  Supreme  Court  might 
decide,  it  made  no  difference,  for  the  people  of  a  territory  need  not  pass 
the  needful  local  laws  and  police  regulations  to  protect  and  enforce  the 
right  to  slaves.  This  is  opposed  to  the  language  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
"that  no  tribunal,  whether  legislative,  executive  or  judicial,  has  a 


202  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

right  to  deny  to  it  (slavery)  the  benefit  of  the  provisions  and  guaran- 
ties which  have  been  provided  for  private  property  against  the  en- 
croachments of  the  government;"  while  Mr.  Buchanan,  in  his  New 
Haven  letter,  says  that  "  slavery  exists  in  Kansas  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,"  a  point  "settled  by  the  highest  tribunal 
known  to  our  laws.  " 

Senator  Douglas,  in  his  speech,  came  directly  in  collision  with  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  with  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  with  the  settlement  of 
democrats  "pure  and  undefiled,"  who  walk  in  Administration  paths 
and  are  warmed  by  a  southern  sun. 

The  next  joint  discussion  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  is  at  Jones- 
boro,  (Egypt),  near  Cairo,  on  the  15th.  It  is  at  this  place  that  Mr. 
Douglas  said  he  would  "trot  Lincoln  out."  In  that  hitherto 
thoroughly  democratic  district  Mr.  Douglas  thinks  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
dares  not  avow  his  sentiments.  There  he  can  prove,  to  his  own 
content  and  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  hearers,  that  Lincoln  is 
an  "  amalgamationist. "  There,  too — and  the  knife  has  a  double 
edge — he  must  be  wary  how  he  calls  a  Supreme  Court  decision  an 
"abstraction,"  and  how  he  prates  of  popular  sovereignty  as  taught 
by  him  in  1854,  and  before  the  latter  discoveries  and  improvements 
in  democratic  science.  Away  down  there,  "on  Egypt's  dark  sea," 
there  floats  but  occasionally  a  Republican  bark;  but  Lincoln  will  nail 
his  colors  to  the  mast,  and  proclaim  his  Freeport  doctrines  as  earnestly 
and  as  freely  as  if  he  stood  surrounded  by  the  constituents  of  Wash- 
burne  or  Lovejoy. 

Yours,  &c., 

Bayou 

[Chicago  Times,  October  1,  1858] 

BLACK  REPUBLICAN  OUTRAGES 

The  Black  Republicans  evidently  intend  to  be  consistent  in  one 
thing — and  for  that  one  thing,  unfortunately,  they  have  fixed  on 
ruffianism.— Until  the  joint  discussion  at  Freeport,  when  Lincoln  was 
proven  to  be  no  match  of  Douglas,  the  contest  was  free  from  any  overt 
insults;  but  the  mortification  of  the  Black  Republicans  was  then  so 
overwhelming  that  it  only  found  relief  in  violence  towards  the  man 
who  occasioned  it. — It  will  be  remembered  that  after  Lincoln  had 
been  listened  to  attentively,  and  when  Douglas  went  upon  the  stand, 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  203 

some  villian  threw  at  the  latter  a  melon,  hitting  him  on  one  shoulder. 

Nor  was  that  the  only  indecent  act  perpetrated  by  the  enemies  of  the 

Democracy  at  that  place;  but  the  Democratic  speakers,  preferring 

to  deal  in  argumentation  rather  than  with  bludgeons,  suffered  the 

affronts  to  pass  unredressed.     From  that  day  to  this  the  ruffianism  of 

the  Black  Republicans  has  steadily  increased,  and  has  been  applied 

on  all  occasions 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  September  1,  1858] 

fi@°"  Speaking  of  Judge  Douglas'  reception  at  Freeport  on  Thursday 

night,  one  of  his  hired  puffers,  writing  an  account  to  the  Times  says: 

A  grand  salute  was  fired  at  the  same  time,  which,  as  it  resounded  through 
the  city,  gave  notice  to  the  people  that  the  champion  of  popular  right  had 
arrived,  and  thousands  of  people  flocked  from  the  hotels  and  from  all  parts 
of  the  city,  swelling  the  assemblage  to  not  less  than  five  thousand  persons. 
A  procession  was  formed,  and,  with  not  less  than  a  thousand  torches,  music, 
the  cheers  of  the  people,  and  the  thunders  of  the  cannon.  Judge  Douglas  was 
•escorted  to  the  Brewster  House. 

We  happened  to  stand  on  the  balcony  of  the  Brewster  House  all  the 
time  embraced  in  the  above  fancy  picture,  and  the  naked  truth  is  this : 

1st.  The  gun  squad  fired  off  their  piece  some  half  a  dozen  times, 
"because  they  were  paid  for  so  doing,  to  give  notice  that  the  champion 
of  Dred  Scottism  had  come  to  town. 

2d.  The  greatest  number  of  persons  did  not  exceed  eight  hundred 
to  one  thousand  at  any  one  time  that  night. 

3d.  The  "procession,"  counting  loafers  and  boys,  did  not  number 
two  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  and  of  that  number,  by  actual  count, 
only  seventy-four  carried  torches. 

[Chicago  Sunday  Tribune,  May  9,  1895] 

A  EEMINISCENCE  OF  LINCOLN 

By  Joseph  Medill 


Lincoln's  Cunning:  Questions  Put  to  Douglas  at  the  Freeport  Debate 
I  traveled  around  with  Mr.  Lincoln  after  the  Ottawa  discussion  to 
Freeport.  He  addressed  three  or  four  meetings  during  that  time,  one 
of  them  at  Galesburg,  where  he  had  an  immense  audience;  another  at 
Macomb  in  McDonough  county,  where  the  crowd  was  comparatively 
small.  As  I  recollect  it  we  proceeded  directly  from  Macomb  to  Free- 
port  on  the  morning  of  Aug.  27.  On  the  way  north  on  the  cars  Mr. 
Lincoln  beckoned  to  me  to  take  a  seat  beside  him — I  was  sitting  a  few 
seats  behind  him  at  the  time — which  I  did.     He  took  a  half  sheet  of 


204  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

writing  paper  out  of  his  pocket  and  handing  it  to  me  said:  "I  am 
going  to  answer  Mr.  Douglas'  questions  today  in  our  discussion  which 
he  put  to  me  at  Ottawa  and  I  intend  to  ask  him  a  few  questions  in 
return,  and  I  jotted  them  down  this  morning  at  the  hotel  before  I  left 
there.  I  wish  you  to  read  them  over  and  tell  me  what  you  think  of 
my  questions. "  I  did  so,  reading  one  of  them  several  times.  After 
a  considerable  pause  he  said:  "Well,  how  do  those  interrogatories 
strike  you?"  I  replied:  "Mr.  Lincoln,  I  do  not  like  the  second 
question."  "What's  the  objection  to  it?"  Mr.  Lincoln  asked.  I 
replied :  "  It  opens  the  door  through  which  Senator  Douglas  will  be 
enabled  to  escape  from  the  tight  place  in  which  he  finds  himself  on  the 
slavery  question  in  this  State  since  he  succeeded  in  getting  the 
Missouri  compromise  repealed  (which  excluded  slavery  from  the 
territories  north  of  36°  30',  and  that  included,  of  course,  Kansas 
and  Nebraska). " 

We  argued  at  some  further  length,  but  I  could  make  no  impression 
whatever  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  mind.  He  said  that  he  wouldn't  change 
the  form  of  the  question,  and  that  he  intended  "  to  spear  it  at  Douglas 
that  afternoon.  "  In  due  time  we  arrived  at  Freeport  and  there  was  a 
great  crowd  of  Lincoln's  friends  at  the  depot  with  a  carriage  to  take 
him  up  to  his  hotel.  The  town  was  swarming  with  people,  great 
numbers  coming  from  all  the  adjoining  counties.  I  found  at  the  hotel 
the  Republican  member  of  Congress  from  that  district,  E.  B.  Wash- 
burne,  with  whom  I  was  intimately  acquainted,  and  Norman  B.  Judd, 
of  Chicago,  who  was  chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Central 
Committee. 

I  took  each  of  them  aside  and  related  what  passed  between  Lincoln 
and  myself  on  the  cars,  and  repeated  the  language  of  the  second 
question  which  he  intended  to  propound  to  Douglas,  and  both  of  them 
said  that  they  feared  the  ill  effects  from  it,  and  they  would  try  and  per- 
suade Lincoln  to  leave  it  out  or  modify  its  language.  They  followed 
Mr.  Lincoln  up  stairs  into  his  apartments,  where  he  was  making  his 
toilet  for  dinner,  as  the  road  had  been  dusty  on  the  way  up,  and  they 
spent  a  considerable  time  with  him.  When  they  came  down  stairs  I 
saw  both  of  them  again,  and  they  informed  me  that  they  had  argued 
the  impolicy  of  putting  question  two  to  Douglas  as  strongly  as  they 
could,  but  were  not  able  to  change  his  purpose.  Other  leaders  saw 
Mr.  Lincoln  before  the  debate  began  and  urged  him  not  to  give 
Douglas  such  an  opportunity  to  get  out  of  the  tight  place  it  was 
believed  he  was  in  before  the  people  of  Illinois  on  the  slavery  question. 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  205 

Mr.  Lincoln  opened  the  discussion  in  the  afternoon,  and  first  replied 
to  Douglas'  seven  questions  put  to  him  at  Ottawa,  and  then  said: 

"  I  now  proceed  to  propound  to  the  Judge  interrogatories  so  far  as  I 
have  framed  them.  I  will  bring  forward  today  an  installment,  only  to 
number  four,  and  reserv^e  the  other  questions  to  our  next  debate. " 

And  thereupon  he  read  his  four  questions,  including  the  No.  2,  to 
which  I  have  referred.  He  went  on  and  finished  his  speech,  and  Mr. 
Douglas  arose  in  reply  and  proceeded  to  answer  the  four  questions. 
When  he  came  to  No.  2  he  realized  in  his  reply  my  worst  fears.  He 
said  in  substance: 

"  It  matters  not  what  way  the  Supreme  Court  may  hereafter  decide 
as  to  the  abstract  questions  whether  slavery  may  or  may  not  go  into  a 
Territory  under  the  constitution;  a  majority  of  the  people  thereof  have 
the  lawful  means  to  introduce  or  exclude  it  as  they  please,  for  the 
reason  that  slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour  anywhere  unless  it  is 
supported  by  local  police  regulations.  These  police  regulations  can 
only  be  established  by  the  local  Legislature  and  if  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  Territory'  are  opposed  to  Slavery  they  will  elect  repre- 
sentatives to  that  bodv  who  will  bv  unfriendlv  legislation,  effectuallv 
prevent  the  introduction  of  it  into  their  midst.  If,  on  the  contrars', 
they  are  for  Slavery,  their  Legislature  will  favor  its  admission  and 
extension.  Hence,  no  matter  what  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  may  be  on  that  abstract  question,  still  the  right  of  the  people  to 
make  a  slave  Territory  or  Free  Territory'  is  perfect  and  complete  under 
the  Nebraska  bill.  I  hope  Mr.  Lincoln  deems  my  answer  satisfactory 
on  that  point. " 

That  was  Senator  Douglas'  reply  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  sharp  question, 
and  it  so  pleased  the  thousands  of  Democrats  present  that  they 
cheered  and  shouted  and  kept  it  up  so  long  it  was  with  difficulty  the 
chairman  of  the  meeting,  aided  by  Mr.  Douglas  himself,  could  induce 
them  to  stop  applauding  in  order  that  he  might  proceed  with  his 
speech,  while  Republicans  maintained  an  absolute  silence. 

The  Democratic  papers  all  over  Northern  Illinois  quoted  and  ap- 
plauded Douglas'  triumphant  reply  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  interrogatory. 

Two  or  three  days  after  the  election  of  1860,  learning  that  the  active 
workers  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  State  were  calling  on  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  Springfield  from  all  Illinois  to  congratulate  him  on  his 
triumphant  election  to  the  Presidency,  I  concluded  to  make  the  same 
pilgrimage  and  went  down  to  the  Alton  cars  with  a  number  of  other 


206  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Chicagoans  reaching  there  in  the  morning.  After  breakfast  I  walked 
up  to  the  old  State  House  in  the  public  square  of  the  city,  where  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  holding  his  levee  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 
He  bent  his  head  down  to  my  ear  and  said  in  low  tones,  something 
like  this :  "  Do  you  recollect  the  argument  we  had  on  the  way  up  to 
Freeport  two  years  ago  over  my  question  that  I  was  going  to  ask 
Judge  Douglas  about  the  power  of  squatters  to  exclude  slavery  from 
territories?"  And  I  replied — that  I  recollected  it  very  well.  "Now," 
said  he,  "  don't  you  think  I  was  right  in  putting  that  question  to  him?" 
I  said :  "  Yes  Mr.  Lincoln,  you  were,  and  we  were  both  right.  Doug- 
las' reply  to  that  question  undoubtedly  hurt  him  badly  for  the 
Presidency  but  it  re-elected  him  to  the  Senate  at  that  time  as  I 
feared  it  would. " 

Lincoln  then  gave  me  a  broad  smile  and  said — "  Now  I  have  won  the 
place  that  he  was  playing  for.  "  We  both  laughed  and  the  matter  was 
never  again  referred  to. 

REMINSCENCES  OF  THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE 

Ingalls  Carleton,  of  1414  East  State  Street,  Freeport, 
111.,  who  is  one  of  the  few  survivors  of  the  multitude 
who  heard  the  historic  Lincoln-Douglas  debate  in 
Freeport  in  1858,  has  a  distinct  recollection  of  it. 

The  people  from  this  county  who  heard  the  debate  went  from 
Rockford  on  the  Galena  &  Chicago  Union  railroad  on  a  special  train 
which  ran  from  Chicago  to  Freeport.  We  got  there  in  the  afternoon 
a  while  before  the  hour  for  speaking.  From  the  railroad  depot  the 
train  crowd  marched  to  the  Brewster  Hotel,  or  rather  struggled  to  it, 
in  pretty  fast  time,  for  we  all  wanted  to  see  Lincoln  and  Douglas  as 
soon  as  we  could.  The  street  in  front  of  the  hotel  was  full  of  people, 
shouting  for  both  of  the  men,  and  we  joined  in  the  shouting. 

Presently  Lincoln  and  Douglas  came  out  on  the  balcony  of  the  hotel. 
They  stepped  out  arm  in  arm  and  the  crowd  cheered  and  cheered. 
Neither  Lincoln  or  Douglas  attempted  to  say  anything.  They  just 
stood  there  for  a  minute  and  bowed  again  and  again  to  the  crowd  and 
every  time  they  bowed  a  bigger  shout  went  up.  I  must  say  that 
Douglas  made  the  most  graceful  bow.  It  seemed  to  be  natural  for 
him  to  bow.  Lincoln  bowed  awkwardly  and  appeared  to  be  more 
awkward  in  comparison  with  the  gracefulness  and  ease  of  Douglas. 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  207 

Douglas  accepted  the  plaudits  of  the  people  as  one  who  felt  that  they 
belonged  to  him  or  at  least  that  was  the  way  it  seemed. 

It  was  a  remarkable  contrast  that  these  two  men  furnished  as  they 
stood  there,  not  only  in  physique  but  in  manner  and  in  attire.  Lincoln 
was  tall  and  ungainly  with  a  lean  face,  homely  and  sorrowful  looking, 
while  Douglas  was  short  and  fat,  easy  in  manner  and  his  full  face 
appeared  to  be  that  of  a  man  whose  life  had  been  one  of  success  and 
sunshine.  Douglas  was  dressed  in  what  might  have  been  called 
plantation  style.  He  was  richly  dressed.  He  wore  a  ruffled  shirt 
much  in  style  in  wealthy  and  aristocratic  circles  those  days,  a  dark 
blue  coat  buttoned  close  with  shiny  buttons,  light  trousers  and  shiny 
shoes,  with  a  wide  brimmed  soft  hat  like  the  prosperous  politicians  of 
the  southern  part  of  Illinois  wear  to  this  day.  He  made  a  picture 
fitted  for  the  stage.  Lincoln  wore  that  old  high  stovepipe  hat  with 
a  coarse  looking  coat  with  sleeves  far  too  short,  and  baggy  looking 
trousers  that  were  so  short  that  they  showed  his  rough  boots.  The 
Douglas  men  laughed  at  him  and  said  he  would  be  a  nice  looking 
object  to  put  into  the  senate  and  to  tell  the  truth  the  Lincoln  men 
couldn't  brag  much  on  their  man  for  exhibition  purposes. 

When  it  came  to  the  debate,  however,  the  Lincoln  men  had  the 
laugh  on  the  Douglas  men.  Of  course  each  crowd  thought  his  man 
did  the  best,  but  it  was  a  fact  that  the  whole  crowd  felt  that  Lincoln 
had  Douglas  on  the  hip  and  that  the  latter  was  doing  his  best  under  the 
circumstances.  The  debate  took  place  not  far  from  the  Brewster 
House  and  I  believe  I  could  walk  right  to  the  spot  now.  The  platform 
wasn't  much  of  an  affair.  It  was  three  or  four  feet  high  and  there  was 
just  about  room  on  it  for  the  debaters  and  the  reporters.  Bob  Hitt 
was  one  of  them.  He  didn't  look  much  like  he  does  now.  He  looked 
like  a  boy  then,  which  he  was,  and  he  was  slimly  built.  The  crowd 
was  a  big  one,  but  I  saw  a  larger  crowd  than  that  in  the  campaign  of 
1840.  You  see  no  one  recognized  the  importance  of  that  day  besides 
Lincoln. 

[Hon.  Clark  E.  Carr,  of  Galesburg,  in  an  Address  before  the  Illinois 
Bar  Association,  July  11,  1907.] 

It  was  stated,  as  has  been  said,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  drove  Senator 
Douglas  into  a  corner  and  forced  him  to  make  that  reply  as  the  only 
possible  way  to  save  himself  from  defeat  and  that  he  was  thus  "driven 


208  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

into  a  corner  "  and  forced  to  make  that  reply  by  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the 
purpose  of  defeating  him  for  the  Presidency. 

On  the  sixteenth  day  of  July,  six  weeks  before  this  Freeport  debate, 
Senator  Douglas  spoke  at  Bloomington  and  the  speech  was  published 
and  spread  broadcast.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  present,  sat  upon  the  plat- 
form, and  heard  every  word.  It  was  the  senator's  own  meeting  and 
there  was  no  one  to  reply,  no  one  to  ask  him  a  question,  no  one  to  drive 
him  into  a  corner,  or  to  force  him  to  make  a  statement  in  order  to  save 
himself  from  defeat.  In  that  speech,  before  thousands  of  people, 
including  Mr.  Lincoln,  Senator  Douglas  said: 

"Slavery  will  never  exist  one  day,  or  one  hour  in  any  territory 
against  the  unfriendly  legislation  of  an  unfriendly  people.  I  care  not 
how  the  Dred  Scott  discussion  may  have  settled  the  abstract  question, 
so  far  as  the  practical  result  is  concerned,  for  to  use  the  language  of  an 
eminent  southern  senator  on  this  question: 

" '  I  do  not  care  a  fig  which  way  the  decision  shall  be,  for  it  is  of  no 
particular  consequence;  slavery  cannot  exist  a  day,  nor  an  hour,  in 
any  territory  or  state,  unless  it  has  affirmative  laws  sustaining  and 
supporting  it,  furnishing  police  remedies  and  regulations  and  an 
omission  to  furnish  them  would  be  as  fatal  as  a  constitutional  pro- 
hibition. Without  affirmative  legislation  in  its  favor,  slavery  could 
not  exist  any  longer  than  a  new-born  infant  could  survive  under  the 
heat  of  the  sun  on  a  barren  rock  without  protection. ' " 

After  making  this  quotation  from  "  an  eminent  southern  senator,' ' 
Douglas  proceeded.  "  Hence,  if  the  people  of  a  territory  want  slavery 
they  will  encourage  it,  by  passing  affirmative  laws,  and  the  necessary, 
police  regulations,  patrol  laws,  and  slave  code;  if  they  do  not  want  it, 
they  will  withhold  that  legislation  and  by  withholding  it  slavery  is  as 
dead  as  if  it  was  prohibited  by  constitutional  prohibition,  especially  if, 
in  addition,  their  legislation  is  unfriendly  as  it  would  be  if  they  were 
opposed  to  it." 

On  the  next  day.  Senator  Douglas  spoke  at  Springfield  and  repeated 
what  he  had  said  on  this  occasion  at  Bloomington.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
not  present;  but  the  speech  was  published  in  full  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  no 
doubt  read  it  as  he  read  everything  said  by  the  senator. 

Can  anyone  believe  for  a  moment  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  after  hearing 
Senator  Douglas  so  expound  this  doctrine,  was  in  doubt  as  to  how  he 
would  answer  that  second  interrogatory?     Can  anyone  believe  that  he 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  209 

though  he  was  driving  his  adversary  into  a  corner  and  forcing  him  to 
say  what  he  did  in  order  to  save  himself  from  defeat?  Can  anyone 
beheve  Abraham  Lincoln  to  have  been  so  insincere  as  to  have  pre- 
tended, when  talking  with  friends  at  Mendota,  upon  a  railway  train, 
or  at  Freeport,  that  he  was  in  doubt  as  to  Senator  Douglas's  position 
or  that  he  could  drive  him  into  a  corner? 

Senator  Douglas  was  never  driven  into  a  corner  during  all  his  long 
career  of  public  life.  In  all  his  debates  with  the  greatest  American 
statesman,  running  through  a  quarter  of  a  century,  he  was  never 
driven  into  a  corner.  His  views  in  regard  to  slavery  were  wrong, 
radically  wrong,  as  we  Republicans  then  believed  and  as  we  still 
believe,  but  there  was  no  concealment  of  them.  He  was  always 
outspoken  and  it  is  an  unwarrantable  and  an  outrageous  imputation 
against  him  to  say  that  he  was  forced  to  take  a  position  through  being 
"  driven  into  a  corner.  " 

[William  Askey,  Who  was  Present,  States  Recollection  of  Event.] 

I  was  an  ardent  supporter  of  Mr.  Douglas.  I  was  twenty-one  years 
of  age  at  that  period  and  in  attendance  at  the  Rock  River  seminary 
at  Mt.  Morris.  I  came  to  Freeport  in  company  with  others  in  a  hack 
with  four  horses  attached.  We  were  all  enthusiastic  and  anxious  to 
hear  the  discussion.  We  started  early  and  arrived  in  Freeport  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Illinois  Central  train  from  the  south  which  brought 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  I  was  one  of  a  number  that  awaited  his  arrival.  Mr. 
Martin  P.  Sweet  mounted  a  box  car  when  the  train  came  in  sight  and 
in  a  loud  voice  said,  "Make  the  welkin  ring  when  the  train  arrives," 
which  they  did  with  a  vengeance  worthy  of  the  memorable  occasion. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  taken  from  the  train  by  his  friends.  He  towered 
above  the  crowd,  slightly  stooping  forward,  the  crowd  following, 
cheering  him  as  though  bedlam  had  an  outing.  On  his  arrival  at  the 
Brewster  House  he  held  a  reception,  as  did  Mr.  Douglas  who  arrived 
the  preceding  evening. 

Just  as  they  were  about  ready  to  start  to  the  place  of  speaking  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  in  a  high  old  English  wagon  box,  the  kind  used 
by  the  Pennsylvania  Dutch  farmers  to  haul  flour  and  merchandise  in 
early  days,  before  the  time  of  railroads — as  I  was  taking  it  in  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  street  from  the  Brewster  House,  I  was  accosted  by 
Colonel  George  Walker  of  Dakota,  111.,  also  a  Douglas  man,  who  asked 
me  whether  I  had  been  introduced  to  Mr.  Douglas.     I  said  no,  I  had 


210  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

not.  "Come  with  me "  said  he  and  " I  will  see  that  you  get  an  intro- 
duction. " 

I  went  and  being  ushered  into  Mr.  Douglas'  reception  room  saw  Mr. 
Douglas  in  company  with  Colonel  Mitchell  and  others  getting  ready  to 
start  for  the  place  of  speaking.  I  believe  that  I  was  the  last  person 
that  Mr.  Douglas  took  by  the  hand  before  making  his  memorable  trip 
to  the  stand.  Someone  (I  think  Colonel  Mitchell)  told  him  how  they 
were  taking  Mr.  Lincoln. 

It  had  been  previously  arranged  to  take  Mr.  Douglas  in  a  carriage, 
but  when  he  was  told  how  they  were  taking  Mr.  Lincoln  he  turned  to 
Colonel  Mitchell  and  said,  "We  will  walk,"  and  we  started  for  the 
place  of  speaking  around  the  comer  of  the  Brewster  House  on 
Mechanic  street.  Mr.  Douglas  and  Colonel  Mitchell  walked  side  by 
side  and  others,  including  Colonel  Walker  and  myself,  followed  closely. 
As  near  as  I  can  remember  we  walked  two  blocks  and  crossed  the 
street  diagonally  to  near  or  on  the  spot  where  the  bowlder  is  placed. 
There  was  a  platform  built  in  the  shadow  of  two  trees  which  were 
covered  with  branches  to  keep  off  the  sun.  My  impression  is  that  in 
speaking  to  the  immense  crowd  the  speakers  faced  toward  where  the 
Stephenson  bridge  now  is.  I  stood  close  to  the  platform  during  the 
whole  discussion  an  interested  listener  I  can  assure  you. 

I  have  seen  it  stated  that  Mr.  Douglas  was  stylishly,  even  foppishly, 
dressed.  To  my  recollection  he  was  simply  and  plainly  dressed  as  was 
also  Mr.  Lincoln.  They  both  looked  to  me  as  men  on  a  political  tour 
trying  to  make  a  favorable  impression  before  the  people. 

[Recollection  of  General  Smith  D.  Atkins,  of  Freeport.] 

At  Freeport,  Mr.  F.  W.  S.  Brawley,  postmaster,  entertained  Mr. 
Douglas  and  secured  for  him  the  only  fine  carriage  for  hire  at  that 
time  in  the  village.  It  was  drawn  by  an  elegant  span  of  well-matched 
dapple  grey  horses.  Learning  that  it  was  the  intention  to  convey 
the  Democratic  champion  in  this  splendid  equipage  from  Mr.  Braw- 
ley's  residence  to  the  place  of  speaking,  the  Republican  Committee 
sent  over  into  Lancaster  township  for  Uncle  John  Long  to  come  to 
Freeport  with  his  splendid  team  of  six  enormous  horses  and  his 
Conestoga  wagon  in  which  he  had  recently  driven  from  Pennsylvania. 
When  the  vehicle  reached  the  Brewster  House  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
informed  of  the  plan,  he  stoutly  protested,  but  eventually  consented. 
Amidst  the  cheers  of  Republicans  and  Democrats  alike,  he  climbed 


THE  FREEPORT  DEBATE  211 

into  the  wagon,  followed  by  a  dozen  of  his  enthusiastic  supporters 
from  the  farming  contingent,  and  was  drawn  the  short  distance  ta 
the  place  of  speaking.  The  driver  of  the  teams  sat  on  the  nigh  wheel 
horse  and  drove  the  six  horses  with  a  single  rein.  When  Douglas  saw 
the  evident  burlesque  on  his  fine  conveyance,  he  refused  to  ride  in  the 
carriage  and  walked  to  the  grove,  accompanied  by  his  cheering  sup- 
porters. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  JOXESBORO  DEBATE 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  September  15,  1858] 

THE  DEBATE  AT  JOXESBORO 

The  third  debate  between  Lincohi  and  Douglas  takes  place  today 
at  Jonesboro.  Douglas  has  boasted  that  when  he  got  Lincoln  down 
into  EgA-pt  he  would  ''bring  him  to  his  milk."  Jonesboro  is  in  the 
heart  of  Eg}-pt,  and  here,  if  ever,  the  little  giant  will  exhibit  himself  in 
the  character  of  milk  maid.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  both 
himself  and  his  milking  arrangements  will  come  out  of  the  trial  badly 
damaged.  We  hope  to  have  full  intelligence  from  the  ''milk  pen"  on 
Friday  morning. 

[Chicago  Journal,  September  16.  1858] 

LETTERS  FROM  SOETHERX  ILLIN'OIS 

(Special  Correspondence  of  the  Journal) 

Just  as  we  were  going  to  press,  we  received  a  letter  from  Southern 
Illinois,  a  portion  only  of  which  we  can  publish  today: 

C-^RO,  Sept.  14,1S58 
.  .  .'  .  Senator  Douglas  with  his  cannon  arrived  here  vest^rdav 
and  made  a  speech  to  the  assembled  Cairoites.  Linder,  Judge  Mar- 
shall and  John  Logan  also  had  their  say.  We  did  not  get  here  in  time 
to  hear  the  speeches.  In  the  morning,  Douglas  and  his  cannon 
proceed  to  Jonesboro,  where  he  meets  Mr.  Lincoln  in  debate  before 
the  Eg}-ptians,  for  the  first  time,  tomorrow  afternoon.  Mr.  Lincoln 
is  already  there,  having  come  down  on  the  same  train  which  brought 
us  to  Cairo.  He  was  received  by  a  number  of  friends  at  the  Depot, 
and  is  the  guest  of  Mr.  Dresser. 

He  feels  well,  looks  strong,  and  is  fuU  of  courage,  as  he  has  every 
reason  to  be.  A  warm  time  is  expected  tomorrow,  and  we  hear  some 
whispers  of  a  proposed  attempt  on  the  part  of  Missourians  and  Ken- 
tuckians,  who  are  coming  over  to  shout  for  Douglas,  to  "put  down" 
Lincoln.  But  we  cannot  beUeve  that  the  attempt  will  be  made.  Mr. 
Lincoln  will  not  be  without  friends  at  the  meeting.  We  find  thai  he 
is  personally  popular  even  here  in  Egypt. 

213 

—8 


214  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

THIKD  JOIXT  DEBATE 

JonesboTo,  September  15,  1858. 


Mr.  Donfflas's  Speech 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  I  appear  before  you  to-day  in  pursuance 
of  a  previous  notice,  and  have  made  arrangements  -with  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
divide  time,  and  discuss  with  him  the  leading  political  topics  that  now 
agitate  the  countr}'. 

Prior  to  lSo4  this  country-  was  di^^ded  into  two  great  political 
parties  known  as  Whig  and  Democratic.  These  parties  differed  from 
each  other  on  certain  questions  which  were  then  deemed  to  be  impor- 
tant to  the  best  interests  of  the  Repubhc.  WTiigs  and  Democrats 
differed  about  a  bank,  the  tariff,  distribution,  the  specie  circular,  and 
the  sub-treasur}'.  On  those  issues  we  went  before  the  cotmtr}'  and 
discussed  the  principles,  objects,  and  measures  of  the  two  great 
parties.  Each  of  the  parties  could  proclaim  its  principles  in  Louisi- 
ana as  well  as  in  Massachusetts,  in  Kentucky  as  well  as  in  Illinois. 
Since  that  period,  a  great  revolution  has  taken  place  in  the  formation 
of  parties,  by  which  they  now  seem  to  be  divided  by  a  geographical 
line,  a  large  party  in  the  North  being  arrayed  under  the  Abolition  or 
RepubHcan  banner,  in  hostility  to  the  Southern  States,  Southern 
people,  and  Southern  institutions.  It  becomes  important  for  us  to 
inquire  how  this  transformation  of  parties  has  occurred,  made  from 
those  of  national  principles  to  geographical  factions. 

You  remember  that  in  1850 — this  country-  was  agitated  from  its 
center  to  its  circumference  about  this  slaver}'  question — it  became 
necessan,-  for  the  leaders  of  the  great  Whig  party  and  the  leaders  of  the 
great  Democratic  party  to  postpone,  for  the  time  being,  their  par- 
ticular disputes,  and  unite  first  to  save  the  Union  before  they  should 
quarrel  as  to  the  mode  in  which  it  was  to  be  governed.  During  the 
Congress  of  lS49-'50,  Heruy-  Clay  was  the  leader  of  the  Union  men, 
supported  by  Cass  and  Webster,  and  the  leaders  of  the  Democracy 
and  the  leaders  of  the  Whigs,  in  opposition  to  Northern  Abolitionists 
or  Southern  Disunionists.  That  great  contest  of  1850  resulted  in  the 
establishment  of  the  Compromise  measures  of  that  year,  which 
measures  rested  on  the  great  principle  that  the  people  of  each  State 
ajid  each  Territon,-  of  this  Union  ought  to  be  permitted  to  regulate 


DOUGLAS  AT  JOXESBORO  215 

their  own  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  to  no  other 
limitation  than  that  which  the  Federal  Constitution  imposes. 

I  now  wish  to  ask  you  whether  that  principle  was  right  or  wrong 
which  guaranteed  to  ever}-  State  and  every  community  the  right  to 
form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  to  suit  themselves. 
These  measures  were  adopted,  as  I  have  previously  said,  by  the  joint 
action  of  the  Union  WTiigs,  and  Union  Democrats  in  opposition  to 
Northern  Abolitionists  and  Southern  Disunionists.  In  1852,  when 
the  ^Tiig  party  assembled,  at  Baltimore,  in  National  Convention  for 
the  last  time,  they  adopted  the  principle  of  the  Compromise  Measures 
of  1850  as  their  rule  of  party  action  in  the  future.  One  month  there- 
after the  Democrats  assembled  at  the  same  place  to  nominate  a  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency,  and  declared  the  same  great  principle  as 
the  rule  of  action  by  which  the  Democracy  would  be  governed.  The 
Presidential  election  of  1S52  was  fought  on  that  basis.  It  is  true 
that  the  '^Miigs  claimed  special  merit  for  the  adoption  of  those  meas- 
ures, because  they  asserted  that  their  great  Clay  originated  them, 
their  god-Hke  Webster  defended  them,  and  their  Fillmore  signed  the 
bill  making  them  the  law  of  the  land;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Democrats  claimed  special  credit  for  the  Democracy,  upon  the  ground 
that  we  gave  twice  as  many  votes  in  both  houses  of  Congress  for  the 
passage  of  these  measures  as  the  Whig  party. 

Thus  you  see  that  in  the  Presidential  election  of  1852,  the  Whigs 
were  pledged  by  their  platform  and  their  candidate  to  the  principle  of 
the  Compromise  Measures  of  1S50,  and  the  Democracy  were  likewise 
pledged  by  our  principles,  our  platform,  and  our  candidate  to  the  same 
line  of  policy,  to  preser\-e  peace  and  quiet  between  the  different  sec- 
tions of  this  Union.  Since  that  period  the  Whig  party  has  been 
transformed  into  a  sectional  party,  under  the  name  of  the  Republican 
party,  whilst  the  Democratic  party  continues  the  same  national  party 
it  was  at  that  day.  AU  sectional  men,  all  men  of  Abolition  sentiments 
and  principles,  no  matter  whether  they  were  old  Abolitionists  or  had 
been  Whigs  or  Democrats,  rally  imder  the  sectional  Republican 
banner,  and  consequently  all  National  men,  all  Union-lo%'ing  men, 
whether  Whigs,  Democrats,  or  by  whatever  name  they  have  been 
known,  ought  to  raUy  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  defense  of  the 
Constitution  as  our  fathers  made  it,  and  of  the  Union  as  it  has  existed 
under  the  Constitution. 

How  has  this  departure  from  the  faith  of  the  Democracy  and  the 
faith  of  the  "VMiig  party  been  accomplished?     In  1S54.  certain  restless. 


216  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

ambitious,  and  disappointed  politicians  throughout  the  land  took 
advantage  of  the  temporary  excitement  created  by  the  Nebraska  bill 
to  try  and  dissolve  the  old  Whig  party,  and  the  old  Democratic  party, 
to  Abolitionize  their  members,  and  lead  them,  bound  hand  and  foot, 
captives  into  the  Abolition  camp.  In  the  State  of  New  York  a  con- 
vention was  held  by  some  of  these  men,  and  a  platform  adopted,  every 
plank  of  which  was  as  black  as  night,  each  one  relating  to  the  negro, 
and  not  one  referring  to  the  interests  of  the  white  man.  That  example 
was  followed  throughout  the  Northern  States,  the  effort  being  made 
to  combine  all  the  Free  States  in  hostile  array  against  the  Slave 
States.  The  men  who  thus  thought  that  they  could  build  up  a  great 
sectional  party,  and  through  its  organization  control  the  political 
destinies  of  this  country,  based  all  their  hopes  on  the  single  fact  that 
the  North  was  the  stronger  division  of  the  nation,  and  hence,  if  the 
North  could  be  combined  against  the  South,  a  sure  victory  awaited 
their  efforts. 

I  am  doing  no  more  than  justice  to  the  truth  of  historj^  when  I  say 
that  in  this  State,  Abraham  Lincoln,  on  behalf  of  the  Whigs,  and 
Lyman  Trumbull,  on  behalf  of  the  Democrats,  were  the  leaders  who 
undertook  to  perform  this  grand  scheme  of  Abolitionizing  the  two 
parties  to  which  they  belonged.  They  had  a  private  arrangement  as 
to  what  should  be  the  political  destiny  of  each  of  the  contracting 
parties  before  they  went  into  the  operation.  The  arrangement  was 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  take  the  Old  Line  Whigs  with  him,  claiming 
that  he  was  still  as  good  a  Whig  as  ever,  over  to  the  Abolitionists,  and 
Mr.  Trumbull  was  to  run  for  Congress  in  the  Belleville  District,  and 
claiming  to  be  a  good  Democrat,  coax  the  old  Democrats  into  the 
Abolition  camp,  and  when,  by  the  joint  efforts  of  the  Abolitionized 
Whigs,  the  Abolitionized  Democrats,  and  the  Old  Line  Abolition  and 
Free-soil  party  of  this  State,  they  should  secure  a  majority  in  the 
Legislature.  Lincoln  was  then  to  be  made  United  States  Senator 
in  Shields's  place,  Trumbull  remaining  in  Congress  until  I  should  be 
accommodating  enough  to  die  or  resign,  and  give  him  a  chance  to 
follow  Lincoln.  [Laughter,  applause  and  cries  of  "  Don't  die. "] 
That  was  a  very  nice  little  bargain  so  far  as  Lincoln  and  Trumbull 
were  concerned,  if  it  had  been  carried  out  in  good  faith,  and  friend 
Lincoln  had  attained  to  senatorial  dignity  according  to  the  contract. 

They  went  into  the  contest  in  every  part  of  the  State,  calling  upon 
all  disappointed  politicians  to  join  in  the  crusade  against  the  Demo- 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  .  217 

cracy,  and  appealed  to  the  prevailing  sentiments  and  prejudices  in  all 
the  northern  counties  of  the  State.  In  three  Congressional  Districts 
in  the  north  end  of  the  State  they  adopted,  as  the  platform  of  this  new 
party  thus  formed  by  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  in^  connection  with  the 
Abolitionists,  all  of  those  principles  which  aimed  at  a  warfare  on  the 
part  of  the  North  against  the  South.  They  declared  in  that  platform 
that  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was  to  be  applied  to  all  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States,  north  as  well  as  south  of  36  deg.  30  min.,  and  not  only 
to  all  the  territory  we  then  had,  but  all  that  we  might  hereafter 
acquire;  that  hereafter  no  more  Slave  States  should  be  admitted  into 
this  Union,  even  if  the  people  of  such  State  desired  slavery;  that  the 
Fugitive-Slave  law  should  be  absolutely  and  unconditionally  repealed ; 
that  slavery  should  be  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  that  the 
slave  trade  should  be  abolished  between  the  different  states;  and,  in 
fact,  every  article  in  their  creed  related  to  this  slavery  question,  and 
pointed  to  a  Northern  geographical  party  in  hostility  to  the  Southern 
States  of  this  Union. 

Such  were  their  principles  in  Northern  Illinois.  A  little  farther^ 
south  they  became  bleached,  and  grew  paler  just  in  proportion  as 
public  sentiment  moderated  and  changed  in  this  direction.  They 
were  Republicans  or  Abolitionists  in  the  North,  anti-Nebraska  men 
down  about  Springfield,  and  in  this  neighborhood  they  contented 
themselves  with  talking  about  the  inexpediency  of  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  [Shouts  of  laughter.]  In  the  extreme  north- 
ern counties  they  brought  out  men  to  canvass  the  State  whose  com- 
plexion suited  their  political  creed;  and  hence  Fred  Douglass,  the 
negro,  was  to  be  found  there,  following  General  Cass,  and  attempting 
to  speak  on  behalf  of  Lincoln,  Trumbull,  and  Abolitionism,  against 
that  illustrious  senator.  [Renewed  laughter.]  Why,  they  brought 
Fred  Douglass  to  Freeport,  when  I  was  addressing  a  meeting  there, 
in  a  carriage  driven  by  the  white  owner,  the  negro  sitting  inside  with 
the  white  lady  and  her  daughter.  ["  Shame.  "]  When  I  got  through 
canvassing  the  northern  counties  that  year,  and  progressed  as  far 
south  as  Springfield,  I  was  met  and  opposed  in  discussion  by  Lincoln, 
Lovejoy,  Trumbull  and  Sidney  Breese,  who  were  on  one  side.  [Laugh- 
ter.] Father  Giddings,  the  high-priest  of  Abolitionism,  had  just  been 
there,  and  Chase  came  about  the  time  I  left.     [Voice:     "Why  didn't 

^Inserts  "the"  after  "In." 
aReads:  "further"  for  "farther." 


218  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

you  shoot  him?"]  I  did  take  a  running  shot  at  them;  but  as  I  was 
single-handed  against  the  white,  black,  and  mixed  drove,  I  had  to 
use  a  shot-gun i  and  fire  into  the  crowd,  instead  of  taking  them  off 
singly  with  a  rifle.     [Great  laughter  and  cheers.] 

Trumbull  had  for  his  lieutenants,  in  aiding  him  to  Abolitionize  the 
Democracy,  such  men  as  John  Wentworth  of  Chicago,  Governor  Rey- 
nolds, of  Belleville,  Sidney  Breese  of  Carlisle,  and  John  Dougherty 
of  Union  ["Good,  "Good,"  "Give  it  to  them,"  etc.],  each  of  whom 
modified  his  opinions  to  suit  the 2-  locality  he  was  in.  Dougherty,  for 
instance,  would  not  go  much  further  than  to  talk  about  the  inexpe- 
diency of  the  Nebraska  bill,  whilst  his  allies  at  Chicago  advocated 
negro  citizenship  and  negro  equality,  putting  the  white  man  and  the 
negro  on  the  same  basis  under  the  law.  ["  Never,  never. "]  Now, 
these  men,  four  years  ago,  were  engaged  in  a  conspiracy  to  break 
down  the  Democracy;  to-day  they  are  again  acting  together  for  the 
same  purpose !  They  do  not  hoist  the  same  flag,  they  do  not  own  the 
same  principles  or  profess  the  same  faith,  but  conceal  their  union  for 
the  sake  of  policy.  In  the  northern  counties,  you  find  that  all  the 
conventions  are  called  in  the  name  of  the  Black  Republican  party ;  at 
Springfield  they  dare  not  call  a  Republican  Convention,  but  invite 
all  the  enemies  of  the  Democracy  to  unite;  and  when  they  get  down 
into  Egypt,  Trumbull  issues  notices  calling  upon  the  "Free  Democ- 
racy "  to  assemble  and  hear  him  speak.  I  have  one  of  the  handbills 
calling  a  Trumbull  meeting  at  Waterloo  the  other  day,  which  I  re- 
ceived there,  which  is  in  the  following  language: — 

A  meeting  of  the  Free  Democracy  will  take  place  in  Waterloo,  on  Mon- 
day, Sept.  13th  inst.,  whereat  Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull,  Hon.  Jehu^  Baker 
and  others  will  address  the  people  upon  the  different  poUtical  topics  of  the 
day.  Members  of  all  parties  are  cordially  invited  to  be  present,  and  hear 
and  determine  for  themselves. 

The  Monroe  Free  Democracy. 

What  is  that  name  of  "Free  Democrats"  put  forth  for,  unless  to 
deceive  the  people,  and  make  them  believe  that  Trumbull  and  his 
followers  are  not  the  same  party  as  that  which  raises  the  black  flag 
of  Abolitionism  in  the  northern  part  of  this  State,  and  makes  war 
upon  the  Democratic  party  throughout  the  State?  When  I  put  that 
question  to  them  at  Waterloo  on  Saturday  last,  one  of  them  rose  and 
stated  that  they  had  changed  their  name  for  political  effect,  in  order 

^Reads:  "shortgun." 
^Inserts  "particular." 
sReads:  "John"  for  "Jehu." 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  219 

to  get  votes.  There  was  a  candid  admission.  Their  object  in  chang- 
ing their  party  organization  and  principles  in  different  localities  was 
avowed  to  be  an  attempt  to  cheat  and  deceive  some  portion  of  the 
people  until  after  the  election.  Why  cannot  a  political  party  that  is 
conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  its  purposes  and  the  soundness  of  its 
principles  declare  them  everywhere  alike?  I  would  disdain  to  hold 
any  political  principles  that  I  could  not  avow  in  the  same  terms  in 
Kentucky  that  I  declared  in  Illinois,  in  Charleston  as  well  as  in 
Chicago,  in  New  Orleans  as  well  as  in  New  York.  [Cheers.]  So  long 
as  we  live  under  a  Constitution  common  to  all  the  States,  our  poli- 
tical faith  ought  to  be  as  broad,  as  liberal,  and  just  as  that  Constitu- 
tion itself,  and  should  be  proclaimed  alike  in  every  portion  of  the 
Union.     ["  Hear,  hear.  "] 

But  it  is  apparent  that  our  opponents  find  it  necessary,  for  partisan 
effect,  to  change  their  colors  in  different  counties  in  order  to  catch  the 
popular  breeze,  and  hope  with  these  discordant  materials  combined 
together  to  secure  a  majority  in  the  Legislature  for  the  purpose  of  put- 
ting down  the  Democratic  party.  This  combination  did  succeed  in 
1854  so  far  as  to  elect  a  majority  of  their  confederates  to  the  Legisla- 
ture ;  and  the  first  important  act  which  they  performed  was  to  elect  a 
Senator  in  the  place  of  the  eminent  and  gallant  Senator  Shields.  His 
term  expired  in  the  United  States  Senate  at  that  time,  and  he  had  to 
be  crushed  by  the  Abolition  coalition  for  the  simple  reason  that  he 
would  not  join  in  their  conspiracy  to  wage  war  against  one-half  of  the 
Union.  That  was  the  only  objection  to  General  Shields.  He  had 
served  the  people  of  the  State  with  ability  in  the  Legislature,  he  had 
served  you  with  fidelity  and  ability  as  Auditor,  he  had  performed  his 
duties  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  whole  country  at  the  head  of  the  Land 
Department  at  Washington,  he  had  covered  the  State  and  the  Union 
with  immortal  glory  on  the  bloody  fields  of  Mexico  in  defense  of  the 
honor  of  our  flag,  and  yet  he  had  to  be  striken  down  by  this  unholy 
combination.  And  for  what  cause?  Merely  because  he  would  not 
join  a  combination  of  one  half  of  the  States  to  make  war  upon  the 
other  half,  after  having  poured  out  his  heart's  blood  for  all  the  States 
in  the  Union.     Trumbull  was  put  in  his  place  by  Abolitionism. 

How  did  Trumbull  get  there?  Before  the  Abolitionists  would  con- 
sent to  go  into  an  election  for  United  States  Senator  they  required  all 
the  members  of  this  new  combination  to  show  their  hands  upon  this 
question  of  Abolitionism.     Lovejoy,  one  of  their  high-priests,  brought 


220  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

in  resolutions  defining  the  Abolition  creed,  and  required  them  to  com- 
mit themselves  on  it  by  their  votes, — yea  or  nay.  In  that  creed,  as 
laid  down  by  Lovejoy,  they  declared,  first,  that  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
must  be  put  on  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  north  as  well 
as  south  of  36  deg.  30.,^  and  that  no  more  territory  should  ever  be 
acquired  unless  slavery  was  at  first  prohibited  therein;  second,  that 
no  more  States  should  ever  be  received  into  the  Union  unless  slavery 
was  first  prohibited,  by  Constitutional  provision,  in  such  States; 
third,  that  the  Fugitive-Slave  law  must  be  immediately  repealed,  or, 
failing  in  that,  then  such  amendments  were  to  be  made  to  it  as  would 
render  it  useless  and  inefficient  for  the  objects  for  which  it  was  passed, 
etc.  The  next  day  after  these  resolutions  were  offered  they  were 
voted  upon,  part  of  them  carried,  and  the  others  defeated,  the  same 
men  who  voted  for  them,  with  only  two  exceptions,  voting  soon 
after  for  Abraham  Lincoln  as  their  candidate  for  the  United  States 
Senate.  He  came  within  one  or  two  votes  of  being  elected,  but  he 
could  not  quite  get  the  number  required,  for  the  simple  reason  that 
his  friend  Trumbull,  who  was  a  party  to  the  bargain  by  which  Lincoln 
was  to  take  Shields's  place,  controlled  a  few  Abolitionized  Democrats 
in  the  Legislature,  and  would  not  allow  them  all  to  vote  for  him,  thus 
wronging  Lincoln  by  permitting  him  on  each  ballot  to  be  almost 
elected,  but  not  quite,  until  he  forced  them  to  drop  Lincoln  and  elect 
him  (Trumbull),  in  order  to  unite  the  party.  [Immense  laughter.] 
Thus  you  find  that  although  the  Legislature  was  carried  that  year 
by  the  bargain  between  Trumbull,  Lincoln,  and  the  Abolitionists,  and 
the  union  of  these  discordant  elements  in  one  harmonious  party,  yet 
Trumbull  violated  his  pledge,  and  played  a  Yankee  trick  on  Lincoln 
when  they  came  to  divide  the  spoils.  [Laughter  and  cheers.  Mr. 
Lincoln  greatly  agitated,  his  face  buried  in  his  hands.]  Perhaps  you 
would  like  a  little  evidence  on  this  point.  If  you  would,  I  will  call 
Colonel  James  H.  Matheny,  of  Springfield,  to  the  stand,  Mr.  Lincoln's 
especial  confidential  friend  for  the  last  twenty  years,  and  see  what  he 
will  say  upon  the  subject  of  this  bargain.  Matheny  is  now  the  Black 
Republican,  or  Abolition,  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  Springfield 
District  against  the  gallant  Colonel  Harris,  and  is  making  speeches 
all  over  that  part  of  the  State  against  me  and  in  favor  of  Lincoln,  in 
concert  with  Trumbull.  He  ought  to  be  a  good  witness,  and  I  will 
read  an  extract  from  a  speech  which  he  made  in  1856,  when  he  was 

1  Insert  :  "min."  after  "30." 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  221 

mad  because  his  friend  Lincoln  had  been  cheated.  It  is  one  of  nu- 
merous speeches  of  the  same  tenor  that  were  made  about  that  time, 
exposing  this  bargain  between  Lincoln,  Trumbull,  and  the  Abolition- 
ists.    Matheny  then  said: — 

"The  Whigs,  Abolitionists,  Know-Nothings,  and  renegade  Democrats 
made  a  solemn  compact  for  the  purpose  of  earring  this  State  against  the 
Democracy,  on  this  plan:  1st.  That  they  would  all  combine  and  elect 
Mr.  Trumbull  to  Congress,  and  thereby  carry  his  district  for  the  Legisla- 
ture, in  order  to  throw  all  the  strength  that  could  be  obtained  into  that 
body  against  the  Democrats.  2d.  That  when  the  Legislature  should  meet, 
the  ofiScers  of  that  body,  such  as  speaker,  clerks,  door-keepers,  etc.,  would 
be  given  to  the  Abolitionists;  and  3d.  That  the  Whigs  were  to  have  the 
United  States  Senator.  That,  accordingly,  in  good  faith,  Trumbull  was 
elected  to  Congress,  and  his  district  carried  for  the  Legislature,  and,  when 
it  convened,  the  Abolitionists  got  all  the  officers  of  that  body;  and,  thus 
far,  the  'bond'  was  fairly  executed.  The  Whigs,  on  their  part,  demanded 
the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  United  States  Senate,  that  the  bond 
might  be  fulfilled,  the  other  parties  to  the  contract  having  already  secured 
to  themselves  all  that  was  called  for.  But,  in  the  most  perfidious  manner, 
they  refused  to  elect  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  mean,  low-lived,  sneaking  Trum- 
bull succeeded,  by  pledging  all  that  was  required  by  any  party,  in  thrusting 
Lincoln  aside,  and  foisting  himself,  an  excrescence  from  the  rotten  bowels 
of  the  Democracy,  into  the  United  States  Senate:  and  thus  it  has  ever  been, 
that  an  honest  man  makes  a  bad  bargain  when  he  conspires  or  contracts 
with  rogues." 

Matheny  thought  that  his  friend  Lincoln  made  a  bad  bargain  when 
he  conspired  and  contracted  with  such  rogues  as  Trumbull  and  his 
Abolition  associates  in  that  campaign.  [Great  cheers  and  laughter; 
Lincoln  looking  very  miserable.]  Lincoln  was  shoved  off  the  track, 
and  he  and  his  friends  all  at  once  began  to  mope,  became  sour  and 
mad,  [laughter]  and  disposed  to  tell,  but  dare  not;  [shouts  of  laughter] 
and  thus  they  stood  for  a  long  time,  until  the  Abolitionists  coaxed  and 
flattered  him  back  by  their  assurances  that  he  should  certainly  be  a 
senator  in  Douglas's  place.  [Roars  of  laughter,  Lincoln  looking  as  if 
he  had  not  a  friend  on  earth,  although  Herr  Kriesman  whispered, 
''  Never  mind  "  into  his  ear.]  In  that  way  the  Abolitionists  have  been 
enabled  to  hold  Lincoln  to  the  alliance  up  to  this  time,  and  now  they 
have  brought  him  into  a  fight  against  me,  and  he  is  to  see  if  he  is 
again  to  be  cheated  by  them.  Lincoln  this  time,  though,  required 
more  of  them  than  a  promise,  and  holds  their  bond,  if  not  security, 
that  Lovejoy  shall  not  cheat  him  as  Trumbull  did.  [Renewed  shouts 
of  laughter.] 


222  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

When  the  Republican  Convention  assembled  at  Springfield,  in 
June  last,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  State  officers  only,  the  Aboli- 
tionists could  not  get  Lincoln  and  his  friends  into  it  until  they  would 
pledge  themselves  that  Lincoln  should  be  their  candidate  for  the 
Senate;  and  you  will  find,  in  proof  of  this,  that  that  Convention  passed 
a  resolution  unanimously  declaring  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the 
^' first,  last,  and  only  choice"  of  the  Republicans  for  United  States 
Senator.  He  was  not  willing  to  have  it  understood  that  he  was 
merely  their  first  choice,  or  their  last  choice,  but  their  only  choice. 
The  Black  Republican  party  had  nobody  else.  Browning  was  no- 
where; Governor  Bissell  was  of  no  account;  Archie  Williams  was  not 
to  be  taken  into  consideration;  John  Wentworth  was  not  worth 
{mentioning;  John  M.  Palmer  was  degraded;  and  their  party  pre- 
sented the  extraordinary  spectacle  of  having  but  one, — the  first,  the 
last,  and  only  choice  for  the  Senate.     [Laughter.] 

Suppose  that  Lincoln  should  die,  what  a  horrible  condition  the 
Republican  party  would  be  in!  [A  groan  from  Lincoln,  and  great 
laughter.]  They  would  have  nobody  left.  They  have  no  other 
choice,  and  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  put  themselves  before  the 
world  in  this  ludicrous,  ridiculous  attitude  of  having  no  other  choice, 
an  order  to  quiet  Lincoln's  suspicions,  and  assure  him  that  he  was  not 
to  be  cheated  by  Lovejoy,  and  the  trickery  by  which  Trumbull  out- 
generaled him.  Well,  gentlemen,  I  think  they  will  have  a  nice  time 
of  it  before  they  get  through.  I  do  not  intend  to  give  them  any 
chance  to  cheat  Lincoln  at  all  this  time.  [Cheers.]  I  intend  to 
relieve  him^  of  all  anxiety  upon  that  subject,  and  spare  them  the 
mortification  of  more  exposures  of  contracts  violated,  and  the  pledged 
honor  of  rogues  forfeited.     [Great  applause.] 

But  I  wish  to  invite  your  attention  to  the  chief  points  at  issue 
between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself  in  this  discussion.  Mr.  Lincoln, 
knowing  that  he  was  to  be  the  candidate  of  his  party,  on  account  of 
the  arrangement  of  which  I  have  already  spoken,  knowing  that  he 
was  to  receive  the  nomination  of  the  Convention  for  the  United  States 
Senate,  had  his  speech,  accepting  that  nomination,  all  written  and 
committed  to  memory,  ready  to  be  delivered  the  moment  the  nomina- 
tion was  aimounced.  Accordingly,  when  it  was  made,  he  was  in 
readiness,  and  delivered  his  speech,  a  portion  of  which  I  will  read  in 
order  that  I  may  state  his  political  principles  fairly,  by  repeating 
them  in  his  own  language: — 

J  Reads:  "to  relieve  him  and  them  from." 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  223 

"We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  pohcy  was  instituted  for  the 
avowed  object,  and  with  the  confident  promise,  of  putting  an  end  to  slavery 
agitation;  under  the  operation  of  that  poHey,  that  agitation  has  not  only 
not  ceased,  but  has  constantly  augmented.  I  beheve  it  will  not  cease  until 
a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself 
cannot  stand.'  I  beheve  this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently,  half 
Slave  and  half  Free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved,  I  do  not 
expect  the  house  to  fall ;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will 
become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will 
arrest  the  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  pubUc  mind  shall  rest  in  the 
belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  will 
push  it  forward  until  it  shall  become  ahke  lawful  in  all  the  States,  North  as 
well  as  South." 

There  you  have  Mr.  Lincoln's  first  and  main  proposition,  upon 
which  he  bases  his  claims,  stated  in  his  own  language.  He  tells  you 
that  this  Republic  cannot  endure  permanently  divided  into  Slave  and 
Free  States,  as  our  fathers  made  it.  He  says  that  they  must  all 
become  Free  or  all  become  Slave,  that  they  must  all  be  one  thing  or 
all  be  the  other,  or  this  Government  cannot  last.  Why  can  it  not 
last,  if  we  will  execute  the  Government  in  the  same  spirit  and  upon 
the  same  principles  upon  which  it  is  founded?  Lincoln,  by  his  pro- 
position, says  to  the  South :  "If  you  desire  to  maintain  your  insti- 
tutions as  they  are  now,  you  must  not  be  satisfied  with  minding  your 
own  business,  but  you  must  invade  Illinois  and  all  the  other  Northern 
States,  establish  slavery  in  them,  and  make  it  universal;"  and  in  the 
same  language  he  says  to  the  North:  "You  must  not  be  content 
with  regulating  your  own  affairs  and  minding  your  own  business,  but 
if  you  desire  to  maintain  your  freedom,  you  must  invade  the  Southern 
States,  abolish  slavery  there  and  everywhere,  in  order  to  have  the 
States  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other. 

I  say  that  this  is  the  inevitable  and  irresistible  result  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's argument,  inviting  a  warfare  between  the  North  and  the  South,, 
to  be  carried  on  with  ruthless  vengeance  until  the  one  section  or  the- 
other  shall  be  driven  to  the  wall,  and  become  the  victim  of  the 
rapacity  of  the  other.  What  good  would  follow  such  a  system  of 
warfare?  Suppose  the  North  should  succeed  in  conquering  the  South^ 
how  much  would  she  be  the  gainer?  Or  suppose  the  South  should 
conquer  the  North,  could  the  Union  be  preserved  in  that  way?  Is; 
this  sectional  warfare  to  be  waged  between  the-*-  Northern  States  and 
Southern  States  until  they  all  shaU  become  imiform  in  their  local  and 
domestic  institutions,  merely  because  Mr.  Lincoln  says  that  a  house 

i^"The"  omitted. 


224  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,  and  pretends  that  this  scriptural 
quotation,  this  language  of  our  Lord  and  Master,  is  applicable  to  the 
American  Union  and  the  American  Constitution? 

Washington  and  his  compeers,  in  the  Convention  that  framed  the 
Constitution,  made  this  Government  divided  into  Free  and  Slave 
States.  It  was  composed  then  of  thirteen  sovereign  and  independent 
States,  each  having  sovereign  authority  over  its  local  and  domestic 
institutions,  and  all  bound  together  by  the  Federal  Constitution.  Mr. 
Lincoln  likens  that  bond  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  joining  Free  and 
Slave  States  together,  to  a  house  divided  against  itself,  and  says  that 
it  is  contrary  to  the  law  of  God,  and  cannot  stand.  When  did  he  learn, 
and  by  what  authority  does  he  proclaim,  that  this  Government  is  con- 
trary to  the  law  of  God  and  cannot  stand?  It  has  stood  thus  divided 
into  Free  and  Slave  States  from  its  organization  up  to  this  day.  Dur- 
ing that  period  we  have  increased  from  four  millions  to  thirty  millions 
of  people ;  we  have  extended  our  territory  from  the  Mississippi  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean;  we  have  acquired  the  Floridas  and  Texas,  and  other 
territory  sufficient  to  double  our  geographical  extent;  we  have  in- 
creased in  population,  in  wealth,  and  in  power  beyond  any  example 
on  earth ;  we  have  risen  from  a  weak  and  feeble  power  to  become  the 
terror  and  admiration  of  the  civilized  world;  and  all  this  had  been 
done  under  a  Constitution  which  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  substance,  says  is  in 
violation  of  the  law  of  God,  and  under  a  Union  divided  into  Free  and 
Slave  States,  which  Mr.  Lincoln  thinks,  because  of  such  division, 
cannot  stand. 

Surely  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  wiser  man  than  those  who  framed  the  Gov- 
ernment. Washington  did  not  believe,  nor  did  his  compatriots,  that 
the  local  laws  and  domestic  institutions  that  were  well  adapted  to  the 
Green  Mountains  of  Vermont  were  suited  to  the  rice  plantations  of 
South  Carolina;  they  did  not  believe  at  that  day  that  in  a  Republic  so 
broad  and  expanded  as  this,  containing  such  a  variety  of  climate,  soil, 
and  interest,  that  uniformity  in  the  local  laws  and  domestic  institu- 
tions was  either  desirable  or  possible.  They  believed  then,  as  our 
experience  has  proven  to  us  now,  that  each  locality,  having  different 
interests,  a  different  climate,  and  different  surroundings,  required 
different  local  laws,  local  poHcy,  and  local  institutions,  adapted  to  the 
wants  of  that  locality.  Thus  our  Government  was  formed  on  the 
principle  of  diversity  in  the  local  institutions  and  laws,  and  not  on 
that  of  uniformity. 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  225 

As  my  time  flies,  I  can  only  glance  at  these  points,  and  not  present 
them  as  fully  as  I  would  wish,  because  I  desire  to  bring  all  the  points 
in  controversy  between  the  two  parties  before  you,  in  order  to  have 
Mr.  Lincoln's  reply.  He  makes  war  on  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  in  the  case  known  as  the  Dred  Scott  case.  I  wish  to  say  to  you, 
fellow-citizens,  that  I  have  no  war  to  make  on  that  decision,  or  any 
other  ever  rendered  by  the  Supreme  Court.  I  am  content  to  take  that 
decision  as  it  stands  delivered  by  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  on  earth, 
— a  tribunal  established  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  for 
that  purpose;  and  hence  that  decision  becomes  the  law  of  the  land, 
binding  on  you,  on  me,  and  on  every  other  good  citizen,  whether  we 
like  it  or  not.  Hence  I  do  not  choose  to  go  into  an  argument  to  prove, 
before  this  audience,  whether  or  not  Chief  Justice  Taney  understood 
the  law  better  than  Abraham  Lincoln.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  objects  to  that  decision,  first  and  mainly  because  it 
deprives  the  negro  of  the  right  ^  of  citizenship.  I  am  as  much  opposed 
to  his  reason  for  that  objection  as  I  am  to  the  objection  itself.  I  hold 
that  a  negro  is  not  and  never  ought  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 
["Good,  good,"  and  tremendous  cheers.]  I  hold  that  this  Govern- 
ment was  made  on  the  white  basis,  by  white  men,  for  the  benefit  of 
white  men  and  their  posterity  forever,  and  should  be  administered  by 
white  men  and  none  others.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Almighty  made 
the  negro  capable  of  self-government.  I  am  aware  that  all  the  Abo- 
lition lecturers  that  you  find  traveling  about  through  the  country  are 
in  the  habit  of  reading  the  Declaration  of  Independence  to  prove  that 
all  men  were  created  equal,  and  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain 
inalienable  rights,  among  which  were*  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  very  much  in  the  habit  of  following  in  the 
track  of  Lovejoy  in  this  particular,  by  reading  that  part  of  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence  to  prove  that  the  negro  was  endowed  by  the 
Almighty  with  the  inalienable  right  of  equality  with  white  men. 

Now,  I  say  to  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  that  in  my  opinion  the  signers 
of  the  Declaration  had  no  reference  to  the  negro  whatever  when  they 
declared  all  men  to  be  created  equal.  They  desired  to  express  by 
that  phrase  white  men,  men  of  European  birth  and  European  descent, 
and  had  no  reference  either  to  the  negro,  the  savage  Indians,  the 
Fijian, 2  the  Malay,  or  any  other  inferior  and  degraded  race,  when  they 

iReads:  "rights"  tor  "right." 
»Reads:  "are"  for  "were." 
aReads:  "Fejee"  for  "Fijian." 


226  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

spoke  of  the  equality  of  men.  One  great  evidence  that  such  was  their 
understanding  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  at  that  time  every  one  of 
the  thirteen  colonies  was  a  slave-holding  colony,  every  signer  of  the 
Declaration  represented  a  slaveholding  constituency,  and  we  know 
that  no  one  of  them  emancipated  his  slaves,  much  less  offered  citizen- 
ship to  them,  when  they  signed  the  Declaration;  and  yet,  if  they^  in- 
tended to  declare  that  the  negro  was  the  equal  of  the  white  man,  and 
entitled  by  divine  right  to  an  equality  with  him,  they  were  bound,  as 
honest  men,  that  day  and  hour  to  have  put  their  negroes  on  an  equality 
with  themselves.  [Cheers.]  Instead  of  doing  so,  with  uplifted  eyes 
to  Heaven  they  implored  the  divine  blessing  upon  them,  during  the 
seven  years'  bloody  war  they  had  to  fight  to  maintain  that  Declaration 
never  dreaming  that  they  were  violating  divine  law  by  still  holding 
the  negroes  in  bondage  and  depriving  them  of  equality. 

My  friends,  I  am  in  favor  of  preserving  this  Government  as  our 
fathers  made  it.  It  does  not  follow  by  any  means  that  because  a 
negro  is  not  your  equal  or  mine,  that  hence  he  must  necessarily  be  a 
slave.  On  the  contrary,  it  does  follow  that  we  ought  to  extend  to  the 
negro  every  right,  every  privilege,  every  immunity,  which  he  is 
capable  of  enjoying,  consistent  with  the  good  of  society.  When  you 
ask  me  what  these  rights  are,  what  their  nature  and  extent  is,  I  tell 
you  that  that  is  a  question  which  each  State  of  this  Union  must  decide 
for  itself.  Illinois  has  already  decided  the  question.  We  have 
decided  that  the  negro  must  not  be  a  slave  within  our  limits,  but  we 
have  also  decided  that  the  negro  shall  not  be  a  citizen  within  our 
limits;  that  he  shall  not  vote,  hold  office,  or  exercise  any  political 
rights.  I  maintain  that  Illinois,  as  a  sovereign  State,  has  a  right  thus 
to  fix  her  policy  with  reference  to  the  relation  between  the  white  man 
and  the  negro;  but  while  we  had  that  right  to  decide  the  question  for 
ourselves,  we  must  recognize  the  same  right  in  Kentucky  and  in 
every  other  State  to  make  the  same  decision,  or  a  different  one. 
Having  decided  our  own  policy  with  reference  to  the  black  race,  we 
must  leave  Kentucky  and  Missouri  and  every  other  State  perfectly 
free  to  make  just  such  a  decision  as  they  see  proper  on  that  question. 

Kentucky  has  decided  that  question  for  herself.  She  has  said  that 
within  her  limits  a  negro  shall  not  exercise  any  political  rights,  and 
she  has  also  said  that  a  portion  of  the  negroes  under  the  laws  of  that 

^Inserts  "had"  after  "they." 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  227 

State  shall  be  slaves.  She  had  as  much  right  to  adopt  that  as  her  pol- 
icy as  we  had  to  adpot  the  contrary  for  our  policy.  New  York  has 
decided  that  in  that  State  a  negro  may  vote  if  he  has  $250  worth  of 
property,  and  if  he  owns  that  much  he  may  vote  upon  an  equality 
with  the  white  man.  I,  for  one,  am  utterly  opposed  to  negro  suffrage 
anywhere  and  under  any  circumstances;  yet,  inasmuch  as  the  Supreme 
Court  have  decided  in  the  celebrated  Dred  Scott  case  that  a  State  has 
a  right  to  confer  the  privilege  of  voting  upon  free  negroes,  I  am  not 
going  to  make  war  upon  New  York  because  she  has  adopted  a  policy 
repugnant  to  my  feelings.  ["That's  good. "]  But  New  York  must 
mind  her  own  business,  and  keep  her  negro  suffrage  to  herself,  and  not 
attempt  to  force  it  upon  us.     [Great  applause.] 

In  the  State  of  Maine  they  have  decided  that  a  negro  may  vote  and 
hold  office  on  an  equality  with  a  white  man.  I  had  occasion  to  say  to 
the  senators  from  Maine,  in  a  discussion  last  session,  that  if  they 
thought  that  the  white  people  within  the  limits  of  their  State  were  no 
better  than  negroes,  I  would  not  quarrel  with  them  for  it,  but  they 
must  not  say  that  my  white  constituents  of  Illinois  were  no  better 
than  negroes,  or  we  would  be  sure  to  quarrel.     [Cheers.] 

The  Dred  Scott  decision  covers  the  whole  question,  and  declares 
that  each  State  has  the  right  to  settle  this  question  of  suffrage  for 
itself,  and  all  questions  as  to  the  relations  between  the  white  man  and 
the  negro.  Judge  Taney  expressly  lays  down  the  doctrine,  I  re- 
ceive it  as  law,  and  I  say  that  while  those  States  are  adopting  regula- 
tions on  that  subject  disgusting  and  abhorrent,  according  to  my 
views,  I  will  not  make  war  on  them  if  they  will  mind  their  own  busi- 
ness and  let  us  alone.     ["Bravo,"  and  cheers.] 

I  now  come  back  to  the  question,  Why  cannot  this  Union  exist  for- 
ever, divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  as  our  fathers  made  it?  It 
can  thus  exist  if  each  State  will  carry  out  the  principles  upon  which 
our  institutions  were  founded;  to  wit,  the  right  of  each  State  to  do  as 
it  pleases,  without  meddling  with  its  neighbors.  Just  act  upon  that 
great  principle,  and  this  Union  will  not  only  live  forever,  but  it  will 
extend  and  expand  until  it  covers  the  whole  continent,  and  makes  this 
confederacy  one  grand  ocean-bound  Republic.  We  must  bear  in 
mind  that  we  are  yet  a  young  nation,  growing  with  a  rapidity  un- 
equalled in  the  history  of  the  world,  that  our  national  increase  is 
great,  and  that  the  emigration  from  the  Old  World  is  increasing, 
requiring  us  to  expand  and  acquire  new  territory  from  time  to  time, 


228  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

in  order  to  give  our  people  land  to  live  upon.  If  we  live  up  to  the 
principle  of  State  rights  and  State  sovereignty,  each  State  regulating 
its  own  affairs  and  minding  its  own  business,  we  can  go  on  and  extend 
indefinitely,  just  as  fast  and  as  far  as  we  need  the  territory.  The 
time  may  come,  indeed  has  now  come,  when  our  interests  would  be 
advanced  by  the  acquisition  of  the  Island  of  Cuba.  [Terrific  ap- 
plause.] When  we  get  Cuba  we  must  take  it  as  we  find  it,  leaving  the 
people  to  decide  the  question  of  slavery  for  themselves,  without 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government  or  of  any  State 
of  this  Union. 

So,  when  it  becomes  necessary  to  acquire  an}-  portion  of  Mexico  or 
Canada,  or  of  this  continent  or  the  adjoining  islands,  we  must  take 
them  as  we  find  them,  leaving  the  people  free  to  do  as  they  please, — 
to  have  slavery  or  not,  as  they  choose.  I  never  have  inquired  and 
never  will  inquire  whether  a  new  State,  applying  for  admission,  has 
slavery  or  not  for  one  of  her  institutions.  If  the  Constitution  that  is 
presented  be  the  act  and  deed  of  the  people,  and  embodies  their  will, 
and  they  have  the  requisite  population,  I  will  admit  them,  with 
slavery  or  without  it,  just  as  that  people  shall  determine.  ["That's 
good, "  "  That's  right, "  and  cheers.]  My  objection  to  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  did  not  consist  in  the  fact  that  it  made  Kansas  a  Slave 
State.  I  would  have  been  as  much  opposed  to  its  admission  under 
such  a  Constitution  as  a  Free  State  as  I  was  opposed  to  its  admission 
under  it  as  a  Slave  State.  I  hold  that  that  was  a  question  which  that 
people  had  a  right  to  decide  for  themselves,  and  that  no  power  on 
earth  ought  to  have  interfered  with  that  decision.  In  my  opinion, 
the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  not  the  act  and  deed  of  the  people 
of  Kansas,  and  did  not  embody  their  will;  and  the  recent  election  in 
that  Territory,  at  which  it  was  voted  down  by  nearly  ten  to  one, 
shows  conclusively  that  I  was  right  in  saying,  when  the  Constitution 
was  presented,  that  it  was  not  the  act  and  deed  of  the  people,  and  did 
not  embody  their  will. 

If  we  wish  to  preserve  our  institutions  in  their  purity,  and  trans- 
mit them  unimpaired  to  our  latest  posterity,  we  must  preserve  with 
religious  good  faith  that  great  principle  of  self-government  which 
guarantees  to  each  and  every  State,  old  and  new,  the  right  to  make 
just  such  constitutions  as  they  desire,  and  come  into  the  Union  with 
their  own  constitution,  and  not  one  palmed  upon  them.  [Cheers.] 
Whenever  you  sanction  the  doctrine  that  Congress  may  crowd  a 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  229 

constitution  clown  the  throats  of  an  unwilling  people,  against  their 
consent,  you  will  subvert  the  great  fundamental  principle  upon  which 
all  our  free  institutions  rest.  In  the  future  I  have  no  fear  that  the 
attempt  will  ever  be  made.  President  Buchanan  declared  in  his 
annual  message  that  hereafter  the  rule  adopted  in  the  Minnesota  case, 
requiring  a  constitution  to  be  submitted  to  the  people,  should  be 
followed  in  all  future  cases ;  and  if  he  stands  by  that  recommendation 
there  will  be  no  division  in  the  Democratic  party  on  that  principle  in 
the  future.  Hence,  the  great  mission  of  the  Democracy  is  to  unite 
the  fraternal  feeling  of  the  whole  country,  restore  peace  and  quiet,  by 
teaching  each  State  to  mind  its  own  business,  and  regulate  its  own 
domestic  affairs,  and  all  to  unite  in  carrying  out  the  Constitution  as 
our  fathers  made  it,  and  thus  to  preserve  the  Union  and  render  it 
perpetual  in  all  time  to  come. 

Why  should  we  not  act  as  our  fathers  who  made  the  Government? 
There  was  no  sectional  strife  in  Washington's  army.  They  were  all 
brethern  of  a  common  confederacy ;  they  fought  under  a  common  flag 
that  they  might  bestow  upon  their  posterity  a  common  destiny;  and 
to  this  end  they  poured  out  their  blood  in  common  streams,  and 
shared,  in  some  instances,  a  common  grave.  [Three  hearty  cheers 
for  Douglas.] 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Reply 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  then  introduced  to  the  audience  by  D.  L.  Phillips, 
Esq.,  and  was  greeted  with  three  cheers,  and  then  three  more;  after 
which  he  said : 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  There  is  very  much  in  the  principles  that 
Judge  Douglas  has  here  enunciated  that  I  most  cordially  approve,  and 
over  which  I  shall  have  no  controversy  with  him.  In  so  far  as  he  has 
insisted  that  all  the  States  have  the  right  to  do  exactly  as  they  please 
about  all  their  domestic  relations,  including  that  of  slavery,  I  agree 
entirely  with  him.  He  places  me  wrong  in  spite  of  all  I  can  tell  him, 
though  I  repeat  it  again  and  again,  insisting  that  I  have  no  difference 
with  him  upon  this  subject.  I  have  made  a  great  many  speeches, 
some  of  which  have  been  printed,  and  it  will  be  utterly  impossible  for 
him  to  find  anything  that  I  have  ever  put  in  print  contrary  to  what  I 
now  say  upon  this  subject.  I  hold  myself  under  Constitutional 
obligations  to  allow  the  people  in  all  the  States,  without  interference, 
direct  or  indirect,  to  do  exactly  as  they  please;  and  I  deny  that  I 
have  any  inclination  to  interfere  with  them,  even  if  there  were  no 


230  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

such  Constitutional  obligations.  I  can  only  say  again  that  I  am 
placed  improperly — altogether  improperly,  in  spite  of  all  I  can  say — 
when  it  is  insisted  that  I  entertain  any  other  view  or  purpose  in  regard 
to  that  matter. 

While  I  am  upon  this  subject,  I  will  make  some  answers  briefly  to 
certain  propositions  that  Judge  Douglas  has  put.  He  says,  "Why 
can't  this  Union  endure  permanently,  half  Slave  and  half  Free?"  I 
have  said  that  I  suppose  it  could  not,  and  I  will  try,  before  this  new 
audience,  to  give  briefly  some  of  the  reasons  for  entertaining  that 
opinion.  Another  form  of  his  question  is,  ''Why  can't  we  let  it  stand 
as  our  fathers  placed  it?"  That  is  the  exact  difficulty  between  us. 
I  say  that  Judge  Douglas  and  his  friends  have  changed  it^  from  the 
position  in  which  our  fathers  originally  placed  it.  I  say,  in  the  way 
our  fathers  originally  left  the  slavery  question,  the  institution  was  in 
the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  and  the  public  mind  rested  in  the 
belief  that  it  was  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  I  say,  when 
this  Government  was  first  established,  it  was  the  policy  of  its  founders 
to  prohibit  the  spread  of  slavery  into  the  new  Territories  of  the  United 
States,  where  it  had  not  existed.  But  Judge  Douglas  and  his  friends 
have  broken  up  that  policy,  and  placed  it  upon  a  new  basis,  by  which 
it  is  to  become  national  and  perpetual.  All  I  have  asked  or  desired 
anywhere  is  that  it  should  be  placed  back  again  upon  the  basis  that 
the  fathers  of  our  Government  originally  placed  it  upon.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  it  would  become  extinct,  for  all  time  to  come  if  we  but 
re-adopted  the  policy  of  the  fathers,  by  restricting  it  to  the  limits  it 
has  already  covered, — restricting  it  from  the  new  Territories. 

I  do  not  wish  to  dwell  at  great  length  on  this  branch  of  the  subject 
at  this  time,  but  allow  me  to  repeat  one  thing  that  I  have  stated 
before.  Brooks — the  man  who  assaulted  Senator  Sumner  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate,  and  who  was  complimented  with  dinners,  and 
silver  pitchers,  and  gold-headed  canes,  and  a  good  many  other  things 
for  that  feat — in  one  of  his  speeches  declared  that  when  this  Govern- 
ment was  originally  established,  nobody  expected  that  the  institution 
of  slavery  would  last  until  this  day.  That  was  but  the  opinion  of  one 
man,  but  it  was  such  an  opinion  as  we  can  never  get  from  Judge 
Douglas  or  anybody  in  favor  of  slavery  in  the  North  at  all.  You  can 
sometimes  get  it  from  a  Southern  man.  He  said  at  the  same  time 
that  the  framers  of  our  Government  did  not  have  the  knowledge  that 

1  Reads:  "them"  for  "it." 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  231 

experience  has  taught  us;  that  experience  and  the  invention  of  the 
cotton-gin  have  taught  us  that  the  perpetuation  of  slavery  is  a  neces- 
sity. .He  insisted,  therefore,  upon  its  being  changed  from  the  basis 
upon  which  the  fathers  of  the  Government  left  it  to  the  basis  of  its 
perpetuation  and  nationalization. 

I  insist  that  this  is  the  difference  between  Judge  Douglas  and  my- 
self,— that  Judge  Douglas  is  helping  that  change  along.  I  insist  upon 
this  Government  being  placed  where  our  fathers  orginally  placed  it. 

I  remember  Judge  Douglas  once  said  that  he  saw  the  evidences  on 
the  statute  books  of  Congress  of  a  policy  in  the  origin  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  divide  slavery  and  freedom  by  a  geographical  line ;  that  he  saw 
an  indisposition  to  maintain  that  policy,  and  therefore  he  set  about 
studying  up  a  way  to  settle  the  institution  on  the  right  basis, —  the 
basis  which  he  thought  it  ought  to  have  been  placed  upon  at  first;  and 
in  that  speech  he  confesses  that  he  seeks  to  place  it,  not  upon  the  basis 
that  the  fathers  placed  it  upon,  but  upon  one  gotten  up  on  "original 
principles. "  When  he  asks  me  why  we  cannot  get  along  with  it  in 
the  attitude  where  our  fathers  placed  it,  he  had  better  clear  up  the 
evidences  that  he  has  himself  changed  it  from  that  basis,  that  he  has 
himself  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  changing  the  policy  of  the  fathers. 
[Applause.]  Any  one  who  will  read  his  speech  of  the  22d  of  last  March 
will  see  that  he  there  makes  an  open  confession,  showing  that  he  set 
about  fixing  the  institution  upon  an  altogether  different  set  of  prin- 
ciples. I  think  I  have  fully  answered  him  when  he  asks  me  why  we 
cannot  let  it  alone  upon  the  basis  where  our  fathers  left  it,  by  showing 
that  he  has  himself  changed  the  whole  policy  of  the  Government  in 
that  regard. 

Now,  fellow-citizens,  in  regard  to  this  matter  about  a  contract  that 
was  made  between  Judge  Trumbull  and  myself,  and  all  that  long  por- 
tion of  Judge  Douglas's  speech  on  this  subject, — I  wish  simply  to  say 
what  I  have  said  to  him  before,  that  he  cannot  know  whether  it  is  true 
or  not,  and  I  do  know  that  there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  it.  [Ap- 
plause.] And  I  have  told  him  so  before.  [Continued  applause. 
"That's  right."  "Hit  him  again."]  I  don't  want  any  harsh  lan- 
guage indulged  in,  but  I  do  not  know  how  to  deal  with  this  persistent 
insisting  on  a  story  that  I  know  to  be  utterly  without  truth.  It  used 
to  be  a  fashion  amongst  men  that  when  a  charge  was  made,  some  sort 
of  proof  was  brought  forward  to  establish  it,  and  if  no  proof  was  found 
to  exist,  the  charge  was  dropped.     I  don't  know  how  to  meet  this 


232  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

kind  of  an  argument.  I  don't  want  to  have  a  fight  with  Judge  Doug- 
las, and  I  have  no  way  of  making  an  argument  up  into  the  consistency 
of  a  corn-cob  and  stopping  his  mouth  with  it.  [Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.] All  I  can  do  is,  good-humoredly  to  say  that,  from  the  begin- 
ning to  the  end  of  all  that  story  about  a  bargain  between  Judge 
Trumbull  and  myself,  there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  it.     [Applause.] 

I  can  only  ask  him  to  show  some  sort  of  evidence  of  the  truth  of  his 
story.  He  brings  forward  here  and  reads  from  what  he  contends  is  a 
speech  by  James  H.  Matheny,  charging  such  a  bargain  between  Trum- 
bull and  myself.  My  own  opinion  is  that  Matheny  did  do  some  such 
immoral  thing  as  to  tell  a  story  that  he  knew  nothing  about.  I  believe 
he  did.  I  contradicted  it  instantly,  and  it  has  been  contradicted  by 
Judge  Trumbull,  while  nobody  has  produced  any  proof,  because  there 
is  none.  Now,  whether  the  speech  which  the  Judge  brings  forward 
here  is  really  the  one  Matheny  made,  I  do  not  know,  and  I  hope  the 
Judge  will  pardon  me  for  doubting  the  genuiness  of  this  document, 
since  his  production  of  those  Springfield  resolutions  at  Ottawa. 
[Laughter  and  cheers.]  I  do  not  wish  to  dwell  at  any  great  length 
upon  this  matter.  I  can  say  nothing  when  a  long  story  like  this  is 
told,  except  it  is  not  true,  and  demand  that  he  who  insists  upon  it 
shall  produce  some  proof.  That  is  all  any  man  can  do,  and  I  leave  it 
in  that  way,  for  I  know  of  no  other  way  of  dealing  with  it. 

The  Judge  has  gone  over  a  long  account  of  the  old  Whig  and  Demo- 
cratic parties,  and  it  connects  itself  with  this  charge  against  Trumbull 
and  myself.  He  says  that  they  agreed  upon  a  compromise  in  regard 
to  the  slavery  question  in  1850;  that  in  a  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention resolutions  were  passed  to  abide  by  that  compromise  as  a 
finality  upon  the  slavery  question.  He  also  says  that  the  Whig  party 
in  National  Convention  agreed  to  abide  by  and  regard  as  a  finality 
the  Compromise  of  1850.  I  understand  the  Judge  to  be  altogether 
right  about  that ;  I  understand  that  part  of  the  history  of  the  country 
as  stated  by  him  to  be  correct.  I  recollect  that  I,  as  a  member  of  that 
party,  acquiesced  in  that  compromise.  I  recollect  in  the  Presidential 
election  which  followed,  when  we  had  General  Scott  up  for  the  Presi- 
dency, Judge  Douglas  was  around  berating  us  Whigs  as  Abolitionists, 
precisely  as  he  does  to-day, — not  a  bit  of  difference.  I  have  often 
heard  him.  We  could  do  nothing  when  the  old  Whig  party  was  alive 
that  was  not  Abolitionism;  but  it  has  got  an  extremely  good  name 
since  it  has  passed  away.     [Laughter.] 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  233 

When  that  Compromise  was  made  it  did  not  repeal  the  old  Missouri 
Compromise.  It  left  a  region  of  the  United  States  territory  half  as 
large  as  the  present  territory  of  the  United  States,  north  of  the  line 
of  36  degrees  30  minutes,  in  which  slavery  was  prohibited  by  Act  of 
Congress.  This  Compromise  did  not  repeal  that  one.  It  did  not 
affect  or  propose  to  repeal  it.  But  at  last  it  became  Judge  Douglas's 
duty,  as  he  thought  (and  I  find  no  fault  with  him) ,  as  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Territories,  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  the  organization  of  a 
Territorial  Government, — first  of  one,  then  of  two  Territories  north  of 
that  line.  When  he  did  so,  it  ended  in  his  inserting  a  provision  sub- 
stantially repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise.  That  was  because  the 
Compromise  of  1850  had  not  repealed  it. 

And  now  I  ask  why  he  could  not  have  let  that  Compromise  alone? 
We  were  quiet  from  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question.  We  were 
making  no  fuss  about  it.  All  had  acquiesced  in  the  Compromise  meas- 
ures of  1850.  We  never  had  been  seriously  disturbed  by  any  Aboli- 
tion agitation  before  that  period.  When  he  came  to  form  govern- 
ments for  the  Territories  north  of  the  line  36  degrees  30  minutes,  why 
could  he  not  have  let  that  matter  stand  as  it  was  standing?  [Applause] 
Was  it  necessary  to  the  organization  of  a  Territory?  Not  at  all. 
Iowa  lay  north  of  the  line,  and  had  been  organized  as  a  Territory 
and^  come  into  the  Union  as  a  State  without  disturbing  that  Com- 
promise. There  was  no  sort  of  necessity  for  destroying  it  to  organize 
these  Territories. 

But,  gentlemen,  it  would  take  up  all  my  time  to  meet  all  the  little 
quibbling  arguments  of  Judge  Douglas  to  show  that  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise was  repealed  by  the  Compromise  of  1850.  My  own  opinion 
is,  that  a  careful  investigation  of  all  the  arguments  to  sustain  the 
position  that  that  Compromise  was  virtually  repealed  by  the  Com- 
promise of  1850  would  show  that  they  are  the  merest  fallacies.  I 
have  the  Report  that  Judge  Douglas  first  brought  into  Congress  at 
the  time  of  the  introduction  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  which  in  its  original 
form  did  not  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  he  there  expressly 
stated  that  he  had  forborne  to  do  so  because  it  had  not  been  done  by  the 
Compromise  of  1850.  I  close  this  part  of  the  discussion  on  my  part 
by  asking  him  the  question  again,  "  Why,  when  we  had  peace  under 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  could  you  not  have  let  it  alone?" 

In  complaining  of  what  I  said  in  my  speech  at  Springfield,  in  which 

^Inserts  "had"  after  "and." 


234  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

he  says  I  accepted  my  nomination  for  the  senatorship  (where,  by  the 
way,  he  is  at  fault,  for  if  he  will  examine  it,  he  will  find  no  acceptance 
in  it) ,  he  again  quotes  that  portion  in  which  I  said  that  "  a  house 
divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. "  Let  me  say  a  word  in  regard 
to  that  matter. 

He  tries  to  persuade  us  that  there  must  be  a  variety  in  the  different 
institutions  of  the  States  of  the  Union;  that  that  variety  necessarily 
proceeds  from  the  variety  of  soil,  climate,  of  the  face  of  the  country, 
and  the  difference  in  the  natural  features  of  the  States.  I  agree  to  all 
that.  Have  these  very  matters  ever  produced  any  difficulty  amongst 
us?  Not  at  all.  Have  we  ever  had  any  quarrel  over  the  fact  that 
they  have  laws  in  Louisiana  designed  to  regulate  the  commerce  that 
springs  from  the  production  of  sugar?  Or  because  we  have  a  different 
class  relative  to  the  production  of  flour  in  this  State?  Have  they 
produced  any  differences?  Not  at  all.  They  are  the  very  cements 
of  this  Union.  They  don't  make  the  house  a  house  divided  against 
itself.  They  are  the  props  that  hold  up  the  house  and  sustain  the 
Union. 

But  has  it  been  so  with  this  element  of  slavery?  Have  we  not 
always  had  quarrels  and  difficulties  over  it?  And  when  will  we  cease 
to  have  quarrels  over  it?  Like  causes  produce  like  effects.  It  is 
worth  while  to  observe  that  we  have  generally  had  comparative  peace 
upon  the  slavery  question,  and  that  there  has  been  no  cause  for  alarm 
until  it  was  excited  by  the  effort  to  spread  it  into  new  territory. 
Whenever  it  has  been  limited  to  its  present  bounds,  and  there  has 
been  no  effort  to  spread  it,  there  has  been  peace.  All  the  trouble  and 
convulsion  has  proceeded  from  efforts  to  spread  it  over  more  territory. 
It  was  thus  at  the  date  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  It  was  so  again 
with  the  annexation  of  Texas;  so  with  the  territory  acquired  by  the 
Mexican  war;  and  it  is  so  now.  Whenever  there  has  been  an  effort 
to  spread  it,  there  has  been  agitation  and  resistance. 

Now,  I  appeal  to  this  audience  (very  few  of  whom  are  my  political 
friends),  as  national  men,  whether  we  have  reason  to  expect  that  the 
agitation  in  regard  to  this  subject  will  cease  while  the  causes  that  tend 
to  reproduce  agitation  are  actively  at  work?  Will  not  the  same  cause 
that  produced  agitation  in  1820,  when  the  Missouri  Compromise  was 
formed, — that  which  produced  the  agitation  upon  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  and  at  other  times, — work  out  the  same  results  always?  Do 
you  think  that  the  nature  of  man  will  be  changed?  that  the  same 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  235 

causes  that  produced  agitation  at  one  time  will  not  have  the  same 
effect  at  another? 

This  has  been  the  result  so  far  as  my  observation  of  the  slavery 
question  and  my  reading  in  history  extends.  What  right  have  we 
then  to  hope  that  the  trouble  will  cease, — that  the  agitation  will  come 
to  an  end, — until  it  shall  either  be  placed  back  where  it  originally 
stood,  and  where  the  fathers  originally  placed  it,  or,  on  the  other  hand, 
until  it  shall  entirely  master  all  opposition?  This  is  the  view  I  enter- 
tain, and  this  is  the  reason  why-*-  I  entertained  it,  as  Judge  Douglas 
has  read  from  my  Springfield  speech. 

Now,  my  friends,  there  is  one  other  thing  that  I  feel  myself  under 
some  sort  of  obligation  to  mention.  Judge  Douglas  has  here  to-day — 
in  a  very  rambling  way,  I  was  about  saying — spoken  of  the  platforms 
for  which  he  seeks  to  hold  me  responsible.  He  says,  "  Why  can't  you 
come  out  and  make  an  open  avowal  of  principles  in  all  places  alike?  " 
and  he  reads  from  an  advertisement  that  he  says  was  used  to  notify 
the  people  of  a  speech  to  be  made  by  Judge  Trumbull  at  Waterloo. 
In  commenting  on  it  he  desires  to  know  whether  we  cannot  speak 
frankly  and  manfully,  as  he  and  his  friends  do.  How,  I  ask,  do  his 
friends  speak  out  their  own  sentiments?  A  Convention  of  his  party 
in  this  State  met  on  the  21st  of  April  at  Springfield,  and  passed  a  set 
of  resolutions  which  they  proclaim  to  the  country  as  their  platform. 
This  does  constitute  their  platform,  and  it  is  because  Judge  Douglas 
claims  it  is  his  platform — that  these  are  his  principles  and  purposes — 
that  he  has  a  right  to  declare  he  speaks  his  sentiments  "  frankly  and 
manfully. "  On  the  9th  of  June,  Colonel  John  Dougherty,  Governor 
Reynolds,  and  others,  calling  themselves  National  Democrats,  met  in 
Springfield  and  adopted  a  set  of  resolutions  which  are  as  easily  under- 
stood, as  plain  and  as  definite  in  stating  to  the  country  and  to  the 
world  what  they  believed  in  and  would  stand  upon,  as  Judge  Doug- 
las's platform.  Now  what  is  the  reason  that  Judge  Douglas  is  not 
willing  that  Colonel  Dougherty  and  Governor  Reynolds  should  stand 
upon  their  own  written  and  printed  platform  as  well  as  he  upon  his? 
Why  must  he  look  farther  than  their  platform  when  he  claims  himself 
to  stand  by  his  platform? 

Again,  in  reference  to  our  platform:  On  the  16th  of  June  the  Re- 
publicans had  their  Convention  and  published  their  platform,  which 
is  as  clear  and  distinct  as  Judge  Douglas's.     In  it  they  spoke  their 

iOmits"why." 


236  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

principles  as  plainly  and  as  definitely  to  the  world.  What  is  the 
reason  that  Judge  Douglas  is  not  willing  I  should  stand  upon  that 
platform?  Why  must  he  go  around  hunting  for  some  one  who  is 
supporting  me, — or  has  supported  me  at  some  time  in  his  life,  and  who 
has  said  something  at  some  time  contrary  to  that  platform?  Does 
the  Judge  regard  that  rule  as  a  good  one?  If  it  turn  out  that  the  rule 
is  a  good  one  for  me,  that  I  am  responsible  for  any  and  every  opinion 
that  any  man  has  expressed  who  is  my  friend, — then  it  is  a  good  rule 
for  him.  I  ask.  Is  it  not  as  good  a  rule  for  him  as  it  is  for  me?  In 
my  opinion  it  is  not  a  good  rule  for  either  of  us.  Do  you  think  dif- 
ferently, Judge? 

Mr.  Douglas. — I  do  not. 

Mr.  Lincoln. — Judge  Douglas  says  he  does  not  think  differently. 
I  am  glad  of  it.  Then  can  he  tell  me  why  he  is  looking  up  resolutions 
of  five  or  six  years  ago,  and  insisting  that  they  were  my  platform,  not- 
withstanding my  protest  that  they  are  not,  and  never  were  my  plat- 
form, and  my  pointing  out  the  platforai  of  the  State  Convention  which 
he  delights  to  say  nominated  me  for  the  Senate?  I  cannot  see  what  he 
means  by  parading  these  resolutions,  if  it  is  not  to  hold  me  responsible 
for  them  in  some  way.  If  he  says  to  me  here  that  he  does  not  hold  the 
rule  to  be  good,  one  way  or  the  other,  I  do  not  comprehend  how  he 
could  answer  me  more  fully  if  he  answered  me  at  greater  length. 

I  will  therefore  put  in  as  my  answer  to  the  resolutions  that  he  has 
hunted  up  against  me,  what  I,  as  a  lawyer,  would  call  a  good  plea  to  a 
bad  declaration.  I  understand  that  it  is  a  maxim  of  law  that  a  poor 
plea  may  be  a  good  plea  to  a  bad  declaration.  [Laughter.]  I  think 
that  the  opinions  the  Judge  brings  from  those  who  support  me,  yet 
differ  from  me,  are-"-  a  bad  declaration  against  me;  but  if  I  can  bring 
the  same  things  against  him,  I  am  putting  in  a  good  plea  to  that  kind 
of  declaration,  and  now  I  propose  to  try  it. 

At  Freeport,  Judge  Douglas  occupied  a  large  part  of  his  time  in 
producing  resolutions  and  documents  of  various  sorts,  as  I  understood, 
to  make  me  somehow  responsible  for  them ;  and  I  propose  now  doing 
a  little  of  the  same  sort  of  thing  for  him.  In  1850  a  very  clever  gentle- 
man by  the  name  of  Thompson  Campbell,  a  personal  friend  of  Judge 
Douglas  and  myself,  a  political  friend  of  Judge  Douglas  and  opponent 
of  mine,  was  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  Galena  District.  He  was 
interrogated  as  to  his  views  on  this  same  slavery  question.     I  have 

iReads:  "is"  for  "are." 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  237 

here  before  me  the  interrogatories,  and  Campbell's  answers  to  them. 
I  will  read  them: — 

Interrogatories 

1.  Will  you,  if  elected,  vote  for  and  cordially  support  a  bill  prohibiting 
slavery  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States? 

2.  Will  you  vote  for  and  support  a  bill  abohshing  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia? 

3.  Will  you  oppose  the  admission  of  any  Slave  States  which  may  be 
formed  out  of  Texas  or  the  Territories? 

4.  Will  you  vote  for  and  advocate  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law 
passed  at  the  recent  session  of  Congress? 

5.  Will  you  advocate  and  vote  for  the  election  of  a  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  who  shall  be  willing  to  organize  the  committees  of  that 
House  so  as  to  give  the  Free  States  their  just  influence  in  the  business  of 
legislation? 

6.  What  are  your  views,  not  only  as  to  the  constitutional  right  of  Congress 
to  prohibit  the  slave  trade  between  the  States,  but  also  as  to  the  expediency 
of  exercising  that  right  immediately? 

Campbell's  Reply. 

To  the  first  and  second  interrogatories,  I  answer  unequivocally  in  the  affirm- 
ative. 

To  the  third  interrogatory  I  reply,  that  I  am  opposed  to  the  admission  of 
any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union,  that  may  be  formed  out  of  Texas  or  any 
other  Territory. 

To  the  fourth  and  fifth  interrogatories  I  unhesitatingly  answer  in  the  affirm- 
ative. 

To  the  sixth  interrogatory  I  reply,  that  so  long  as  the  Slave  States  continue 
to  treat  slaves  as  articles  of  commerce,  the  Constitution  confers  power  on 
Congress  to  pass  laws  regulating  that  pecuhar  COMMERCE,  and  that  the  pro- 
tection of  Human  Rights  imperatively  demands  the  interposition  of  everj- 
constitutional  means  to  prevent  this  most  inhuman  and  iniquitous  traffic. 

T.  Campbell. 

I  want  here  to  say  that  Thompson  Campbell  was  elected  to  Congress 
on  that  platform,  as  the  Democratic  candidate  in  the  Galena  District, 
against  Martin  P.  Sweet. 

Judge  Douglas. — Give  me  the  date  of  the  letter. 

Mr.  Lincoln. — The  time  Campbell  ran  was  in  1850.  I  have  not  the 
exact  date  here.  It  was  sometime  in  1850  that  these  interrogatories 
were  put  and  the  answer  given.  Campbell  was  elected  to  Congress, 
and  served  out  his  term.  I  think  a  second  election  came  up  before  he 
served  out  his  term,  and  he  was  not  re-elected.  Whether  defeated 
or  not  nominated,  I  do  not  know.  [Mr.  Campbell  was  nominated  for 
re-election  by  the  Democratic  party,  by  acclamation.]  At  the  end  of 
his  term  his  very  good  friend  Judge  Douglas  got  him  a  high  office  from 


238  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

President  Pierce,  and  sent  him  off  to  California.  Is  not  that  the  fact? 
Just  at  the  end  of  his  term  in  Congress  it  appears  that  our  mutual 
friend  Judge  Douglas  got  our  mutual  friend  Campbell  a  good  office, 
and  sent  him  to  California  upon  it.  And  not  only  so,  but  on  the  27th 
of  last  month,  when  Judge  Douglas  and  myself  spoke  at  Freeport  in 
joint  discussion,  there  was  his  same  friend  Campbell,  come  all  the  way 
from  California,  to  help  the  Judge  beat  me;  and  there  was  poor  Martin 
P.  Sweet  standing  on  the  platform,  trying  to  help  poor  me  to  be  elected. 
[Laughter.]     That  is  true  of  one  of  Judge  Douglas's  friends. 

So  again,  in  the  same  race  of  1850,  there  was  a  Congressional  Con- 
vention assembled  at  Joliet,  and  it  nominated  R.  S.  Molony  for  Con- 
gress, and  unanimously  adopted  the  following  resolution: — 

"  Resolved,  That  we  are  uncompromisingly  opposed  to  the  extension  of  slav- 
ery; and  while  we  would  not  make  such  opposition  a  ground  of  interference 
with  the  interests  of  the  States  where  it  exists,  yet  we  moderately  but  firmly 
insist  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  oppose  its  extension  into  Territory  now 
free,  by  all  means  compatible  with  the  obligations  of  the  Constitution,  and 
with  good  faith  to  our  sister  States ;  that  these  principles  were  recognized  by 
the  Ordinance  of  1787,  which  received  the  sanction  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  who 
is  acknowledged  by  all  to  be  the  great  oracle  and  expounder  of  our  faith. " 

Subsequently  the  same  interrogatories  were  propounded  to  Dr. 
Molony  which  had  been  addressed  to  Campbell,  as  above,  with  the 
exception  of  the  6th,  respecting  the  interstate  slave  trade,  to  which 
Dr.  Molony  the  Democratic  nominee  for  Congress,  replied  as  follows : — 

I  received  the  written  interrogatories  this  day,  and,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
La  Salle  Democrat  and  Ottawa  Free  Trader  I  took  at  Peru  on  the  5th,  and  at 
Ottawa  on  the  7th,  the  affirmative  side  of  interrogatories  1st  and  2nd ;  and  in 
relation  to  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  from  Free  Territory,  my 
position  taken  at  these  meetings,  as  correctly  reported  in  said  papers,  was  em- 
phatically and  distinctly  opposed  to  it.  In  relation  to  the  admission  of  any 
more  Slave  States  from  Texas,  whether  I  shall  go  against  it  or  not  will  depend 
upon  the  opinion  that  I  may  hereafter  form  of  the  true  meaning  and  nature  of 
the  resolutions  of  annexation.  If,  by  said  resolutions,  the  honor  and  good 
faith  of  the  nation  is  pledged  to  admit  more  Slave  States  from  Texas  when  she 
(Texas)  may  apply  for  the  admission  of  such  States,  then  I  should,  if  in  Con- 
gress, vote  for  their  admission.  But  if  not  so  pledged  and  bound  by  sacred 
contract,  then  a  bill  for  the  admission  of  more  Slave  States  from  Texas  will^ 
never  receive  my  vote. 

To  your  fourth  interrogatory  I  answer  most  decidedly  in  the  affirmative,  and 
for  reasons  set  forth  in  my  reported  remarks  at  Ottawa  last  Monday. 

To  your  fifth  interrogatory  I  also  reply  in  the  affirmative  most  cordially,  and 
that  I  will  use  my  utmost  exertions  to  secure  the  nomination  and  election  of  a 

»Reads:  "would"  for  "will." 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  239 

nan  who  will  accomplish  the  objects  of  said  interrogatories.  I  most  cordially 
ipprove  of  the  resolutions  adopted  at  the  union  meeting  held  at  Princeton  on 
the  27th  September  ult. 

Yours,  etc.  R.  S.  Molony 

All  I  have  to  say  in  regard  to  Dr.  Molony  is,  that  he  was  the  regu- 
arly  nominated  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress  in  his  district;  was 
elected  at  that  time,  at  the  end  of  his  term  was  appointed  to  a  land- 
jffice  at  Danville.  (I  never  heard  anything  of  Judge  Douglas's 
instrumentality  in  this.)  He  held  this  office  a  considerable  time,  and 
K^hen  we  were  at  Freeport  the  other  day,  there  were  handbills  scat- 
tered about  notifying  the  public  that  after  our  debate  was  over,  R.  S. 
Molony  would  make  a  Democratic  speech  in  favor  of  Judge  Douglas, 
rhat  is  all  I  know  of  my  own  personal  knowledge.  It  is  added  here 
to  this  resolution,  and  I  truly  believe,  that — 

"Among  those  who  participated  in  the  Joliet  Convention,  and  who  sup- 
ported its  nominee,  with  his  platform  as  laid  down  in  the  resolution  of  the 
Convention  and  in  his  reply  as  above  given,  we  call  at  random  the  following 
aames,  all  of  which  are  recognized  at  this  day  as  leading  Democrats: — 

Cook  County:  E.  B.  WilUams,  Charles  McDonnell,  Arno  Voss,  Thomas 
Hoyne,  Isaac  Cook. " 

I  reckon  we  ought  to  except  Cook. 

"F.  C.  Sherman. 

"Will:     Joel  A.  Matteson,  S.  W.  Bowen. 

"Kane:     B.  F.  Hall,  G.  W.  Renwick,  A.  M.  Herrington,  Elijah  Wilcox. 

"McHenry:     W.  M.  Jackson,  Enos  W.  Smith,  Neil  Donnelly. 

"  La  Salle:     John  Hise,  William  Reddick.  " 

William  Reddick!     another  one  of  Judge  Douglas's  friends  that 

stood  on  the  stand  with  him  at  Ottawa,  at  the  time  the  Judge  says  my 

knees  trembled  so  that  I  had  to  be  carried  away.     The  names  are  all 

here : — 

"  Du  Page :     Nathan  Allen . 
"DeKalb:     Z.  B.  Mayo." 

Here  is  another  set  of  resolutions  which  I  think  are  apposite  to  the 
matter  in  hand. 

On  the  28th  of  February  of  the  same  year,  a  Democratic  District 
Convention  was  held  at  Naperville  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  Circuit 
Judge,  Among  the  delegates  were  Bowen  and  Kelly,  of  Will;  Captain 
Naper,  H.  H.  Cody,  Nathan  Allen,  of  Du  Page;  W.  M.  Jackson,  J.  M. 
Strode,  P.  W.  Piatt  [sic],  and  Enos  W.  Smith,  of  McHenry ;  J.  Horsman 
and  others,  of  Winnebago.  Colonel  Strode  presided  over  the  Conven- 
tion.    The  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted, — the  first 


240  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

on  motion  of  P.  W.  Pratt  [sic],  the  second  on  motion  of  William  M. 
Jackson : — 

''  Resolved,  That  this  Convention  is  in  favor  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  both  in 
Principle  and  Practice  and  that  we  know  of  no  good  reason  why  any  person 
should  oppose  the  largest  latitude  in  Free  Soil,  Free  Territory  and  Free  Speech. 

"Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Convention,  the  time  has  arrived 
when  all  men  should  be  free,  whites  as  well  as  others. " 

Judge  Douglas. — TMiat  is  the  date  of  those  resolutions? 

Mr.  Lincoln. — I  understand  it  was  in  1850,  but  I  do  not  know  it. 
I  do  not  state  a  thing  and  say  I  know  it,  when  I  do  not.  But  I  have 
the  highest  belief  that  this  is  so.  I  know  of  no  way  to  arrive  at  the 
conclusion  that  there  is  an  error  in  it.  I  mean  to  put  a  case  no 
stronger  than  the  truth  will  allow.  But  what  I  was  going  to  comment 
upon  is  an  extract  from  a  newspaper  in  De  Kalb  County;  and  it 
strikes  me  as  being  rather  singular,  I  confess,  under  the  circumstances. 
There  is  a  Judge  Mayo  in  that  county,  who  is  a  candidate  for  the 
Legislature,  for  the  purpose,  if  he  secures  his  election,  of  helping  to 
re-elect  Judge  Douglas.  He  is  the  editor  of  a  newspaper  [DeKalb 
County  Sentinel],  and  in  that  paper  I  find  the  extract  I  am  going  to 
read.  It  is  part  of  an  editorial  article  in  which  he  was  electioneering 
as  fiercely  as  he  could  for  Judge  Douglas  and  against  me.  It  was  a 
curious  thing,  I  think,  to  be  in  such  a  paper.  I  will  agree  to  that,  and 
the  Judge  may  make  the  most  of  it: — 

"  Our  education  has  been  such  that  we  have  ever  been  rather  in  favor  of  the 
equality  of  the  blacks;  that  is,  that  they  should  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  the  whites 
where  they  reside.  We  are  aware  that  this  is  not  a  very  popular  doctrine.  We 
have  had  many  a  confab  with  some  who  are  now  strong  'Republicans, '  we 
taking  the  broad  ground  of  equahty,  and  they  the  opposite  ground. 

"We  were  brought  up  in  a  State  where  blacks  were  voters,  and  we  do  not 
know  of  any  inconvenience  resulting  from  it,  though  perhaps  it  would  not 
work  as  well  where  the  blacks  are  more  numerous.  We  have  no  doubt  of  the 
right  of  the  whites  to  guard  against  such  an  evil,  if  it  is  one.  Our  opinion  is 
that  it  would  be  best  for  all  concerned  to  have  the  colored  population  in  a 
State  by  themselves  [in  this  I  agree  with  him] ;  but  if  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  we  say  by  all  means  they  should  have  the  right  to  have  their 
Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress,  and  to  vote  for  President.  With  us 
'  worth  makes  the  man,  and  want  of  it  the  fellow. '  We  have  seen  many  a 
'nigger'  that  we  thought  more  of  than  some  white  men." 

That  is  one  of  Judge  Douglas's  friends.  Now,  I  do  not  want  to 
leave  myself  in  an  attitude  where  I  can  be  misrepresented,  so  I  will 
say  I  do  not  think  the  Judge  is  responsible  for  this  article :  but  he  is 


LINCOLN  AT  JOXESBORO  241 

quite  as  responsible  for  it  as  I  would  be  if  one  of  my  friends  had  said  it. 
I  think  that  is  fair  enough.     [Cheers.] 

I  have  here  also  a  set  of  resolutions  passed  by  a  Democratic  State 
Convention  in  Judge  Douglas's  own  good  old  State  of  Vermont,  that  I 
think  ought  to  be  good  for  him  too : — 

"  Resolved,  That  liberty  is  a  right  inherent  and  inalienable  in  man,  and  that 
herein  all  men  are  equal. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  claim  no  authority  in  the  Federal  Government  to  abol- 
ish slaverj-  in  the  several  States,  but  we  do  claim  for  it  Constitutional  power 
perpetually  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  territory  now  free,  and 
aboUsh  it  wherever,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress,  it  exists. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  power  ought  immediately  to  be  exercised  in  prohibiting 
the  introduction  and  existence  of  slavery  in  New  Mexico  and  CaUfomia,  in 
aboUshing  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  on  the  high 
seas,  and  wherever  ebe,  under  the  Constitution,  it  can  be  reached. 

"  Resolved,  That  no  more  Slave  States  should  be  admitted  into  the  Federal 
Union. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Government  ought  to  return  to  its  ancient  pohcy.  not  to 
extend,  nationahze,  or  encourage,  but  to  limit,  locahze,  and  discourage  slav- 
erj-." 

At  Freeport  I  answered  several  interrogatories  that  had  been  pro- 
pounded to  me  by  Judge  Douglas  at  the  Ottawa  meeting.  The  Judge 
has  not  yet  seen  fit  to  find  any  fault  with  the  position  that  I  took  in 
regard  to  those  seven  interrogatories,  which  were  certainly  broad 
enough,  in  all  conscience,  to  cover  the  entire  groimd.  In  my  answers, 
which  have  been  printed,  and  all  have  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing, 
I  take  the  ground  that  those  who  elect  me  must  expect  that  I  will  do 
nothing  which  will  not  be^  in  accordance  with  those  answers.  I  have 
some  right  to  assert  that  Judge  Douglas  has  no  fault  to  find  with  them. 
But  he  chooses  to  still  tv}-  to  thrust  me  upon  different  groimd.  with- 
out paying  any  attention  to  my  answers,  the  obtaining  of  which  from 
me  cost  him  so  much  trouble  and  concern.  At  the  same  time  I  pro- 
pounded four  interrogatories  to  him,  claiming  it  as  a  right  that  he 
should  answer  as  many  interrogatories  for  me  as  I  did  for  him,  and  I 
would  reser\'e  myself  for  a  future  installment  when  I  got  them  ready. 
The  Judge,  in  answering  me  upon  that  occasion,  put  in  what  I  suppose 
he  intends  as  answers  to  all  four  of  my  interrogatories.  The  first  one 
of  these  interrogatories  I  have  before  me,  and  it  is  in  these  words: — 
"  Question  1.  If  the  people  of  Kansas  shall,  by  means  entirely  unobjection- 
able in  all  other  respects,  adopt  a  State  Constitution,  and  ask  admission  into 
the  Union  under  it,  before  they  have  the  requisite  number  of  inhabitants  ac- 
cording to  the  EngUsh  bill, — some  ninety-three  thousand, — will  you  vote  to 
admit  them?" 

iReads:  "is"  for  "will  be." 


242  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

As  I  read  the  Judge's  answer  in  the  newspaper,  and  as  I  remember 
it  as  propounded  at  the  time,  he  does  not  give  any  answer  which  is 
equivalent  to  yes  or  no, — I  will  or  I  won't.  He  answers  at  very  con- 
siderable length,  rather  quarreling  with  me  for  asking  the  question, 
and  insisting  that  Judge  Trumbull  had  done  something  that  I  ought 
to  say  something  about,  and  finally  getting  out  such  statements  as 
induce  me  to  infer  that  he  means  to  be  understood  he  will,  in  that 
supposed  case,  vote  for  the  admission  of  Kansas.  I  only  bring  this 
forward  now  for  the  purpose  of  saying  that  if  he  chooses  to  put  a 
different  construction  upon  his  answer  he  may  do  it.  But  if  he  does 
not,  I  shall  from  this  time  forward  assume  that  he  will  vote  for  the 
admission  of  Kansas  in  disregard  of-^  the  English  bill.  He  has  the 
right  to  remove  any  misunderstanding  I  may  have.  I  only  mention 
it  now,  that  I  may  hereafter  assume  this  to  be  the  true  construction 
of  his  answer,  if  he  does  not  now  choose  to  correct  me. 

The  second  interrogatory  that  I  propounded  to  him  was  this: — 
"  Question  2.     Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  Territory,  in  any  lawful 
way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  exclude  slavery  from 
its  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  Constitution?" 

To  this  Judge  Douglas  answered  that  they  can  lawfully  exclude 
slavery  from  the  Territory  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  Constitution. 
He  goes  on  to  tell  us  how  it  can  be  done.  As  I  understand  him,  he 
holds  that  it  can  be  done  by  the  Territorial  Legislature  refusing  to 
make  any  enactments  for  the  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Territory, 
and  especially  by  adopting  unfriendly  legislation  to  it.  For  the  sake 
of  clearness,  I  state  it  again :  that  they  can  exclude  slavery  from  the 
Territory,  1st,  by  withholding  what  he  assumes  to  be  an  indespensable 
assistance  to  it  in  the  way  of  legislation;  and,  2d,  by  unfriendly  legis- 
lation. If  I  rightly  understand  him,  I  wish  to  ask  your  attention  for 
a  while  to  his  position. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has 
decided  that  any  Congressional  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories 
is  unconstitutional;  that  they  have  reached  this  proposition  as  a  con- 
clusion from  their  former  proposition,  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  expressly  recognizes  property  in  slaves,  and  from  that 
other  Constitutional  provision,  that  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of 
property  without  due  process  of  law.  Hence  they  reach  the  conclu- 
sion that  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  expressly  recognizes 
property  in  slaves,  and  prohibits  any  person  from  being  deprived  of 

^Reads:  "according  to"  for  "in  disregard  of." 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  243 

property  without  due  process  of  law,  to  pass  an  Act  of  Congress  by 
which  a  man  who  owned  a  slave  on  one  side  of  a  line  would  be  deprived 
of  him  if  he  took  him  on  the  other  side,  is  depriving  him  of  that  pro- 
perty without  due  process  of  law.  That  I  understand  to  be  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  I  understand  also  that  Judge  Doug- 
las adheres  most  firmly  to  that  decision;  and  the  difficulty  is,  how  is  it 
possible  for  any  power  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territory,  unless 
in  violation  of  that  decision?    That  is  the  difficulty. 

In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  in  1856,  Judge  Trumbull,  in  a 
speech  substantially,  if  not  directly,  put  the  same  interrogatory  to 
Judge  Douglas,  as  to  whether  the  people  of  a  Territory  had  the  lawful 
power  to  exclude  slavery  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  constitution. 
Judge  Douglas  then  answered  at  considerable  length,  and  his  answer 
will  be  found  in  the  Congressional  Globe,  under  date  of  June  9th,  1856. 
The  Judge  said  that  whether  the  people  could  exclude  slavery  prior  to 
the  formation  of  a  constitution  or  not  was  a  question  to  he  decided  by  the 
Supreme  Court.  He  put  that  proposition,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  Con- 
gressional Globe,  in  a  variety  of  forms,  all  running  to  the  same  thing  in 
substance, — that  it  was  a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court.  I  main- 
tain that  when  he  says,  after  the  Supreme  Court  have  decided  the 
question,  that  the  people  may  yet  exclude  slaveiy  by  any  means 
whatever,  he  does  virtually  say  that  it  is  not  a  question  for  the  Supreme 
Court.     [Applause.] 

He  shifts  his  ground.  I  appeal  to  you  whether  he  did  not  say  it  was 
a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court?  Has  not  the  Supreme  Court 
decided  that  question?  When  he  now  says  the  people  may  exclude 
slavery,  does  he  not  make  it  a  question  for  the  people?  Does  he  not 
virtually  shift  his  ground  and  say  that  it  is  not  a  question  for  the  court , 
but  for  the  people?  This  is  a  very  simple  proposition, — a  very  plain 
and  naked  one.  It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  deciding 
it.  In  a  variety  of  ways  he  said  that  it  was  a  question  for  the  Supreme 
Court.  He  did  not  stop  then  to  tell  us  that  whatever  the  Supreme 
Court  decides,  the  people  can  by  withholding  necessary  "police  regu- 
lations" keep  slavery  out.  He  did  not  make  any  such  answer.  I 
submit  to  you  now  whether  the  new  state  of  the  case  has  not  induced 
the  Judge  to  sheer  away  from  his  original  ground.  [Applause.] 
Would  not  this  be  the  impression  of  every  fair-minded  man? 

I  hold  that  the  proposition  that  slavery  cannot  enter  a  new  country 
without  police  regulations  is  historically  false.     It  is  not  true  at  all. 


244  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  hold  that  the  history  of  this  country  shows  that  the  institution  of 
slavery  was  originally  planted  upon  this  continent  without  these 
"police  regulations"  which  the  Judge  now  thinks  necessary  for  the 
actual  establishment  of  it.  Not  only  so,  but  is  there  not  another  fact : 
how  came  this  Dred  Scott  decision  to  be  made?  It  was  made  upon 
the  case  of  a  negro  being  taken  and  actually  held  in  slavery  in  Min- 
nesota Territory,  claiming  his  freedom  because  the  Act  of  Congress 
prohibited  his  being  so  held  there.  Will  the  Judge  pretend  that  Dred 
Scott  was  not  held  there  ivithout  police  regulations?  There  is  at  least 
one  matter  of  record  as  to  his  having  been  held  in  slavery  in  the 
Territory,  not  only  without  police  regulations,  but  in  the  teeth  of 
Congressional  legislation  supposed  to  be  valid  at  the  time.  This 
shows  that  there  is  vigor  enough  in  slavery  to  plant  itself  in  a  new 
country  even  against  unfriendly  legislation.  It  takes  not  only  law, 
but  the  enforcement  of  law  to  keep  it  out.  That  is  the  history  of  this 
countiy  upon  the  subject. 

I  wish  to  ask  one  other  question.  It  being  understood  that  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  property  in  slaves  in  the 
Territories,  if  there  is  any  infringement  of  the  right  of  that  property, 
would  not  the  United  States  courts,  organized  for  the  government  of 
the  Territory,  apply  such  remedy  as  might  be  necessary  in  that  case? 
It  is  a  maxim  held  by  the  courts  that  there  is  no  wrong  without  its 
remedy;  and  the  courts  have  a  remedy  for  whatever  is  acknowledged 
and  treated  as  a  wrong. 

Again :  I  will  ask  you,  my  friends,  if  you  were  elected  members  of 
the  Legislature,  what  would  be  the  first  thing  you  would  have  to  do 
before  entering  upon  your  duties?  Swear  to  support  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  Suppose  you  believe,  as  Judge  Douglas  does,  that 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  to  your  neighbor  the 
right  to  hold  slaves  in  that  Territory ;  that  they  are  his  property :  how 
can  you  clear  your  oaths  unless  you  give  him  such  legislation  as  is 
necessary  to  enable  him  to  enjoy  that  property?  What  do  you  under- 
stand by  supporting  the  Constitution  of  a  State,  or  of  the  United 
States?  Is  it  not  to  give  such  constitutional  helps  to  the  rights  estab- 
lished by  that  Constitution  as  may  be  practically  needed?  Can  you, 
if  you  swear  to  support  the  Constitution,  and  believe  that  the  Con- 
stitution estabhshes  a  right,  clear  your  oath,  without  giving  it  support? 
Do  you  support  the  Constitution  if,  knowing  or  believing  there  is  a 
right  established  under  it  which  needs  specific  legislation,  you  with- 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  245 

hold  that  legislation?  Do  you  not  violate  and  disregard  your  oath? 
I  can  conceive  of  nothing  plainer  in  the  world.  There  can  be  nothing 
in  the  words  "support  the  Constitution, "  if  you  may  run  counter  to  it 
by  refusing  support  to  any  right  established  under  the  Constitution. 
And  what  I  say  here  will  hold  with  still  more  force  against  the  Judge's 
doctrine  of  "unfriendly  legislation. "  How  could  you,  having  sworn 
to  support  the  Constitution,  and  believing  it  guaranteed  the  right  to 
hold  slaves  in  the  Territories,  assist  in  legislation  intended  to  defeat 
that  right?  That  would  be  violating  your  own  view  of  the  Constitution 
Not  only  so,  but  if  you  were  to  do  so,  how  long  would  it  take  the 
courts  to  hold  your  votes  unconstitutional  and  void?     Not  a  moment. 

Lastly,  I  would  ask :  Is  not  Congress  itself  under  obligation  to  give 
legislative  support  to  any  right  that  is  established  under  the  United 
States  Constitution?  I  repeat  the  question:  Is  not  Congress  itself 
bound  to  give  legislative  support  to  any  right  that  is  established  in  the 
United  States  Constitution?  A  member  of  Congress  swears  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and  if  he  sees  a  right  established 
by  that  Constitution  which  needs  specific  legislative  protection,  can  he 
clear  his  oath  without  giving  that  protection?  Let  me  ask  you  why 
many  of  us  who  are  opposed  to  slavery  upon  principle  give  our  ac- 
quiescence to  a  Fugitive-Slave  law?  Why  do  we  hold  ourselves  under 
obligations  to  pass  such  law,  and  abide  by  it  when  it  is  passed? 
Because  the  Constitution  makes  provision  that  the  owners  of  slaves 
shall  have  the  right  to  reclaim  them.  It  gives  the  right  to  reclaim 
slaves;  and  that  right  is,  as  Judge  Douglas  says,  a  barren  right,  unless 
there  is  legislation  that  will  enforce  it. 

The  mere  declaration,  "No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall  in  conse- 
quence of  any  law  or  regulation  therein  be  discharged  from  such  ser- 
vice or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom 
such  service  or  labor  may  be  due,"  is  powerless  without  specific 
legislation  to  enforce  it.  Now,  on  what  ground  would  a  member  of 
Congress  who  is  opposed  to  slavery  in  the  abstract,  vote  for  a  Fugitive- 
Slave  law,  as  I  would  deem  it  my  duty  to  do?  Because  there  is  a 
constitutional  right  which  needs  legislation  to  enforce  it.  And  al- 
though it  is  distasteful  to  me,  I  have  sworn  to  support  the  Constitu- 
tion; and  having  so  sworn,  I  cannot  conceive  that  I  do  support  it  if  I 
withhold  from  that  right  any  necessary  legislation  to  make  it  practical. 
—9 


246  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

And  if  that  is  true  in  regard  to  a  Fugitive-Slave  law,  is  the  right  to 
have  fugitive  slaves  reclaimed  any  better  fixed  in  the  Constitution 
than  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  the  Territories?  For  this  decision  is  a 
just  exposition  of  the  Constitution,  as  Judge  Douglas  thinks.  Is  the 
one  right  any  better  than  the  other?  Is  there  any  man  who,  while  a 
member  of  Congress,  would  give  support  to  the  one  any  more  than 
the  other?  If  I  wished  to  refuse  to  give  legislative  support  to  slave 
property  in  the  Territories,  if  a  member  of  Congress,  I  could  not  do  it, 
holding  the  view  that  the  Constitution  establishes  that  right.  If  I 
did  it  at  all,  it  would  be  because  I  deny  that  this  decision  properly 
construes  the  Constitution.  But  if  I  acknowledge,  with  Judge  Doug- 
las, that  this  decision  properly  construes  the  Constitution,  I  cannot 
conceive  that  I  would  be  less  than  a  perjured  man  if  I  should  refuse  in 
Congress  to  give  such  protection  to  that  property  as  in  its  nature  it 
needed. 

At  the  end  of  what  I  have  said  here  I  propose  to  give  the  Judge  my 
fifth  interrogatory,  which  he  may  take  and  answer  at  his  leisure.  My 
fifth  interrogatory  is  this : — 

If  the  slaveholding  citizens  of  a  United  States  Territory  should  need 
and  demand  Congressional  legislation  for  the  protection  of  their  slave 
property  in  such  Territory,  would  you,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  vote 
for  or  against  such  legislation? 

Judge  Douglas. — Will  you  repeat  that?  I  want  to  answer  that 
question. 

Mr.  Lincoln. — If  the  slaveholding  citizens  of  a  United  States  Terri- 
tory should  need  and  demand  Congressional  legislation  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  slave  property  in  such  Territory,  would  you,  as  a 
member  of  Congress,  vote  for  or  against  such  legislation? 

I  am  aware  that  in  some  of  the  speeches  Judge  Douglas  has  made 
he  has  spoken  as  if  he  did  not  know  or  think  that  the  Supreme  Court 
had  decided  that  a  Territorial  legislature  cannot  exclude  slavery.  Pre- 
cisely what  the  Judge  would  say  upon  the  subject, — whether  he  would 
say  definitely  that  he  does  not  understand  they  have  so  decided,  or 
whether  he  would  say  he  does  understand  that  the  court  have  so 
decided, — I  do  not  know;  but  I  know  that  in  his  speech  at  Springfield 
he  spoke  of  it  as  a  thing  they  had  not  decided  yet;  and  in  his  answer 
to  me  at  Freeport,  he  spoke  of  it,  so  far,  again,  as  I  can  comprehend  it, 
as  a  thing  that  had  not  yet  been  decided. 

Now,  I  hold  that  if  the  Judge  does  entertain  that  view,  I  think  that^ 

^Omits  "that." 


LINCOLN  AT  JONESBORO  247 

he  is  not  mistaken  in  so  far  as  it  can  be  said  that  the  court  has  not  de- 
cided anything  save  the  mere  question  of  jurisdiction.  I  know  the 
legal  arguments  that  can  be  made, — that  after  a  court  has  decided 
that  it  cannot  take  jurisdiction  in-^  a  case,  it  then  has  decided  all  that 
is  before  it,  and  that  is  the  end  of  it.  A  plausible  argument  can  be 
made  in  favor  of  that  proposition ;  but  I  know  that  Judge  Douglas  has 
said  in  one  of  his  speeches  that  the  court  went  forward,  like  honest  men 
as  they  were,  and  decided  all  the  points  in  the  case.  If  any  points 
are  really  extra-judicially  decided  because  not  necessarily  before  them, 
then  this  one  as  to  the  power  of  the  Territorial  legislature  to  exclude 
slavery  is  one  of  them,  as  also  the  one  that  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  null  and  void.  They  are  both  extra-judicial,  or  neither  is,  accor- 
ding as  the  court  held  that  they  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the  case  be- 
tween the  parties,  because  of  want  of  capacity  of  one  party  to  maintain 
a  suit  in  that  court. 

I  want,  if  I  have  sufficient  time,  to  show  that  the  court  did  pass  its 
opinion;  but  that  is  the  only  thing  actually  done  in  the  case.  If  they 
did  not  decide,  they  showed  what  they  were  ready  to  decide  whenever 
the  matter  was  before  them.  What  is  that  opinion?  After  having 
argued  that  Congress  had  no  power  to  pass  a  law  excluding  slavery 
from  a  United  States  Territory,  they  then  used  language  to  this  effect : 
That  inasmuch  as  Congress  itself  could  not  exercise  such  a  power,  it 
followed  as  a  matter  of  course  that  it  could  not  authorize  a  Territorial 
government  to  exercise  it;  for  the  Territorial  legislature  can  do  no 
more  than  Congress  could  do.  Thus  it  expressed  its  opinion  emphati- 
cally against  the  power  of  a  Territorial  legislature  to  exclude  slavery, 
leaving  us  in  just  as  little  doubt  on  that  point  as  upon  any  other  point 
they  really  decided. 

Now,  my  fellow-citizens,  I  will  detain  you  only  a  little  while  longer; 
my  time  is  nearly^  out.  I  find  a  report  of  a  speech  made  by  Judge 
Douglas  at  Joliet,  since  we  last  met  at  Freeport, — published,  I  believe, 
in  the  Missouri  Republican, — on  the  9th  of  this  month,  in  which  Judge 
Douglas  says: — 

"  You  know  at  Ottawa  I  read  this  platform,  and  asked  him  if  he  concurred 
in  each  and  all  of  the  principles  set  forth  in  it.  He  would  not  answer  these 
questions.  At  last  I  said  frankly,  I  wish  you  to  answer  them,  because  when  I 
get  them  up  here  where  the  color  of  your  principles  are^  a  little  darker  than  in 

'Reads:  "of"  for  "in." 

'Inserts,  "very"  before  "nearly." 

'Reads:  "is"  for  "are." 


248  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Egypt,  I  intend  to  trot  you  down  to  Jonesboro.  The  very  notice  that  I  was 
going  to  take  him  down  to  Egypt  made  him  tremble  in  the  knees  so  that  he 
had  to  be  carried  from  the  platform.  He  laid  up  seven  days,  and  in  the  mean- 
time held  a  consultation  with  his  political  physicians;  they  had  Lovejoy  and 
Farnsworth  and  all  the  leaders  of  the  Abolition  party;  they  consulted  it  all 
over,  and  at  last  Lincoln  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  would  answer ;  so  he 
came  up  to  Freeport  last  Friday. " 

Now,  that  statement  altogether  furnishes  a  subject  for  philosophical 
contemplation.  [Laughter.]  I  have  been  treating  it  in  that  way,  and 
I  have  really  come  to  the  conclusion  that  I  can  explain  it  in  no  other 
way  than  by  believing  the  Judge  is  crazy.  [Renewed  laughter.]  If  he 
was  in  his  right  mind,  I  cannot  conceive  how  he  would  have  risked 
disgusting  the  four  or  five  thousand  of  his  own  friends  who  stood  there, 
and  knew,  as  to  my  having  been  carried  from  the  platform,  that  there 
was  not  a  word  of  truth  in  it. 

Judge  Douglas. — Didn't  they  carry  you  off? 

Mr.  Lincoln. — There!  that  question  illustrates  the  character  of  this 
man  Douglas  exactly.  He  smiles  now,  and  says,  "  Didn't  they  carrj^ 
you  off?  "  But  he  said  then  "  he  had  to  he  carried  off; "  and  he  said  it  to 
convince  the  country  that  he  had  so  completely  broken  me  down  by 
his  speech  that  I  had  to  be  carried  away.  Now  he  seeks  to  dodge  it, 
and  asks,  "  Didn't  they  carry  you  off?  "  Yes,  they  did.  But  Judge 
Douglas  ivhy  didn't  you  tell  the  truth?  [Great  laughter  and  cheers.]  I 
would  like  to  know  why  you  didn't  tell  the  truth  about  it.  [Continued 
laughter.]  And  then  again,  "  He  laid  up  seven  days.  "  He  puts  this 
in  print  for  the  people  of  the  country  to  read  as  a  serious  document. 
I  think  if  he  had  been  in  his  sober  senses  he  would  not  have  risked  that 
barefacedness  in  the  presence  of  thousands  of  his  own  friends,  who 
knew  that  I  made  speeches  within  six  of  the  seven  days  at  Henry, 
Marshall  County;  Augusta,  Hancock  Countj'^;  and  Macomb,  McDon- 
ough  County ;  including  all  the  necessary  travel  to  meet  him  again  at 
Freeport  at  the  end  of  the  six  days.  Now,  I  say  there  is  no  charitable 
way  to  look  at  that  statement,  except  to  conclude  that  he  is  actually 
crazy.     [Laughter.] 

There  is  another  thing  in  that  statement  that  alarmed  me  very 
greatly  as  he  states  it, — that  he  was  going  to  "  trot  me  down  to  Egypt." 
Thereby  he  would  have  you  infer  that  I  would  not  come  down  to 
Egypt  unless  he  forced  me, — that  I  could  not  be  got  here,  unless  he, 
giant-like,  had  hauled  me  down  here.     [Laughter.]     That  statement 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  249 

he  makes,  too,  in  the  teeth  of  the  knowledge  that  I  had  made  the 
stipulation  to  come  down  here,  and  that  he  himself  had  been  very  reluc- 
tant to  enter  into  that  stipulation.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  More  than 
all  this,  Judge  Douglas,  when  he  made  that  statement,  must  have 
been  crazy,  and  wholly  out  of  his  sober  senses,  or  else  he  would  have 
known  that  when  he  got  me  down  here,  that  promise — that  windy 
promise — of  his  powers  to  annihilate  me,  wouldn't  amount  to  any- 
thing. Now,  how  little  do  I  look  like  being  carried  away  trembling? 
Let  the  Judge  go  on;  and  after  he  is  done  with  his  half  hour,  I  want 
you  all,  if  I  can't  go  home  myself  to  let  me  stay  and  rot  here;  and  if 
anything  happens  to  the  Judge,  if  I  cannot  carry  him  to  the  hotel  and 
put  him  to  bed,  let  me  stay  here  and  rot.     [Great  laughter.] 

I  say,  then,  there  is  something  extraordinary  in  this  statement.  I 
ask  you  if  you  know  any  other  living  man  who  would  make  such  a 
statement?  [Cries  of  "No,  no;"  "Yes,  yes."]  I  will  ask  my  friend 
Casey  over  there  if  he  would  do  such  a  thing?  [Casey  dropped  his 
head  and  said  nothing.]  Would  he  send  that  out,  and  have  his  men 
take  it  as  the  truth?  Did  the  Judge  talk  of  trotting  me  down  to  Egypt 
to  scare  me  to  death?  Why,  I  know  this  people  better  than  he  does. 
I  was  raised  just  a  little  east  of  here.  I  am  a  part  of  this  people.  But 
the  Judge  was  raised  further  north,  and  perhaps  he  has  some  horrid 
idea  of  what  this  people  might  be  induced  to  do.  [Roars  of  laughter 
and  cheers.]  But  really  I  have  talked  about  this  matter  perhaps 
longer  than  I  ought,  for  it  is  no  great  thing;  and  yet  the  smallest  are 
often  the  most  difficult  things  to  deal  with.  The  Judge  has  set  about 
seriously  trying  to  make  the  impression  that  when  we  meet  at  different 
places  I  am  literally  in  his  clutches — that  I  am  a  poor,  helpless, 
decrepit  mouse,  and  that  I  can  do  nothing  at  all.  This  is  one  of  the 
ways  he  has  taken  to  create  that  impression.  I  don't  know  any  other 
way  to  meet  it,  except  this.  I  don't  want  to  quarrel  with  him, — to 
call  him  a  liar;  but  when  I  come  square  up  to  him  I  don't  know  what 
else  to  call  him,  if  I  must  tell  the  truth  out.  [Cheers  and  laughter.] 
I  want  to  be  at  peace,  and  reserve  all  my  fighting  powers  for  necessary 
occasions.  My  time,  now,  is  nearly  out,  and  I  give  up  the  trifle  that 
is  left  to  the  Judge,  to  let  him  set  my  knees  trembling  again,  if  he  can. 


Mr.  Douglas's  Rejoinder 

Mr.  Douglas  on  again  taking  the  stand  was  greeted  with  thundering 
applause.     He  said: 


250  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

My  friends,  while  I  am  very  grateful  to  you  for  the  enthusiasm 
which  you  show  for  me,  I  will  say  in  all  candor,  that  your  quietness  will 
be  much  more  agreeable  than  your  applause,  inasmuch  as  you  deprive 
me  of  some  part  of  my  time  whenever  you  cheer.  ["All  right,  go 
ahead,  we  won't  interrupt,"  etc.] 

I  will  commence  where  Mr.  Lincoln  left  off,  and  make  a  remark  upon 
this  serious  complaint  of  his  about  my  speech  at  Joliet.  I  did  say 
there  in  a  playful  manner  that  when  I  put  these  questions  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  at  Ottawa  he  failed  to  answer,  and  that  he  trembled  and  had 
to  be  carried  off  the  stand,  and  required  seven  days  to  get  up  his  reply. 
[Laughter.]  That  he  did  not  walk  off  from  that  stand  he  will  not  deny. 
That  when  the  crowd  went  away  from  the  stand  with  me,  a  few 
persons  carried  him  home  on  their  shoulders  and  laid  him  down  he 
will  admit.  [Shouts  of  laughter.]  I  wish  to  say  to  you  that  when- 
ever I  degrade  my  friends  and  myself  by  allowing  them  to  carry  me 
on  their  backs  along  through  the  public  streets,  when  I  am  able  to 
walk,  I  am  willing  to  be  deemed  crazy  ["All  right,  Douglas, "  laughter 
and  applause.     Lincoln  chewing  his  nails  in  a  rage  in  a  back  corner.] 

I  did  not  say  whether  I  beat  him  or  he  beat  me  in  the  argument.  It 
is  true  I  put  these  questions  to  him,  and  I  put  them,  not  as  mere  idle 
questions,  but  showed  that  I  based  them  upon  the  creed  of  the  Black 
Republican  party  as  declared  by  their  conventions  in  that  portion  of 
the  State  which  he  depends  upon  to  elect  him,  and  desired  to  know 
whether  he  indorsed  that  creed.  He  would  not  answer.  When  I 
reminded  him  that  I  intended  bringing  him  into  Egypt  and  renewing 
my  questions  if  he  refused  to  answer,  he  then  consulted,  and  did  get  up 
his  answers  one  week  after, — answers  which  I  may  refer  to  in  a  few 
minutes,  and  show  you  how  equivocal  they  are.  My  object  was  to 
make  him  avow  whether  or  not  he  stood  by  the  platform  of  his  party  ; 
the  resolutions  I  then  read,  and  upon  which  I  based  my  questions,  had 
been  adopted  by  his  party  in  the  Galena  Congressional  District,  and 
the  Chicago  and  Bloomington  Congressional  Districts,  composing  a 
large  majority  of  the  counties  in  this  State  that  give  Republican  or 
Abolition  majorities.  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  and  will  not  deny  that  the 
doctrines  laid  down  in  these  resolutions  were  in  substance  put  forth  in 
Lovejoy's  resolutions,  which  were  voted  for  by  a  majority  of  his  party, 
some  of  them,  if  not  all,  receiving  the  support  of  every  man  of  his 
party.  Hence,  I  laid  a  foundation  for  my  questions  to  him  before  I 
asked  him  whether  that  was  or  was  not  the  platform  of  his  party. 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  251 

He  says  that  he  answered  my  questions.  One  of  them  was  whether 
he  would  vote  to  admit  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union.  The 
creed  of  the  Republican  party  as  set  forth  in  the  resolutions  of  their 
various  conventions  was,  that  they  would  under  no  circumstances  vote 
to  admit  another  Slave  State.  It  was  put  forth  in  the  Lovejoy  resolu- 
tions in  the  Legislature;  it  was  put  forth  and  passed  in  a  majority  of 
all  the  counties  of  this  State  which  give  Abolition  or  Republican  ma- 
jorities, or  elect  members  to  the  Legislature  of  that  school  of  politics. 
I  had  a  right  to  know  whether  he  would  vote  for  or  against  the  admis- 
sion of  another  Slave  State,  in  the  event  the  people  wanted  it.  He 
first  answered  that  he  was  not  pledged  on  the  subject,  and  then  said : — 

"  In  regard  to  the  other  question,  of  whether  I  am  pledged  to  the  admission 
of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union,  I  state  to  you  very  frankly  that  I 
would  be  exceedingly  sorry  ever  to  be  put  in  the  position  of  having  to  pass  on 
that  question.  ["  No  doubt, —  "  and  laughter.  Mr.  Lincoln  looks  savagely  into 
the  crowd  for  the  man  who  said  "  no  doubt.  "]  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to 
know  that  there  would  never  be  another  Slave  State  admitted  into  the  Union; 
but  I  must  add  that  if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of  the  Territories  during  the 
Territorial  existence  of  any  one  given  Territory,  and  then  the  people,  having 
a  fair  chance  and  clean  field  when  they  come  to  adopt  a  Constitution,  do  such 
an  extraordinary  thing  as  adopt  a  slave  constitution,  uninfluenced  by  the 
actual  presence  of  the  institution  among  them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own 
the  country,  but  to  admit  them  into  the  Union. " 

Now  analyze  that  answer.  In  the  first  place,  he  says  he  would  be 
exceedingly  sorry  to  be  put  in  a  position  where  he  would  have  to  vote 
on  the  question  of  the  admission  of  a  Slave  State.  Why  is  he  a  candi- 
date for  the  Senate  if  he  would  be  sorry  to  be  put  in  that  position?  I 
trust  the  people  of  Illinois  will  not  put  him  in  a  position  which  he 
would  be  so  sorry  to  occupy.  [''There's  no  danger, "  etc.]  The  next 
position  he  takes  is  that  he  would  be  glad  to  know  that  there  would 
never  be  another  Slave  State,  yet,  in  certain  contingencies,  he  might 
have  to  vote  for  one.  What  is  that  contingency?  "  If  Congress  keeps 
slavery  out  by  law  while  it  is  a  Territory,  and  then  the  people  should 
have  a  fair  chance  and  should  adopt  slavery,  uninfluenced  by  the 
presence  of  the  institution. "  he  supposed  he  would  have  to  admit 
the  State. 

Suppose  Congress  should  not  keep  slavery  out  during  their  Terri- 
torial existence,  then  how  would  he  vote  when  the  people  applied  for 
admission  into  the  Union  with  a  slave  constitution?  That  he  does 
not  answer;  and  that  is  the  condition  of  every  Territory  we  have  now 
got.     Slavery  is  not  kept  out  of  Kansas  by  act  of  Congress;  and  when 


252  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  put  the  question  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  whether  he  will  vote  for  the  admis- 
sion with  or  without  slavery,  as  her  people  may  desire,  he  will  not 
answer,  and  you  have  not  got  an  answer  from  him.  In  Nebraska, 
slavery  is  not  prohibited  by  Act  of  Congress,  but  the  people  are 
allowed,  under  the  Nebraska  bill,  to  do  as  they  please  on  the  subject; 
and  when  I  ask  him  whether  he  will  vote  to  admit  Nebraska  with  a 
slave  constitution  if  her  people  desire  it,  he  will  not  answer.  So  with 
New  Mexico,  Washington  Territory,  Arizjpna,  and  the  four  new  States 
to  be  admitted  from  Texas. 

You  cannot  get  an  answer  from  him  to  these  questions.  His  answer 
only  applies  to  a  given  case,  to  a  condition, — things  which  he  knows 
do  not  exist  in  any  one  Territory  in  the  Union.  He  tries  to  give  you 
to  understand  that  he  would  allow  the  people  to  do  as  they  please,  and 
yet  he  dodges  the  question  as  to  every  Territory  in  the  Union.  I  now 
ask  why  cannot  Mr.  Lincoln  answer  to  each  of  these  Territories?  He 
has  not  done  it,  and  he  will  not  do  it.  The  Abolitionists  up  north 
understand  that  this  answer  is  made  with  a  view  of  not  committing 
himself  on  any  one  Territory  now  in  existence.  It  is  so  understood 
there,  and  you  cannot  expect  an  answer  from  him  on  a  case  that  ap- 
plies to  any  one  Territory,  or  applies  to  the  new  States  which  by  com- 
pact we  are  pledged  to  admit  out  of  Texas,  when  they  have  the 
requisite  population  and  desire  admission.  I  submit  to  you  whether 
he  has  made  a  frank  answer,  so  that  you  can  tell  how  he  would  vote 
in  any  one  of  these  cases.  "  He  would  be  sorry  to  be  put  in  the  posi- 
tion. "  Why  would  he  be  sorry  to  be  put  in  this  position  if  his  duty 
required  him  to  give  the  vote?  If  the  people  of  a  Territory  ought  to 
be  permitted  to  come  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  with  Slavery  or  with- 
out it,  as  they  pleased,  why  not  give  the  vote  admitting  them  cheer- 
fully? If  in  his  opinion  they  ought  not  to  come  in  with  slavery,  even 
if  they  wanted  to,  why  not  say  that  he  would  cheerfully  vote  against 
their  admission?  His  intimation  is  that  conscience  would  not  let 
him  vote  "  No, "  and  he  would  be  sorry  to  do  that  which  his  conscience 
would  compel  him  to  do  as  an  honest  man.     [Laughter  and  cheers.] 

In  regard  to  the  contract,  or  bargain,  between  Trumbull,  the  Abo- 
litionists, and  him,  which  he  denies,  I  wish  to  say  that  the  charge  can 
be  proved  by  notorious  historical  facts.  Trumbull,  Lovejoy,  Gid- 
dings,  Fred  Douglass,  Hale,  and  Banks  were  traveling  the  State  at 
that  time,  making  speeches  on  the  same  side  and  in  the  same  cause 
with  him.     He  contents  himself  with  the  simple  denial  that  no  such 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  253 

thing  occurred.  Does  he  deny  that  he,  and  Trumbull,  and  Breese, 
and  Giddings,  and  Chase,  and  Fred  Douglass,  and  Lovejoy,  and  all 
those  Abolitionists  and  deserters  from  the  Democratic  party  did  make 
speeches  all  over  this  State  in  the  same  common  cause?  Does  he 
deny  that  Jim  Matheny  was  then,  and  is  now,  his  confidential  friend, 
and  does  he  deny  that  Matheny  made  the  charge  of  the  bargain  and 
fraud  in  his  own  language,  as  I  have  read  it  from  his  printed  speech? 
Matheny  spoke  of  his  own  personal  knowledge  of  that  bargain  existing 
between  Lincoln,  Trumbull,  and  the  Abolitionists.  He  still  remains 
Lincoln's  confidential  friend,  and  is  now  a  candidate  for  Congress,  and 
is  canvassing  the  Springfield  District  for  Lincoln.  I  assert  that  I  can 
prove  the  charge  to  be  true  in  detail  if  I  can  ever  get  it  where  I  can 
summon  and  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses.  I  have  the  state- 
ment of  another  man  to  the  same  effect  as  that  made  by  Matheny, 
which  I  am  not  permitted  to  use  yet;  but  Jim  Matheny  is  a  good 
witness  on  that  point,  and  then^  the  history  of  the  country  is  conclu- 
sive upon  it.  That  Lincoln  up  to  that  time  had  been  a  Whig,  and 
then  undertook  to  Abolitionize  the  Whigs  and  bring  them  into  the 
Abolition  camp,  is  beyond  denial;  that  Trumbull  up  to  that  time  had 
been  a  Democrat,  and  deserted,  and  undertook  to  Abolitionize  the 
Democracy,  and  take  them  into  the  Abolition  camp,  is  beyond  denial; 
that  they  are  both  now  active,  leading,  distinguished  members  of  this 
Abolition  Republican  party  in  full  communion,  is  a  fact  that  cannot 
be  questioned  or  denied. 

But  Lincoln  is  not  willing  to  be  responsible  for  the  creed  of  his  party. 
He  complains  because  I  hold  him  responsible ;  and  in  order  to  avoid  the 
issue,  he  attempts  to  show  that  individuals  in  the  Democratic  party, 
many  years  ago,  expressed  Abolition  sentiments.  It  is  true  that  Tom 
Campbell,  when  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  1850,  published  the  letter 
which  Lincoln  read.  When  I  asked  Lincoln  for  the  date  of  that  letter^ 
he  could  not  give  it.  The  date  of  the  letter  has  been  suppressed  by 
other  speakers  who  have  used  it,  though  I  take  it  for  granted  that 
Lincoln  did  not  know  the  date.  If  he  will  take  the  trouble  to  examme, 
he  will  find  that  the  letter  was  published  only  two  days  before  the 
election,  and  was  never  seen  until  after  it,  except  in  one  county, 
Tom  Campbell  would  have  been  beat  to.  death  by  the  Democratic 
party  if  that  letter  had  been  made  public  in  his  district.  As  to 
Molony,  it  is  true  he  uttered  sentiments  of  the  kind  referred  to  by  Mr. 

1  Omits  "then." 


254  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Lincoln,  and  the  best  Democrats  would  not  vote  for  him  for  that 
reason.  I  returned  from  Washington  after  the  passage  of  the  Com- 
promise Measures  in  1850,  and  when  I  found  Molony  running  under  ^ 
Wentworth's  tutelage  and  on  his  platform,  I  denounced  him,  and 
declared  that  he  was  no  Democrat. 

In  my  speech  at  Chicago,  just  before  the  election  that  year,  I  went 
before  the  infuriated  people  of  that  city  and  vindicated  the  Compro- 
mise Measures  of  1850.  Remember  the  city  council  had  passed  reso- 
lutions nullifying  Acts  of  Congress  and  instructing  the  police  to  with- 
hold their  assistance  from  the  execution  of  the  laws;  and  as  I  was  the 
only  man  in  the  city  of  Chicago  who  was  responsible  for  the  passage 
of  the  Compromise  Measures,  I  went  before  the  crowd,  justified  each 
and  every  one  of  those  measures;  and  let  it  be  said,  to  the  eternal 
honor  of  the  people  of  Chicago,  that  when  they  were  convinced  by  my 
exposition  of  those  measures  that  they  were  right,  and  they  had  done 
wrong  in  opposing  them,  they  repealed  their  nullifying  resolutions, 
and  declared  that  they  would  acquiesce  in  and  support  the  laws  of  the 
land.  These  facts  are  well  known,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  can  only  get  up 
individual  instances,  dating  back  to  1849-'50,  which  are  contradicted 
by  the  whole  tenor  of  the  Democratic  creed. 

But  Mr.  Lincoln  does  not  want  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  Black 
Republican  doctrine  of  no  more  Slave  States.  Famsworth  is  the 
candidate  of  his  party  to-day  in  the  Chicago  District,  and  he  made  a 
speech  in  the  last  Congress  in  which  he  called  upon  God  to  palsy  his 
right  arm  if  he  ever  voted  for  the  admission  of  another  Slave  State, 
whether  the  people  wanted  it  or  not.  Lovejoy  is  making  speeches  all 
over  the  State  for  Lincoln  now,  and  taking  ground  against  any  more 
Slave  States.  Washburne,  the  Black  Republican  candidate  for  Con- 
gress in  the  Galena  District,  is  making  speeches  in  favor  of  this  same 
Abolition  platform  declaring  no  more  Slave  States.  Why  are  men 
running  for  Congress  in  the  northern  districts,  and  taking  that  Abo- 
lition platform  for  their  guide,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  does  not  want  to  be 
held  to  it  down  here  in  Egypt  and  in  the  center  of  the  State,  and 
objects  to  it  so  as  to  get  votes  here?  ["  He  can't  get  any.  "]  Let  me 
tell  Mr.  Lincohi  that  his  party  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State  hold 
to  that  Abolition  platform,  and  that  if  they  do  not  in  the  south  and 
in  the  center,  they  present  the  extraordinary  spectacle  of  a  "house 
divided  against  itself,"  and  hence,  ''cannot  stand."     [''Hurrah."] 

I  Inserts  "John." 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  255 

I  now'bring  down  upon  him  the  vengeance  of  his  own  scriptural 
quotation,  and  give  it  a  more  appropriate  application  than  he  did, 
when  I  say  to  him  that  his  party,  Abolition  in  one  end  of  the  State, 
and_opposed  to  it  in  the  other,  is  a  house  divided  against  itself,  and 
cannot  stand,  and  ought  not  to  stand,  for  it  attempts  to  cheat  the 
American  people  out  of  their  votes  by  disguising  its  sentiments. 
[Cheers.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  attempts  to  cover  up  and  get  over  his  Abolitionism  by 
telling  you  that  he  was  raised  a  little  east  of  you,  [laughter]  beyond 
the  Wabash  in  Indiana,  and  he  thinks  that  makes  a  mighty  sound  and 
good  man  of  him  on  all  these  questions.  I  do  not  know  that  the  place 
where  a  man  is  bom  or  raised  has  much  to  do  with  his  political  prin- 
ciples. The  worst  Abolitionists  I  have  ever  known  in  Illinois  have 
been  men  who  have  sold  their  slaves  in  Alabama  and  Kentucky,  and 
have  come  here  and  turned  Abolitionists  whilst  spending  the  money 
got  for  the  negroes  they  sold;  ["that's  so, "  and  laughter]  and  I  do  not 
know  that  an  Abolitionist  from  Indiana  or  Kentucky  ought  to  have 
any  more  credit  because  he  was  bom  and  raised  among  slaveholders. 
["Not  a  bit,"  "not  as  much,"  etc.]  I  do  not  know  that  a  native  of 
Kentucky  is  more  excusable  because,  raised  among  slaves,  his  father 
and  mother  having  owned  slaves,  he  comes  to  Illinois,  turns  Aboli- 
tionist, and  slanders  the  graves  of  his  father  and  mother,  and  breathes 
curses  upon  the  institutions  under  which  he  was  born,  and  his  father 
and  mother  bred. 

True,  I  was  not  born  out  west  here.  I  was  born  away  down  in 
Yankee  land,  ["  good  "]  I  was  born  in  a  valley  in  Vermont,  ["  all  right"] 
with  the  high  mountains  around  me.  I  love  the  old  green  mountains 
and  valleys  of  Vermont  where  I  was  born,  and  where  I  played  in  my 
childhood.  I  went  up  to  visit  them  some  seven  or  eight  years  ago,  for 
the  first  time  for  twenty  odd  years.  When  I  got  there  they  treated  me 
very  kindly.  They  invited  me  to  the  Commencement  of  their  college, 
placed  me  on  the  seats  with  their  distinguished  guests,  and  conferred 
upon  me  the  degree  of  LL.D.  in  Latin  (doctor  of  laws), — the  same  as 
they  did^  Old  Hickory,  at  Cambridge,  many  years  ago;  and  I  give  you 
my  word  and  honor  I  understood  just  as  much  of  the  Latin  as  he  did. 
[Laughter.]  When  they  got  through  conferring  the  honorary  degree, 
they  called  upon  me  for  a  speech;  and  I  got  up,  with  my  heart  full  and 
swelling  with  gratitude  for  their  kindness,  and  I  said  to  them,  "  My 

^Inserts  "on." 


256  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

friends,  Vermont  is  the  most  glorious  spot  on  the  face  of  this  globe  for 
a  man  to  be  bom  in,  provided  he  emigrates  when  he  is  veiy  young. " 
[Uproarious  shouts  of  laughter.] 

I  emigrated  when  I  was  very  young.  I  came  out  here  when  I  was 
a  boy,  and  I  found  my  mind  liberalized,  and  my  opinions  enlarged, 
when  I  got  on  these  broad  prairies,  with  only  the  heavens  to  bound  my 
vision,  instead  of  having  them  circumscribed  by  the  little  narrow 
ridges  that  surrounded  the  valley  where  I  was  born.  But  I  discard 
all  flings  at-*-  the  land  where  a  man  was  born.  I  wish  to  be  judged  by 
my  principles,  by  those  great  public  measures  and  constitutional 
principles  upon  which  the  peace,  the  happiness,  and  the  pei-petuity  of 
this  Republic  now  rest. 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  framed  another  question,  propounded  it  to  me,  and 
desired  my  answer.  As  I  have  said  before,  I  did  not  put  a  question  to 
him  that  I  did  not  first  lay  a  foundation  for,  by  showing  that  it  was  a 
part  of  the  platform  of  the  party  whose  votes  he  is  now  seeking;  adopted 
in  a  majority  of  the  counties  where  he  now  hopes  to  get  a  majority; 
and  supported  by  the  candidates  of  his  party  now  running  in  those 
counties.  But  I  will  answer  his  question.  It  is  as  follows:  " If  the 
slaveholding  citizens  of  a  United  States  Territory  should  need  and 
demand  Congressional  legislation  for  the  protection  of  their  slave 
property  in  such  Territory,  would  you,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  vote 
for  or  against  such  legislation?  "  I  answer  him  that  it  is  a  fundamen- 
tal article  in  the  Democratic  creed  that  there  should  be  non-interfer- 
ence and  non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  States  or 
Territories.  [Immense  cheering.]  Mr.  Lincoln  could  have  found  an 
answer  to  his  question  in  the  Cincinnati  platform,  if  he  had  desired  it. 
The  Democratic  party  have  always  stood  by  that  great  principle  of 
non-interference  and  non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
States  and  Territories  alike,  and  I  stand  on  that  platform  now.  [Cheer 
after  cheer  was  here  given  for  Douglas.] 

Now,  I  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  Lincoln  did  not 
define  his  own  position  in  his  own  question.  ["  He  can't;  it's  too  far 
South,"  and  laughter.]  How  does  he  stand  on  that  question?  He 
put  the  question  to  me  at  Freeport  whether  or  not  I  would  vote  to 
admit  Kansas  into  the  Union  before  she  had  93,420  inhabitants.  I 
answered  him  at  once  that,  it  having  been  decided  that  Kansas  had 
now  population  enough  for  a  Slave  State,  she  had  population  enough 
for  a  Free  State.     ["Good;  that's  it;"  and  cheers.] 

iReads:  "of"  for  "at." 


DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO  257 

I  answered  the  question  unequivocally;  and  then  I  asked  him 
whether  he  would  vote  for  or  against  the  admission  of  Kansas  before 
she  had  93,420  inhabitants,  and  he  would  not  answer  me.  To-day  he 
has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that,  in  his  opinion,  my  answer  on  that 
question  was  not  quite  plain  enough,  and  yet  he  has  not  answered  it 
himself.  [Great  laughter.]  He  now  puts  a  question  in  relation  to 
Congressional  interference  in  the  Territories  to  me.  I  answer  him 
direct,  and  yet  he  has  not  answered  the  question  himself.  I  ask  you 
whether  a  man  has  any  right,  in  common  decency,  to  put  questions  in 
these  public  discussions,  to  his  opponent,  which  he  will  not  answer 
himself,  when  they  are  pressed  home  to  him.  I  have  asked  him  three 
times  whether  he  would  vote  to  admit  Kansas  whenever  the  people 
applied  with  a  constitution  of  their  own  making  and  their  own  adop- 
tion, under  circumstances  that  were  fair,  just,  and  unexceptionable; 
but  I  cannot  get  an  answer  from  him.  Nor  will  he  answer  the  ques- 
tion which  he  put  to  me,  and  which  I  have  just  answered  in  relation 
to  Congressional  interference  in  the  Territories,  by  making  a  slave 
code  there. 

It  is  true  that  he  goes  on  to  answer  the  question  by  arguing  that 
under  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  it  is  the  duty  of  a  man  to  vote 
for  a  slave  code  in  the  Territories.  He  says  that  it  is  his  duty,  under 
the  decision  that  the  court  has  made;  and  if  he  believes  in  that  decision 
he  would  be  a  perjured  man  if  he  did  not  give  the  vote.  I  want  to 
know  whether  he  is  not  bound  to  a  decision  which  is  contrary  to  his 
opinions  just  as  much  as  to  one  in  accordance  with  his  opinions. 
["Certainly."]  If  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  tribunal 
created  by  the  Constitution  to  decide  the  question,  is  final  and  binding, 
is  he  not  bound  by  it  just  as  strongly  as  if  he  was  for  it  instead  of 
against  it  originally  Is  every  man  in  this  land  allowed  to  resist  decis- 
ions he  does  not  like,  and  only  support  those  that  meet  his  approval? 
What  are  important  courts  worth,  unless  their  decisions  are  binding 
on  all  good  citizens?  It  is  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  judiciary 
that  its  decisions  are  final.  It  is  created  for  that  purpose;  so  that 
when  you  cannot  agree  among  yourselves  on  a  disputed  point,  you 
appeal  to  the  judicial  tribunal,  which  steps  in  and  decides  for  you;  and 
that  decision  is  then  binding  on  every  good  citizen.  It  is  the  law  of 
the  land  just  as  much  with  Mr.  Lincoln  against  it  as  for  it. 

And  yet  he  says  that  if  that  decision  is  binding,  he  is  a  perjured  man 
if  he  does  not  vote  for  a  slave  code  in  the  different  Territories  of  this 


258  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Union.  Well,  if  you  [turning  to  Mr.  Lincoln]  are  not  going  to  resist 
the  decision;  if  you  obey  it,  and  do  not  intend  to  array  mob  law  against 
the  constituted  authorities;  then,  according  to  your  own  statement, 
you  will  be  a  perjured  man  if  you  do  not  vote  to  establish  slavery  in 
these  Territories.  My  doctrine  is,  that  even  taking  Mr.  Lincoln's  view 
that  the  decision  recognizes  the  right  of  a  man  to  carry  his  slaves  into 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States  if  he  pleases,  yet  after  he  gets  there 
he  needs  affirmative  law  to  make  that  right  of  any  value.  The  same 
doctrine  not  only  applies  to  slave  property,  but  all  other  kinds  of 
property.  Chief  Justice  Taney  places  it  upon  the  ground  that  slave 
property  is  on  an  equal  footing  with  other  property.  Suppose  one  of 
your  merchants  should  move  to  Kansas  and  open  a  liquor  store:  he 
has  a  right  to  take  groceries  and  liquors  there ;  but  the  mode  of  selling 
them,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  they  shall  be  sold,  and  all 
the  remedies,  must  be  prescribed  by  local  legislation;  and  if  that  is  un- 
friendly, it  will  drive  him  out  just  as  effectually  as  if  there  was  a  con- 
stitutional provision  against  the  sale  of  liquor.  So  the  absence  of  local 
legislation  to  encourage  and  support  slave  property  in  a  Territory 
excludes  it  practically  just  as  effectually  as  if  there  was  a  positive 
constitutional  provision  against  it. 

Hence,  I  assert  that  under  the  Dred  Scott  decision  you  cannot  main- 
tain slavery  a  day  in  a  Territory  where  there  is  an  unwilling  people  and 
unfriendly  legislation.  If  the  people  are  opposed  to  it,  our  right  is  a 
barren,  worthless,  useless  right;  and  if  they  are  for  it,  they  will  support 
and  encourage  it.  We  come  right  back,  therefore,  to  the  practical 
question,  If  the  people  of  a  Territory  want  slavery,  they  will  have  it; 
and  if  they  do  not  want  it,  you  cannot  force  it  on  them.  And  this  is 
the  practical  question,  the  great  principle,  upon  which  our  institutions 
rest.  ["  That's  the  doctrine. "]  I  am  willing  to  take  the  decision  of 
the  Supreme  Court  as  it  was  pronounced  by  that  august  tribunal,  with- 
out stopping  to  inquire  whether  I  would  have  decided  that  way  or  not. 
I  have  had  many  a  decision  made  against  me  on  questions  of  law  which 
I  did  not  like,  but  I  was  bound  by  them  just  as  much  as  if  I  had  had  a 
hand  in  making  them  and  approved  them.  Did  you  ever  see  a  lawyer 
or  a  client  lose  his  case  that  he  approved  the  decision  of  the  court? 
They  always  think  the  decision  unjust  when  it  is  given  against  them. 
In  a  government  of  laws,  like  ours,  we  must  sustain  the  Constitution 
as  our  fathers  made  it,  and  maintain  the  rights  of  the  States  as  they 


THE  JONESBORO  DEBATE  259 

are  guaranteed  under  the  Constitution,  and  then  we  will  have  peace 
and  harmony  between  the  different  States  and  sections  of  this  glorious 
Union.     [Prolonged  cheering.] 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  September  17,  1858] 

GREAT   DEBATE   BETWEEN    LINCOLN    AND   DOUGLAS 

AT  JONESBORO 


Fourteen  Hundred  Persons  Present.— Doug-las  Rehearses  the  Same 
Old  Speech.— He  "Comes  to  His  Milk"  Voluntarily,  and  Old  Abe 
Takes  What  He  Has  to  Spare.— Lincoln  Pulverizes  His  Freeport 
Answers  on  the  Dred  Scott  Decision.— Doug-las  Impeaches  the 
Democracy  of  His  Friends  Thomas  Campbell  and  R.  S.  Malony.— 
Was  He  Drunk  When  He  Made  His  Joliet  Speech  or  was  He  Only 
"Playful?"— Concluding-  Speeches  by  Hon.  "For-God's-Sake  Linder" 
and  Hon.  John  Doug-herty.— Verbatim  Report  of  Doug-las's  Speech. 
Lincoln's  Reply  and  Doug-las's  Rejoinder. 

Egypt  took  the  promised  novelty  of  Douglas,  "bringing  Old  Abe 
to  his  milk, "  very  coolly,  considering  the  dog-day  temperature  that 
prevails  down  that  way.  Until  ten  o'clock  on  Wednesday  the  only 
evidence  of  the  third  great  debate,  in  old  Jonesboro,  was  a  procession 
calling  itself  the  Johnson  County  delegation,  consisting  of  two  yoke 
of  steers  and  a  banner  inscribed  ''  Stephen  A.  Douglas, "  turned  bottom 
upwards.  Nothing  else  unusual  transpired  during  the  forenoon  until 
the  arrival  of  two  special  trains — one  from  Centralia  and  the  other 
from  Cairo — which  came  in  about  the  same  time.  The  former  con- 
sisted of  four  cars  filled  with  attendants  on  the  State  Fair.  The  latter 
brought  Mr.  Douglas,  his  brass  cannon,  and  a  band  of  music  from  some 
unknown  point,  and  five  or  six  car-loads  of  passengers  from  Cairo, 
Mound  City,  Kentucky  and  Missouri.  Arrived  at  Anna  (Jonesboro 
Station)  three  cheers  were  not  given — in  default  of  which  the  brass 
cannon  banged  away  spitefully.  Mr.  Douglas  entered  a  carriage  in  a 
quiet  and  orderly  manner,  and  was  driven  over  to  old  Jonesboro, 
about  a  mile  distant.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  arrived  in  town  on  the  evening 
of  the  preceding  day. 

Shortly  before  two  o'clock  the  people  entered  the  Fair  grounds,  a 
little  north  of  the  town,  where  the  speaking  stand  had  been  erected. 
The  inevitable  brass  cannon  was  there  before  them,  filling  the  yard 
with  a  loud  noise  and  a  bad  smell.     Several  banners  were  brought  up 


260  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

on  the  Douglas  train  from  Cairo,  and  distributed  around  the  stand— 
the  principle  one  inscribed  with  a  paraphrase  from  Holy  Writ : 
MY  SON,  IF  BOLTERS  ENTICE  THEE, 
CONSENT  THOU   NOT. 

This  was  claimed  by  the  Buchanan  men  as  having  been  stolen  from 
them  at  a  recent  county  convention. 

The  entire  audience  on  the  ground  numbered  between  fourteen  and 
fifteen  hundred  by  actual  count.  To  those  who  do  not  know  the  loca- 
tion of  Jonesboro,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  say  that  it  is  the  county  seat  of 
Union  Co.,  thirty-three  miles  north  of  Cairo,  about  three  hundred  and 
fifty-seven  miles  south  of  Chicago.  It  is  very  pleasantly  and  health- 
fully situated  among  the  hills  towards  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  Rivers,  and  is  about  four  hundred  feet  above  high  water 
mark. 

The  Jonesboro  audience  was  by  far  the  smallest  that  has  yet  assem- 
bled to  hear  either  of  the  speakers.  There  were  only  a  few  over  four- 
teen hundred,  including  the  six  car-loads  brought  up  by  Douglas  with 
his  brass  cannon  and  band  of  music  from  Cairo.  Four  car-loads  of 
volunteers  came  down  from  Centralia. 

[Chicago  Times,  September  17,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN.-DOUGLAS  AT  JONESBORO 


Lincoln  in  Egypt.— Lincoln's  Friends  Entlmsiastic— They  Give  Him 
Three  Cheers  Each.  Lincoln  "Trotted  Out."  His  "Points"  Dis- 
played. His  Wind  Fails  Him.— Doug-herty  Supplies  His  Place.— 
The  Allies  Working-  Together.— Doug-las  Triumphs  over  All! 

On  Wednesday,  Judge  Douglas  having  been  escorted  to  Jonesboro 
by  two  hundred  and  more  of  his  personal  friends,  the  joint  discussion 
took  place  at  a  grove  on  the  edge  of  the  town.  Delegations  of  Demo- 
crats from  all  the  counties  of  lower  Illinois  were  present,  with  banners 
and  flags  of  various  descriptions.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
thousands  of  farmers  and  others  were  engaged  elsewhere,  at  the  State 
Fair,  the  attendance  was  very  large.  The  number  may  be  safely 
estimated  at  five  thousand  persons,  in  which  vast  body  of  men  there 
were  probably  about  sixty  Republicans  and  fifteen  Danites.  The 
rest  of  the  crowd  were  Democrats.  In  Southern  Illinois  the  sup- 
porters of  Lincoln  and  negro  equality  are  in  the  proportion  of  twelve  to 
a  thousand  for  Douglas  and  democracy.     While  the  Danites  in  Dough- 


THE  JONESBORO  DEBATE  261 

erty's  own  town  of  Jonesboro  do  not  exceed  altogether  twenty-five, 
and  in  the  surrounding  counties  do  not  average  five  to  a  county. 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  people  throughout  Middle,  Eastern, 
Western,  and  Southern  Illinois  in  behalf  of  Douglas  is  intense;  there 
is  but  one  sentiment,  one  feeling,  and  there  is  but  one  purpose,  which 
purpose  is  to  re-elect  him  to  the  Senate  where  he  has  so  ably  and  vig- 
orously defended  the  constitution  and  the  Union,  has  so  long  and 
successfully  served  Illinois,  and  has  won  for  himself  and  the  State  such 
imperishable  renown. 

[New  York  Evening  Post,  September  22,  1858] 
(Special  Correspondence  of  the  Evening  Post.) 

Jonesboro',  III.,  September  15,  1858 
The  third  field-day  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  has  just  closed  at 
this  town.  It  is  an  ancient  village  in  the  heart  of  Egypt,  among  hills 
and  ravines,  and  invested  with  forest  as  the  soil  itself.  It  is  thirty 
miles  from  Cairo  and  three  hundred  miles  from  Chicago.  Illinois  is  no 
longer  the  "  Prairie  state.  "  We  have  come  to  it  through  rocky  depths 
and  cliff  cuttings ;  through  forests  primeval ;  through  sharp  and  broken 
bluffs,  altogether  like  in  style,  through  (from  diversity  of  timber)  not 
in  appearance,  to  the  region  adjacent  to  the  Erie  Railroad,  where  it 
passes  through  Western  New  York. 

Jonesboro'  is  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  railroad.  The  station  is 
called  "  Anna, "  and  is  as  large  as  the  town  itself.  The  Station  is 
Republican;  the  town  is  democratic.  The  land  sales  of  the  Illinois 
Central  Railroad,  by  opening  the  country  to  the  advent  of  settlers, 
have  introduced  the  men  of  the  East,  who  bring  certain  uncomfortable 
and  antagonistical  political  maxims,  and  thus  the  time-honored  dark- 
ness of  Egypt  is  made  to  fade  away  before  the  approach  of  middle 
state  and  New  England  ideas.  Let  these  land  sales  go  on,  and  a 
change  will  take  place  in  the  political  physiognomy  of  Southern 
Illinois.  All  things  suffer  "  a  sea  change, "  and  already  the  alterative 
influence  of  these  new  ideas  is  sensibly  felt  in  this  section. 

You  remember  that  at  Ottawa  Mr.  Douglas  triumphantly  informed 
his  audience  that  he  should  'Hrot  Lincoln  down  into  Egypt,"  and 
"bring  him  to  his  milk,"  on  certain  questions  propounded  to  him. 
This  classic  exercise  has  just  closed.  Lincoln  has  been  "  trotted  out, " 
and  Douglas  has  small  boast  to  make  of  his  enterprise.  The  meeting, 
which  was  in  a  pleasant  grove  hard  by  the  town,  was  very  small,  not 


262  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

over  1,200;  and  of  these,  probably  a  fourth  were  Republicans,  another 
fourth  Buchanan  men,  the  rest  Douglas  men  and  women.  Consider- 
ing the  abundant  population  of  Egypt,  and  its  firm  faith  in  Douglas, 
it  is  very  remarkable  that  so  small  a  turnout  appeared.  Mr.  Lincoln 
came  to  the  ground  attended  by  a  few  friends.  The  Senator  came 
attended  by  a  band  of  music  and  a  crowd  of  admirers,  and  heralded 
by  discharges  of  that  same  brass  cannon  which  has  already  travelled 
so  extensively  through  the  state.  Mr.  Douglas  was  greeted  with 
immense  applause  on  his  appearance.  He  had  the  opening  speech. 
In  lang-uage  it  was  almost  identical  with  his  Galena  speech,  and  indeed 
with  others  that  he  has  made.  He  began  by  stating  that  in  1852,  and 
prior  to  1854,  the  whig  and  democratic  parties,  however  they  differed 
on  other  matters,  agreed  and  harmonized  on  the  slavery  question. 
Having  established  this  fact,  he  proceeded  to  charge  upon  Lincoln  and 
Trumbull  a  conspiracy  to  bring  whigs  and  democrats,  "bound  hand 
and  foot, "  into  the  abolition  camp.  The  one  to  have  Shield's  place 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  the  other  to  have  ''my  place,  if  I 
should  be  so  accomodating  as  to  die  or  resign. "  He  had  very  little 
to  say  in  regard  to  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty,  but  on  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  said  he  was  "content  to  abide  by  it,  as  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land, "  thus  meandering  slightly  from  his  Freeport 
position,  where  this  decision  was  an  "  abstraction  "  so  far  as  it  inter- 
'fered  with  the  popular  sovereignty. 

Mr.  Douglas's  speech  was  not  marked  by  his  usual  ability,  and  the 
delivery  was  very  bad — a  sort  of  school  boy  monotone,  with  an  espe- 
cial aplomb  on  every  emphatic  syllable. 

Mr.  Lincohi  arose  evidently  embarrassed  by  the  apparent  uniform 
democratic  hue  of  his  audience.  A  faint  cheer  was  elicited,  followed 
by  derisive  laughter  from  the  Douglas  men,  and  solemn  silence  from 
the  "  Danites.  "  The  Lincoln  men  took  courage  from  this  and  burst 
into  a  loud  cheer,  which  for  the  first  time  satisfied  the  statesmen  on 
the  platform,  that  matters  were  not  all  one  way.  Mr.  Lincoln  pro- 
ceeded in  his  accustomed  sincere,  earnest  and  good-humored  way 
to  present  his  side  of  the  case.  He  was  a  stranger  to  the  audience  and 
most  of  them  were  his  bitter  foes,  but  he  won  rapidly  upon  them. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  September  20,  1858] 

THE  JONESBORO  DEBATE 

Although  the  audience  in  attendance  at  the  Jonesboro  debate 
between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  was  very  small  compared  with  the  crowd 


THE  JONESBORO  DEBATE  263 

at  Ottawa  and  Freeport  (not  more  than  1,500  persons  being  present) 
the  debate  itself  is,  in  many  respects,  the  most  important  one  yet  held. 
Its  principle  features  were  the  new  and  powerful  arguments  introduced 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  exposing  the  position  of  Douglas  on  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  and  an  exhibition  of  Democratic  platforms  in  Northern  Illi- 
nois in  1850-52.  As  this  portion  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  is  highly 
interesting  and  important,  we  shall  give  it  to  our  readers  in  full. 

Mr.  Douglas'  opening  speech  was,  from  beginning  to  end,  in  lan- 
guage and  substance,  the  same  that  he  delivered  in  Ottawa.  He  went 
over  the  old  ground  of  Negro  equality,  popular  sovereignty,  the  right 
of  States,  &c.  The  salient  points  of  his  closing  speech  were  an  expla- 
nation that  when  he  told  his  Joliet  falsehoods  he  was  only  in  fun,  (leav- 
ing the  inference  that  he  was  probably  drunk,)  a  nimble  bound  over 
and  dodge  under  Mr.  Lincoln's  question  as  to  whether  he  would  or 
would  not  give  the  territorial  slave  holders  Congressional  protection 
should  they  demand  it,  and  the  closing  lampoon  of  his  birthplace  to 
the  effect  that  "  Vermont  is  a  good  State  to  be  born  in,  provided  you 
emigrate  when  very  young" — the  same  silly  anecdote  and  shameful 
libel  that  he  has  used  in  every  speech  he  has  made  since  the  opening  of 
the  campaign. 

These  discussions  are  resulting  in  a  decided  triumph  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln over  his  opponent.  The  dispassionate  and  able  manner  in  which 
he  addressed  the  people,  and  the  masterly  manner  in  which  he  upholds 
Republicanism  and  exposes  Democracy,  elicits  the  admiration  of  the 
whole  countr}^  We  are  more  and  more  convinced  of  his  superiority 
over  Mr.  Douglas  in  every  respect — as  a  debater,  a  statesman  and  an 
upright  and  incorruptible  man.  The  resources  of  his  mind  are  per- 
fectly inexhaustible.  No  man  in  the  nation  has  a  more  intimate 
knowledge  of  our  political  affairs,  or  knows  better  how  to  use  that 
knowledge  effectively. 

[Chicago  Journal,  September  17,  1858] 

THE  DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  DEBATE  IN  LOWER  EGYPT 

JoNESBORo',  Sept.  15,  1858 
The  first  debate  in  "  Egypt, "  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  took 
place  here  today.  As  compared  with  the  audiences  they  had  at 
Ottawa  and  Freeport,  the  crowd  present  at  this  debate  was  small,  and 
lacking  in  enthusiasm.  There  were  not  two  thousand  people  in 
attendance. 


264  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  extra  excursion  train  from  Cairo,  for  the  State  Fair  at  Centralia, 
brought  up  Senator  Douglas  and  his  cannon  this  evening.  We  came 
up  on  the  same  train,  and  were  surprised  that  notwithstanding  the 
cannon  was  fired  on  the  arrival  at  each  station,  not  a  solitary  cheer 
loas  given,  nor  any  sign  of  enthusiasm  manifested,  for  Douglas,  at  any 
of  the  Stations,  between  Cairo  and  Jonesboro'.  We  say  we  were  sur- 
prised at  this,  for  the  reason  that  we  have  heard  so  nmch  about 
"  Egypt "  boiling  with  excitement  in  favor  of  the  Little  Giant.  This 
is  not  true.  Like  a  thousand  other  things  we  read  in  his  organs  and 
hear  his  fuglers  say,  it  is  bogus.  There  is  no  enthusiasm — no  excite- 
ment, in  this  region  for  Douglas.  We  say  this  candidly,  and  mention 
it  only  to  show  that  even  in  this  strong  "  Democratic  "  section,  where 
Douglas  has  been  represented  as  invulnerable  and  unassailable,  the 
utmost  indifference  exists  regarding  him.  We  are  assured  by  gentle- 
men residing  here,  that  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  the  Buch- 
anan Democrats — the  adamantine  "Nationals"  are  strongly  in  the 
ascendant  over  the  Douglas  bolters,  and  that  in  some  localities  here- 
away there  are  even  more  Lincoln  men  than  Douglas  men.  Think  of 
that!  "Egypt"  becoming  republicanized,  or,  as  Douglasite  libellers 
would  say,  "  Abolitionized"\  Jonesboro'  itself,  the  veiy  center  of 
"  Egypt, "  is  a  Republican  town !  This  shows  that  the  great,  patriotic 
and  righteous  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
so  faithfully  represents,  and  so  ably  advocates  and  defends  before  the 
people,  are  progressing  and  finding  their  way  to  the  popular  heart 
even  in  regions  that  Republicans  have  regarded  as  hopelessly  given 
over  to  the  worship  of  false  gods.  All  that  the  Egyptians,  as  well  as 
others,  require  to  bring  them  into  the  support  of  Republicanism  is  to 
have  our  principles,  sentiments  and  objects  fairly  and  fully  explained 
to  them,  so  that  they  will  understand  them,  and  become  disabused  of 
the  false  notions  regarding  the  Republican  party,  which  Douglas  and 
his  blowers  have  by  misrepresentation  and  falsehood,  impressed  upon 
them. 

But  I  must  say  something  about  the  "  reception  "  Douglas  and  his 
cannon  were  honored  with  here.  It  was  highly  amusing,  and  to  the 
Senator  himself,  evidently  a  disapointment.  When  the  train  arrived 
at  the  Station,  his  cannon  (he  always  carries  it  with  him,  on  an  extra 
wood  car  attached  to  the  train)  fired  his  own  salute,  and  a  crowd  of 
about  a  hundred  rushed  to  the  cars.  He  stepped  forth,  waved  his 
hand,  and  nobody  appearing  to  take  any  particular  notice  of  him — 
(they  are  a  very  cool  set  of  people  down  here,  notwithstanding  the  hot 


THE  JONESBORO  DEBATE  265 

weather  they  are  having) — he  went  to  a  carriage  prepared  for  him  and 
left.  There  was  no  cheering — no  anything.  Bye  and  bye,  three  boys 
came  along  with  Douglas  banners,  and  a  couple  of  big  men  with  a  big 
American  flag,  which  the  Senator  brought  with  him  in  the  train  and 
they  walked  into  the  middle  of  the  street  and  halted,  expecting  "  the 
people  "  to  follow  them  in  procession  behind  Douglas'  carriage.  But 
"the  people"  didn't!  The  three  boys  and  the  two  big  men,  with  the 
banners  and  the  big  flag,  then  concluded  to  march,  and  off  they  went 
up  street,  presenting  a  spectacle  that  excited  the  laughter  and  ridicule 
of  "the  people.  "  It  being  customary  for  some  journalists  to  ridicule 
and  burlesque  the  men  and  the  meetings  of  their  opponents,  however 
unjustly,  some  may  think  that  this  was  written  in  that  spirit,  but  it  is 
not.  In  saying  that  Douglas'  "reception"  here  was  the  most  ludi- 
crous failure  that  we  have  ever  witnessed  in  a  political  campaign,  we 
speak  in  candor  and  assert  the  simple  truth,  however  much  such  a  fact 
may  surprise  those  who  are  laboring  under  the  mistaken  notion  that 
"  Egypt  is  all  for  Douglas. " 

The  town  was  exceedingly  quiet,  and  the  people  scattered  about 
here  and  there,  until  2  o'clock  when  the  crowd  gathered  in  the  grove 
near  by,  and  the  debate  commenced.  Senator  Douglas  opened  in  a 
speech  of  an  hour,  was  followed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  an  hour  and  a  half, 
and  Douglas  wound  up  the  discussion  in  a  half  hour's  rejoinder. 

There  was  no  attempt  to  interfere  with  either  of  the  speakers,  and 
all  went  off  orderly  and  well. 

After  the  debate,  cheers  were  given  for  Lincoln  and  for  Douglas; 
and  Gen.  Linder  being  lively  called  for,  mounted  the  stand  and  made 
a  short  Douglas  speech.  Hon.  John  Dougherty  was  also  called  on, 
and  made  a  stirring  Buchanan  speech,  denouncing  Douglas  in  the 
strongest  possible  terms. 

[Lowell,  Mass.,  Journal  and  Courier,  September  22,  1858] 
The  Senatorial  Canvass  in  Illinois. — The  Third  senatorial 
discussion  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln  took  place  at  Jonesboro', 
Southern  Illinois,  on  the  loth  inst.  Jonesboro'  is  one  of  the  darkest 
regions  of  "  Egypt, "  thirty  miles  from  Cairo,  and  three  hundred  from 
Chicago.  Union  county,  in  which  it  is  situated,  gave  at  the  Presiden- 
tial election  46  votes  for  Fremont,  246  for  Fillmore,  and  1283  for 
Buchanan.  Here,  Douglas  was  supposed  to  be  on  his  own  ground, 
and  in  his  own  classic  phrase,  he  was  here  to  bring  Lincoln  "to  his 


266  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

milk.  "*  According  to  the  correspondent  of  the  Xew  York  Evening 
Post,  however,  his  success  was  not  very  flattering.  There  were  only 
about  1200  persons  in  attendance,  showing  less  enthusiasm  on  the  part 
of  the  friends  of  Douglas  than  might  have  been  expected.  About  one 
half  of  these  were  Douglas  men,  one  fourth  Buchananites.  and  the 
remainder  Republicans.  Mr.  Douglas'  speech  was  not  marked  by  his 
usual  ability,  and  his  delivery  was  very  bad,  while  Lincoln's  speech 
was  said  to  have  been  the  best  he  had  delivered.  Union  county 
promises  to  give  the  Republican  ticket  three  or  four  hundred  votes, 
which  is  more  than  the  Fremont  and  Fillmore  vote  combined  in  1S56. 

[Gate  City.  Keokuk.  Iowa.  September  29,  18.58] 

NOT   EXACTLY 

Douglas  said  that  he  was  going  to  bring  ■"  Old  Abe''  "to  his  milk" 
down  in  Eg\-pt.  The  report  of  their  speeches  has  gone  abroad  to  the 
world  and  the  Louisville  Journal  speaks  thus  of  the  remarks  of  Lincoln : 

"Let  no  one  omit  to  read  them.  They  are  searching,  scathing,  stunning. 
They  belong  to  what  some  one  h^g  graphicaUv  styled  the  tomahawking  species. " 


CHAPTER    Mil 

THE  CHAPwLZSTOX  DEBATE 

[The  Indiana  JmmrumL^  TmHamapnlia,  Septemh'^'  18581 

The  Messenger  of  the  American  Express  Company  who  c&me  over 
the  Terre  Haute  and  Alton  Road  vesterdav  fmnishes  us  with  the 
following  memoranda  of  the  movements  of  T.'-  :  -.'—  iz  .  I  rias  in 
Illinois: 

Sept.  15, 1S58 

Editoe  JoraxAi.:  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  is  at  Maitocn  today. 
Douglas  is  to  be  there  tonight.  Tomorrow  they  speak  at  Chaxie5t(». 
Each  is  to  be  accompanied  by  procesions  from  Mauoon.  taking  dif- 
ferent routes.  There  is  considerable  excitement  to  see  which  tHie  has 
the  largest  tomout.  The  "  Bowling  Green  Band  "  from  Terre  Haute 
is  ranployed  by  the  friends  of  Lincoln  to  head  their  proeessicHi. 

FOFETH  JOrST  DEBATE 

Ckarirttam,  Septewtber  18,  1858 


Kr.  LneoIn*s  Speech 

Mr.  Lincoln  took  the  stand  at  a  quarter  before  three,  and  was 
greeted  with  vociferous  and  protracted  ap][daQse:  after  which,  he  said: 

Ladies  and  GtnSemen :  It  wiU  be  very  difficult  for  an  audiaice  so 
large  as  this  to  hear  distinctly  what  a  speaker  says,  and  consequently 
it  is  important  that  as  profound  silence  be  preserved  as  posaUe. 

While  I  was  at  the  hotel  to-day,  an  eldeiiy  goitleman  eaDed  upm 
me  to  know  whether  I  was  really  in  favor  of  producing  a  perfect 
equality  between  the  negroes  and  white  people.  [Great  laughter.] 
While  I  had  not  proposed  to  myseK  on  this  oceaaon  to  say  mudi  oai 
that  subject,  yet  as  the  question  was  asked  me,  I  thou^t  I  would 
occupy  perhaps  five  minutes  in  saying  something  in  regard  to  it.  I 
will  say.  then,  that  I  am  not.  nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of  bringing 
about  in  any  way  the  social  and  poHtical  equality  of  the  white  and 
black  races:  [applause]  that  I  am  not,  nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of 
making  voters  or  jurors  of  negroes,  nor  of  qualifying  them  to  hold 
office,  nor  to  intermarry  with  white  people;  aiMl  I  will  say,  in  additkm 

a67 


268  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

to  this,  that  there  is  a  physical  difference  between  the  white  and  black 
races  which  I  believe  will  forever  forbid  the  two  races  living  together 
on  terms  of  social  and  political  equality.  And  inasmuch  as  they 
cannot  so  live,  while  they  do  remain  together  there  must  be  the  posi- 
tion of  superior  and  inferior,  and  I  as  much  as  any  other  man  am  in 
favor  of  having  the  superior  position  assigned  to  the  white  race. 

I  say  upon  this  occasion:  I  do  not  perceive  that  because  the  white 
man  is  to  have  the  superior  position  the  negro  should  be  denied  every- 
thing. I  do  not  understand  that  because  I  do  not  want  a  negro  woman 
for  a  slave  I  must  necessarily  want  her  for  a  wife.  [Cheers  and  laugh- 
ter.] My  understanding  is  that  I  can  just  let  her  alone.  I  am  now  in 
my  fiftieth  year,  and  I  certainly  never  have  had  a  black  woman  for 
either  a  slave  or  a  wife.  So  it  seems  to  me  quite  possible  for  us  to  get 
along  without  making  either  slaves  or  wives  of  negroes.  I  will  add  to 
this  that  I  have  never  seen,  to  my  knowledge,  a  man,  woman,  or  child 
who  was  in  favor  of  producing  a  perfect  equality,  social  and  political, 
between  negroes  and  white  men.  I  recollect  of  but  one  distinguished 
instance  that  I  ever  heard  of  so  frequently  as  to  be  entirely  satisfied 
of  its  correctness,  and  that  is  the  case  of  Judge  Douglas's  old  friend 
Colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson.     [Laughter  and  cheers.] 

I  will  also  add  to  the  remarks^  I  have  made  (for  I  am  not  going  to 
enter  at  large  upon  this  subject),  that  I  have  never  had  the  least 
apprehension  that  I  or  my  friends  would  marry  negroes  if  there  was  no 
law  to  keep  them  from  it;  [laughter]  but  as  Judge  Douglas  and  his 
friends  seem  to  be  in  great  apprehension  that  they  might,  if  there 
were  no  law  to  keep  them  from  it,  [roars  of  laughter]  I  give  him  the 
most  solemn  pledge  that  I  will  to  the  very  last  stand  by  the  law  of  this 
State,  which  forbids  the  marrying  of  white  people  with  negroes.  [Con- 
tinued laughter  and  applause.]  I  will  add  one  further  word,  which  is 
this :  that  I  do  not  understand  that*  there  is  any  place  where  an  alter- 
ation of  the  social  and  political  relations  of  the  negro  and  the  white 
man  can  be  made,^  except  in  the  State  Legislature, — not  in  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States;  and  as  I  do  not  really  apprehend  the 
approach  of  any  such  thing  myself,  and  as  Judge  Douglas  seems  to  be 
in  constant  horror  that  some  such  danger  is  rapidly  approaching,  I 
propose  as  the  best  means  to  prevent  it  that  the  Judge  be  kept  at 
home,  and  placed  in  the  State  Legislature  to  fight   the  measure. 

*^Inserts  "few"  before  "remarks." 

8 Omits  "that." 

'Reads:  "changed"  for  "made." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  269 

[Uproarious  laughter  and  applause.]  I  do  not  propose  dwelling  longer 
at  this  time  on  this  subject. 

When  Judge  Trumbull,  our  other  Senator  in  Congress,  returned  to 
Illinois  in  the  month  of  August,  he  made  a  speech  at  Chicago,  in  which 
he  made  what  may  be  called  a  charge  against  Judge  Douglas,  which  I 
understand  proved  to  be  very  offensive  to  him.  The  Judge  was  at 
that  time  out  upon  one  of  his  speaking  tours  through  the  country,  and 
when  the  news  of  it  reached  him,  as  I  am  informed,  he  denounced 
Judge  Trumbull  in  rather  harsh  terms  for  having  said  what  he  did  in 
regard  to  that  matter.  I  was  traveling  at  that  time,  and  speaking  at 
the  same  places  with  Judge  Douglas  on  subsequent  days;  and  when  I 
heard  of  what  Judge  Trumbull  had  said  of  Douglas,  and  what  Douglas 
had  said  back  again,  I  felt  that  I  was  in  a  position  where  I  could  not 
remam  entirely  silent  in  regard  to  the  matter.  Consequently,  upon 
two  or  three  occasions  I  alluded  to  it,  and  alluded-  to  it  in  no  other 
wise  than  to  say  that  in  regard  to  the  charge  brought  by  Trumbull 
against  Douglas,  I  personally  knew  nothing,  and  sought  to  say  nothing 
about  it ;  that  I  did  personally  know  Judge  Trumbull ;  that  I  believed 
him  to  be  a  man  of  veracity;  that  I  believed  him  to  be  a  man  of 
capacity  sufficient  to  know  very  well  whether  an  assertion  he  was 
making,  as  a  conclusion  drawn  from  a  set  of  facts,  was  true  or  false; 
and  as  a  conclusion  of  my  own  from  that,  I  stated  it  as  my  belief,  if 
Trumbull  should  ever  be  called  upon,  he  would  prove  everything  he 
had  said.     I  said  this  upon  two  or  three  occasions. 

Upon  a  subsequent  occasion,  Judge  Trumbull  spoke  again  before 
an  audience  at  Alton,  and  upon  that  occasion  not  only  repeated  his 
charge  against  Douglas,  but  arrayed  the  evidence  he  relied  upon  to 
substantiate  it.  This  speech  was  published  at  length;  and  subse- 
quently at  Jacksonville  Judge  Douglas  alluded  to  the  matter.  In  the 
course  of  his  speech,  and  near  the  close  of  it,  he  stated  in  regard  to 
myself  what  I  will  now  read :  "  Judge  Douglas  proceeded  to  remark 
that  he  should  not  hereafter  occupy  his  time  in  refuting  such  charges 
made  by  Trumbull,  but  that  Lincoln  having  indorsed  the  character 
of  Trumbull  for  veracity,  he  should  hold  him  (Lincoln)  responsible 
for  the  slanders. "  I  have  done  simply  what  I  have  told  you,  to 
subject  me  to  this  invitation  to  notice  the  charge.  I  now  wish  to  say 
that  it  had  not  originally  been  my  purpose  to  discuss  that  matter  at 
all.     But  inasmuch  as  it  seems  to  be  the  wish  of  Judge  Douglas  to 

•Inserts  "I"  before  "alluded." 


270  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

hold  me  responsible  for  it,  then  for  once  in  my  life  I  will  play  General 
Jackson,  and  to  the  just  extent  I  take  the  responsibility.  [Great 
applause  and  cries  of  "Good,  good,"     "Hurrah  for  Lincoln,"  etc.] 

I  wish  to  say  at  the  beginning  that  I  will  hand  to  the  reporters  that 
portion  of  Judge  Trumbull's  Alton  speech  which  was  devoted  to  this 
matter,  and  also  that  portion  of  Judge  Douglas's  speech  made  at  Jack- 
sonville in  answer  to  it.  I  shall  thereby  furnish  the  readers  of  this 
debate  with  the  complete  discussion  between  Trumbull  and  Douglas. 
I  cannot  now  read  them,  for  the  reason  that  it  would  take  half  of  my 
first  hour  to  do  so.  I  can  only  make  some  comments  upon  them. 
Trumbull's  charge  is  in  the  following  words:  "Now,  the  charge  is, 
that  there  was  a  plot  entered  into  to  have  a  Constitution  formed  for 
Kansas,  and  put  in  force,  without  giving  the  people  an  opportunity  to 
vote  upon  it,  and  that  Mr.  Douglas  was  in  the  plot. "  I  will  state, 
without  quoting  further,  for  all  will  have  an  opportunity  of  reading  it 
hereafter,  that  Judge  Trumbull  brings  forward  what  he  regards  as 
sufficient  evidence  to  substantiate  this  charge. 

It  will  be  perceived  Judge  Trumbull  shows  that  Senator  Bigler, 
upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  had  declared  there  had  been  a  conference 
among  the  senators,  in  which  conference  it  was  determined  to  have 
an  Enabling  Act  passed  for  the  people  of  Kansas  to  form  a  constitution 
under,  and  in  this  conference  it  was  agreed  among  them  that  it  was 
best  not  to  have  a  provision  for  submitting  the  constitution  to  a  vote 
of  the  people  after  it  should  be  formed.  He  then  brings  forward 
evidence  to  show,  and  showing,  as  he  deemed,^  that  Judge  Douglas 
reported  the  bill  back  to  the  Senate  with  that  clause  striken  out. 
He  then  shows  that  there  was  a  new  clause  inserted  into  the  bill, 
which  would  in  its  nature  prevent  a  reference  of  the  constitution  back 
for  a  vote  of  the  people, — if,  indeed,  upon  a  mere  silence  in  the  law, 
it  could  be  assumed  that  they  had  the  right  to  vote  upon  it.  These 
are  the  general  statements  that  he  has  made. 

I  propose  to  examine  the  points  in  Judge  Douglas's  speech  in  which 
he  attempts  to  answer  that  speech  of  Judge  Trumbull's.  When  you 
come  to  examine  Judge  Douglas's  speech,  you  will  find  that  the  first 
point  he  makes  is:  "Suppose  it  were  true  that  there  was  such  a 
change  in  the  bill,  and  that  I  struck  it  out, — is  that  a  proof  of  a  plot  to 
force  a  constitution  upon  them  against  their  will?"  His  striking  out 
such  a  provision,  if  there  was  such  a  one  in  the  bill,  he  argues,  does  not 

^Inserts  "it"  after  "deemed." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  271 

establish  the  proof  that  it  was  striken  out  for  the  purpose  of  robbing 
the  people  of  that  right.  I  would  say,  in  the  first  place,  that  that 
would  be  a  most  manifest  reason  for  it.  It  is  true,  as  Judge  Douglas 
states,  that  many  Territorial  bills  have  passed  without  having  such 
a  provision  in  them.  I  believe  it  is  true,  though  I  am  not  certain, 
that  in  some  instances,  constitutions  framed  under  such  bills  have 
been  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  with  the  law  silent  upon^  the 
subject;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  they  once  had  their  Enabling 
Acts  framed  with  an  express  provision  for  submitting  the  constitution 
to  be  framed,  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  and  then  that  it  was^  stricken 
out  when  Congress  did  not  mean  to  alter  the  effect  of  the  law. 

That  there  have  been  bills  which  never  had  the  provision  in,  I  do 
not  question;  but  when  was  that  provision  taken  out  of  one  that  it 
was  in?  More  especially  does  this  evidence  tend  to  prove  the  propo- 
sition that  Trumbull  advanced,  when  we  remember  that  that  provision 
was  stricken  out  of  the  bill  almost  simultaneously  with  the  time  that 
Bigler  says  there  was  a  conference  among  certain  senators,  and  in 
which  it  was  agreed  that  a  bill  should  be  passed  leaving  that  out. 
Judge  Douglas,  in  answering  Trumbull,  omits  to  attend  to  the  testi- 
mony of  Bigler,  that  there  was  a  meeting  in  which  it  was  agreed  they 
should  so  frame  the  bill  that  there  should  be  no  submission  of  the 
constitution  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  The  Judge  does  not  notice  this 
part  of  it.  If  you  take  this  as  one  piece  of  evidence,  and  then  ascer- 
tain that  simultaneously  Judge  Douglas  struck  out  a  provision  that 
did  require  it  to  be  submitted,  and  put  the  two  together,  I  think  it  will 
make  a  pretty  fair  show  of  proof  that  Judge  Douglas  did,  as  Trumbull 
says,  enter  into  a  plot  to  put  in  force  a  constitution  for  Kansas  without 
giving  the  people  any  opportunity  of  voting  upon  it. 

But  I  must  hurry  on.  The  next  proposition  that  Judge  Douglas 
puts  is  this :  "  But  upon  examination  it  turns  out  that  the  Toombs  bill 
never  did  contain  a  clause  requiring  the  constitution  to  be  submitted." 
This  is  a  mere  question  of  fact,  and  can  be  determined  by  evidence. 
I  only  want  to  ask  this  question :  Why  did  not  Judge  Douglas  say  that 
these  words  were  not  stricken  out  of  the  Toombs  bill,  or  this  bill  from 
which  it  is  alleged  the  provision  was  stricken  out, — a  bill  which  goes  by 
the  name  of  Toombs,  because  he  originally  brought  it  forward?  I  ask 
why,  if  the  Judge  wanted  to  make  a  direct  issue  with  Trumbull,  did  he 

iReads:  "on"  for  "upon." 
aReads:  "they  were"  for  "it  was." 


272  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

not  take  the  exact  proposition  Trumbull  made  in  his  speech,  and  say 
it-*-  was  not  stricken  out?  Trumbull  has  given  the  exact  words  that  he 
says  were  in  the  Toombs  bill,  and  he  alleges  that  when  the  bill  came 
back,  the}^  were  stricken  out.  Judge  Douglas  does  not  say  that  the 
words  which  Trumbull  says  were  stricken  out  were  not  so  stricken  out; 
but  he  says  there  was  no  provision  in  the  Toombs  bill  to  submit  the 
constitution  to  a  vote  of  the  people. 

We  see  at  once  that  he  is  merely  making  an  issue  upon  the  meaning 
of  the  words.  He  has  not  undertaken  to  say  that  Trumbull  tells  a  lie 
about  these  words  being  stricken  out;  but  he  is  really,  when  pushed  up 
to  it,  only  taking  an  issue  upon  the  meaning  of  the  words.  Now,  then, 
if  there  be  any  issue  upon  the  meaning  of  the  words,  or  if  there  be  upon 
the  question  of  fact  as  to  whether  these  words  were  stricken  out,  I 
have  before  me  what  I  suppose  to  be  a  genuine  copy  of  the  Toombs 
bill,  in  which  it  can  be  shown  that  the  words  Trumbull  says  were  in  it, 
were,  in  fact,  originally  there.  If  there  be  any  dispute  upon  the  fact,' 
I  have  got  the  documents  here  to  show  they  were  there.  If  there  be 
any  controversy  upon  the  sense  of  the  words, — whether  these  words 
which  were  stricken  out  really  constituted  a  provision  for  submitting 
the  matter  to  a  vote  of  the  people, — as  that  is  a  matter  of  argument, 
I  think  I  may  as  well  use  Trumbull's  own  argument.  He  says  that 
the  proposition  is  in  these  words : — 

"  That  the  following  propositions  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  offered  to  the 
said  Convention  of  the  people  of  Kansas  when  formed,  for  their  free  acceptance 
or  rejection;  which,  if  accepted  by  the  Convention  and  ratified  by  the  people  at 
the  election  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  shall  be  obligatory  upon  the 
United  States  and  the  said  State  of  Kansas." 

Now,  Trumbull  alleges  that  these  last  words  were  stricken  out  of  the 
bill  when  it  came  back,  and  he  says  this  was  a  provision  for  submitting 
the  constitution  to  a  vote  of  the  people;  and  his  argument  is  this: 
"Would  it  have  been  possible  to  ratify  the  land  propositions  at  the 
election  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  unless  such  an  election 
was  to  be  held?"  [Applause  and  laughter.]  This^  is  Trumbull's 
argument.  Now,  Judge  Douglas  does  not  meet  the  charge  at  all,  but 
he  stands  up  and  says  there  was  no  such  proposition  in  that  bill  for 
submitting  the  constitution,  to  be  framed,  to  a  vote  of  the  people. 

^Inserts  "that"  before  "it." 
aReads:  "That"  for  "This." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  273 

Trumbull  admits  that  the  language  is  not  a  direct  provision  for  sub- 
mitting it,  but  it  is  a  provision  necessarily  implied  from  another  pro- 
vision. He  asks  you  how  it  is  possible  to  ratify  the  land  proposition 
at  the  election  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  if  there  was  no 
election  to  be  held  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitution.  And  he  goes 
on  to  show  that  it  is  not  any  less  a  law  because  the  provision  is  put  in 
that  indirect  shape  than  it  would  be  if  it  was  put  directly.  But  I 
presume  I  have  said  enough  to  draw  attention  to  this  point,  and  I  pass 
it  by  also. 

Another  one  of  the  points  that  Judge  Douglas  makes  upon  Trumbull 
and  at  very  great  length,  is,  that  Trumbull,  while  the  bill  was  pending, 
said  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate  that  he  supposed  the  constitution  to  be 
made  would  have  to  be  submitted  to  the  people.  He  asks,  if  Trumbull 
thought  so  then,  what  ground  is  there  for  anybody  thinking  othei^wise 
now?-^  Fellow-citizens,  this  much  may  be  said  in  reply :  That  bill 
had  been  in  the  hands  of  a  party  to  which  Trumbull  did  not  belong. 
It  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  committee,  at  the  head  of  which  Judge 
Douglas  stood.  Trumbull  perhaps  had  a  printed  copy  of  the  original 
Toombs  bill.  I  have  not  the  evidence  on  that  point,  except  a  sort  of 
inference  I  draw  from  the  general  course  of  business  there.  What 
alterations,  or  what  provisions  in  the  way  of  altering,  were  going  on  in 
that 2  committee,  Trumbull  had  no  means  of  knowing,  until  the 
altered  bill  was  reported  back.  Soon  afterward,  when  it  was  reported 
back,  there  was  a  discussion  over  it,  and  perhaps  Trumbull  in  reading 
it  hastily  in  the  altered  form  did  not  perceive  all  the  bearings  of  the 
alterations.  He  was  hastily  borne  into  the  debate,  and  it  does  not 
follow  that  because  there  was  something  in  it  Trumbull  did  not  per- 
ceive, that  something  did  not  exist.  More  than  this,  is  it  true  that 
what  Trumbull  did  can  have  any  effect  on  what  Douglas  did?  [Ap- 
plause.] Suppose  Trumbull  had  been  in  the  plot  wath  these  other 
men,  would  that  let  Douglas  out  of  it?  [Applause  and  laughter.] 
Would  it  exonerate  Douglas  that  Trumbull  didn't  then  preceive 
that^  he  was  in  the  plot? 

He  also  asks  the  question :  Why  didn't  Trumbull  propose  to  amend 
the  bill,  if  he  thought  it  needed  any  amendment?  Why,  I  believe  that 
everything  Judge  Trumbull  had  proposed,  particularly  in  connection 

^ Reads  as  follows:  "He  asks,  if  Trumbull  thought  so,  what  reason  there  Is  now  for  any  one  to 
suppose  the  contrary." 

»Omits  "that."  'Omits  "that." 


274  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

with  this  question  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  since  he  had  been  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate,  had  been  promptly  voted  down  by  Judge  Douglas 
and  his  friends.  He  had  no  promise  that  an  amendment  offered  by 
him  to  anything  on  this  subject  would  receive  the  slightest  consider- 
ation. Judge  Trumbull  did  bring  to  the  notice  of  the  Senate  at  that 
time  the  fact  that  there  was  no  provision  for  submitting  the  constitu- 
tion about  to  be  made  for  the  people  of  Kansas,  to  a  vote  of  the  people. 
I  believe  I  may  venture  to  say  that  Judge  Douglas  made  some  reply 
to  this  speech  of  Judge  Trumbull's  but  he  never  noticed  that  part  of  it 
at  all.  And  so  the  thing  passed  by.  I  think,  then,  the  fact  that 
Judge  Trumbull  offered  no  amendment,  does  not  throw  much  blame 
upon  him;  and  if  it  did,  it  does  not  reach  the  question  of  fact  as  to 
what  Judge  Douglas  was  doing.  [Applause.]  I  repeat,  that  if  Trum- 
bull had  himself  been  in  the  plot,  it  would  not  at  all  relieve  the  others 
who  were  in  it  from  blame.  If  I  should  be  indicted  for  murder,  and 
upon  the  trial  it  should  be  discovered  that  I  had  been  implicated  in 
that  murder,  but  that  the  prosecuting  witness  was  guilty  too,  that 
would  not  at  all  touch  the  question  of  my  crime.  It  would  be  no 
relief  to  my  neck  that  they  discovered  this  other  man  who  charged 
the  crime  upon  me  to  be  guilty  too. 

Another  one  of  the  points  Judge  Douglas  makes  upon  Judge  Trum- 
bull is,  that  when  he  spoke  in  Chicago  he  made  his  charge  to  rest  upon 
the  fact  that  the  bill  had  the  provision  in  it  for  submitting  the  consti- 
tution to  a  vote  of  the  people  when  it  went  into  his  (Judge  Douglas's) 
hands,  that  it  was  missing  when  he  reported  it  to  the  Senate,  and  that 
in  a  public  speech  he  had  subsequently  said  the  alterations^  in  the 
bill  were^  made  while  it  was  in  committee,  and  that  they  were  made 
in  consultation  between  him  (Judge  Douglas)  and  Toombs.  And 
Judge  Douglas  goes  on  to  comment  upon  the  fact  of  Trumbull's 
adducing  in  his  Alton  speech  the  proposition  that  the  bill  not  only 
came  back  with  that  proposition  stricken  out,  but  with  another  clause 
and  another  provision  in  it,  saying  that  "  until  the  complete  execution 
of  this  Act  there  shall  be  no  election  in  said  Territory, " — which,  Trum- 
bull argued,  was  not  only  taking  the  provision  for  submitting  to  a 
vote  of  the  people,  out  of  the  bill,  but  was  adding  an  affirmative  one, 
in  that  it  prevented  the  people  from  exercising  the  right  under  a  bill 
that  was  merely  silent  on  the  question. 

•^ Reads:  "alteration"  for  "alterations." 
'Reads:  "was"  for  "were." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  275 

Now,  in  regard  to  what  he  says,  that  Trumbull  shifts  the  issue,  that 
he  shifts  his  ground, — and  I  believe  he  uses  the  term  that,  "  it  being 
proven  false,  he  has  changed  ground, " — I  call  upon  all  of  you,  when 
you  come  to  examine  that  portion  of  Trumbull's  speech  (for  it  will 
make  a  part  of  mine) ,  to  examine  whether  Trumbull  has  shifted  his 
ground  or  not.  I  say  he  did  not  shift  his  ground,  but  that  he  brought 
forward  his  original  charge  and  the  evidence  to  sustain  it  yet  more 
fully,  but  precisely  as  he  originally  made  it.  Then,  in  addition  there- 
to, he  brought  in  a  new  piece  of  evidence.  He  shifted  no  ground. 
He  brought  no  new  piece  of  evidence  inconsistent  with  his  former 
testimony;  but^he  brought  a  new  piece,  tending,  as  he  thought,  and 
as  I  think,  to  prove  his  proposition.  To  illustrate :  A  man  brings  an 
accusation  against  another,  and  on  trial  the  man  making  the  charge 
introduces  A  and  B  to  prove  the  accusation.  At  a  second  trial  he 
introduces  the  same  witnesses,  who  tell  the  same  story  as  before,  and 
a  third  witness,  who  tells  the  same  thing,  and  in  addition  gives  further 
testimony  corroborative  of  the  charge.  So  with  Trumbull.  There 
was  no  shifting  of  ground,  nor  inconsistency  of  testimony  between 
the  new  piece  of  evidence  and  what  he  originally  introduced. 

But  Judge  Douglas  says  that  he  himself  moved  to  strike  out  that 
last  provision  of  the  bill,  and  that  on  his  motion  it  was  stricken  out  and 
a  substitute  inserted.  That  I  presume  is  the  truth.  I  presume  it  is 
true  that  that  last  proposition  was  stricken  out  by  Judge  Douglas. 
Trumbull  has  not  said  it  was  not.  Trumbull  has  himself  said  that  it 
was  so  stricken  out.  He  says:  "I  am  speaking  of  the  bill  as  Judge 
Douglas  reported  it  back.  It  was  amended  somewhat  in  the  Senate 
before  it  passed,  but  I  am  speaking  of  it  as  he  brought  it  back. "  Now 
when  Judge  Douglas  parades  the  fact  that  the  provision  was  stricken 
out  of  the  bill  when  it  came  back,  he  asserts  nothing  contrary  to  what 
Trumbull  alleges.  Trumbull  has  only  said  that  he  originally  put  it  in 
— not  that  he  did  not  strike  it  out.  Trumbull  says  it  was  not  in  the 
bill  when  it  went  to  the  committee.  When  it  came  back  it  was  in,  and 
Judge  Douglas  said  the  alterations  were  made  by  him  in  consultation 
with  Toombs.  Trumbull  alleges,  therefore,  as  his  conclusion,  that 
Judge  Douglas  put  it  in. 

Then,  if  Douglas  wants  to  contradict  Trumbull  and  call  him  a  liar, 
let  him  say  he  did  not  put  it  in,  and  not  that  he  didn't  take  it  out 
again.     It  is  said  that  a  bear  is  sometimes  hard  enough  pushed  to 

iReads:  "and"  for  "but." 


276  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

drop  a  cub;  and  so  I  presume  it  was  in  this  case.  [Loud  applause.] 
I  presume  the  truth  is  that  Douglas  put  it  in,  and  afterward  took  it 
out.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  That,  I  take  it,  is  the  truth  about  it. 
Judge  Trumbull  says  one  thing,  Douglas  says  another  thing,  and  the 
two  don't  contradict  one  another  at  all.  The  question  is.  What  did 
"he  put  it  in  for?  In  the  first  place,  what  did  he  take  the  other  pro- 
vision out  of  the  bill  for, — the  provision  which  Trumbull  argued  was 
necessary  for  submitting  the  constitution  to  a  vote  of  the  people? 
What  did  he  take  that  out  for;  and,  having  taken  it  out,  what  did  he 
put  this  in  for?  I  say  that  in  the  run  of  things,  it  is  not  unlikely  forces 
conspired  to  render  it  vastly  expedient  for  Judge  Douglas  to  take  that 
latter  clause  out  again.  The  question  that  Trumbull  has  made  is  that 
Judge  Douglas  put  it  in ;  and  he  don't  meet  Trumbull  at  all  unless  he 
denies  that. 

In  the  clause  of  Judge  Douglas's  speech  upon  this  subject  he  uses 
this  language  toward  Judge  Trumbull.  He  says:  ''He  forges  his 
evidence  from  beginning  to  end;  and  by  falsifying  the  record,  he  en- 
deavors to  bolster  up  his  false  charge.  "  Well,  that  is  a  pretty  serious 
statement.  Trumbull  "forges  his  evidence  from  beginning  to  end. " 
Now,  upon  my  own  authority  I  say  that  it  is  not  true.  [Great  cheers 
and  laughter.]  What  is  a  forgery?  Consider  the  evidence  that  Trum- 
bull has  brought  forward.  When  you  come  to  read  the  speech,  as  you 
will  be  able  to,  examine  whether  the  evidence  is  a  forgery  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  He  had  the  bill  or  document  in  his  hand  like  that  [hold- 
ing up  a  paper].  He  says  that  is  a  copy  of  the  Toombs  bill, — the 
amendment  offered  by  Toombs.  He  says  that  is  a  copy  of  the  bill  as 
it  was  introduced  and  went  into  Judge  Douglas's  hands.  Now,  does 
Judge  Douglas  say  that  is  forgery?-*-  That  is  one  thing  Trumbull 
brought  forward.  Judge  Douglas  says  he  forged  it  from  beginning 
to  end!  That  is  the  "beginning"  we  will  say.  Does  Douglas  say 
that  is  a  forgery?  Let  him  say  it  to-day,  and  we  will  have  a  subse- 
quent examination  upon  this  subject.  [Loud  applause.]  TrumbuU 
then  holds  up  another  document  like  this,  and  says  that  is  an  exact 
copy  of  the  bill  as  it  came  back  in  the  amended  form  out  of  Judge 
Douglas's  hands.  Does  Judge  Douglas  say  that^  that  is  a  forgery? 
Does  he  say  it  in  his  general  sweeping  charge?  Does  he  say  so  now? 
If  he  does  not,  then  take  this  Toombs  bill  and  the  bill  in  the  amended 

'Inserts  "a"  before  "forgery.". 
« Omits  "that." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  277 

form,  and  it  only  needs  to  compare  them  to  see-"-  the  provision  is  in  the 
one  and  not^  in  the  other;  it  leaves  the  inference  inevitable  that  it 
was  taken  out.     [Applause.] 

But  while  I  am  dealing  with  this  question,  let  us  see  what  Trum- 
bull's other  evidence  is.  One  other  piece  of  evidence  I  will  read. 
Trumbull  says  there  are  in  this  original  Toombs  bill  these  words: 
"That  the  following  propositions  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  offered 
to  the  said  Convention  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  when  formed,  for  their 
free  acceptance  or  rejection;  which,  if  accepted  by  the  Convention  and 
ratified  by  the  people  at  the  election  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitu- 
tion, shall  be  obligatory  upon  the  United  States  and  the  said  State  of 
Kansas. "  Now,  if  it  is  said  that  this  is  a  forgery,  we  will  open  the 
paper  here  and  see  whether  it  is  or  not.  Again,  Trumbull  says,  as  he 
goes  along,  that  Mr.  Bigler  made  the  following  statement  in  his  place 
in  the  Senate,  Dec.  9,  1857:— 

"  I  was  present  when  that  subject  was  discussed  by  senators  before  the  bill 
was  introduced,  and  the  question  was  raised  and  discussed,  whether  the  con- 
stitution when  formed,  should  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  It  was 
held  by  those  most  intelUgent  on  the  subject  that  in  view  of  all  the  difficulties 
surrounding  that  Territory,  the  danger  of  any  experiment  at  that  time  of  a 
popular  vote,  it  would  be  better  there  should  be  no  such  provision  in  the 
Toombs  bill ;  and  it  was  my  understanding,  in  all  the  intercourse  I  had,  that  the 
Convention  would  make  a  constitution,  and  send  it  here,  without  submitting 
it  to  the  popular  vote. " 

Then  Trumbull  follows  on : — 

"In  speaking  of  this  meeting  again  on  the  21st  of  December,  1857  [Con- 
gressional Globe;  same  vol.  page  113],  Senator  Bigler  said: — 

" '  Nothing  was  further  from  my  mind  than  to  allude  to  any  social  or  confi- 
dential interview.  The  meeting  was  not  of  that  character.  Indeed,  it  was 
semi-official,  and  called  to  promote  the  public  good.  My  recollection  was  clear 
that  I  left  the  conference  under  the  impression  that  it  had  been  deemed  best  to 
adopt  measures  to  admit  Kansas  as  a  State  through  the  agency  of  one  popular 
election,  and  that  for  delegates  to  this  Convention.  This  impression  was 
stronger  because  I  thought  the  spirit  of  the  bill  infringed  upon  the  doctrine  of 
non-intervention,  to  which  1  had  great  aversion;  but  with  the  hope  of  accom- 
plishing a  great  good,  and  as  no  movement  had  been  made  in  that  direction  in 
the  Territory,  I  waived  this  objection,  and  concluded  to  support  the  measure. 
I  have  a  few  items  of  testimony  as  to  the  correctness  of  these  impressions,  and 
with  their  submission  I  shall  be  content.  I  have  before  me  the  bill  reported  by 
the  senator  from  lUinois  on  the  7th  of  March,  1856,  providing  for  the  admission 
of  Kansas  as  a  State,  the  third  section  of  which  reads  as  follows: — 

^Inserts  "that"  after  "see." 
^Inserts  "it  is"  before  "not." 

—10 


278  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

"  '  "That  the  following  propositions  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  offered 
to  the  said  Convention  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  when  formed,  for  their  free 
acceptance  or  rejection;  which,  if  accepted  by  the  Convention  and  ratified  by 
the  people  at  the  election  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  shall  be  obUga- 
tory  upon  the  United  States  and  the  said  State  of  Kansas. " 

"  '  The  bill  read  in  his^  place  by  the  senator  from  Georgia  on  the  25th  of 
June,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Territories,  contained  the  same  section 
word  for  word.  Both  these  bills  were  under  consideration  at  the  conference 
referred  to ;  but,  sir,  when  the  senator  from  IlUnois  reported  the  Toombs  bill  to 
the  Senate  with  amendments,  the  next  morning,  it  did  not  contain  that  por- 
tion of  the  third  section  which  indicated  to  the  Convention  that  the  Constitu- 
tion should  be  approved  by  the  people.  The  words,  "  and  ratified  by  the  people 
at  the  election,  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,"  had  been  stricken  out.'  " 

Now,  these  things  Trumbull  says  were  stated  by  Bigler  upon  the 
floor  of  the  Senate  on  certam  days,  and  that  they  are  recorded  in  the 
Congressional  Globe  on  certain  pages.  Does  Judge  Douglas  say  this  is 
a  forgery?  Does  he  say  there  is  no  such  thing  in  the  Congressional 
Globe?  What  does  he  mean  when  he  says  Judge  Trumbull  forges  his 
evidence  from  beginning  to  end?  So  again  he  says  in  another  place, 
that  Judge  Douglas,  in  his  speech,  Dec.  9,  1857  (Congressional  Globe, 
part  1,  page  15),  stated: — 

"That  during  the  last  session  of  Congress  I  [Mr.  Douglas]  reported  a  bill 
from  the  Committee  on  Territories,  to  authorize  the  people  of  Kansas  to  assem- 
ble and  form  a  constitution  for  themselves.  Subsequently  the  senator  from 
Georgia  [Mr.  Toombs]  brought  forward  a  substitute  for  my  bill,  which,  after 
having  been  modified  by  him  and  myself  in  consultation,  was  passed  by  the 
Senate. " 

Now,  Trumbull  says  this*  is  a  quotation  from  a  speech  of  Douglas, 
and  is  recorded  in  the  Congressional  Globe.  Is  it  a  forgery?  Is  it 
there  or  not?  It  may  not  be  there,  but  I  want  the  Judge  to  take  these 
pieces  of  evidence,  and  distinctly  say  they  are  forgeries  if  he  dare  do  it. 

A   Voice. — He  will. 

Mr.  Lincoln. — Well,  sir,  you  had  better  not  commit  him.     [Cheers 

and  laughter.]     He  gives  other  quotations, — another  from  Judge 

Douglas.     He  says : — 

"  I  will  ask  the  senator  to  show  me  an  intimation,  from  any  one  member  of 
the  Senate,  in  the  whole  debate  on  the  Toombs  bill,  and  in  the  Union,  from  any 
quarter,  that  the  constitution  was  not  to  be  submitted  to  the  people.  I  will 
venture  to  say  that  on  all  sides  of  the  chamber  it  was  so  understood  at  the 
time.  If  the  opponents  of  the  bill  had  understood  it  was  not,  they  would  hav  3 
made  the  point  on  it ;  and  if  they  had  made  it,  we  should  certainly  have  yielde  J 

1  Omits  "his." 

«R€ads:  "that"  for  "this." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  279 

to  it,  and  put  in  the  clause.  That  is  a  discovery  made  since  the  President 
found  out  that  it  was  not  safe  to  take  it  for  granted  that  that  would  be  done, 
which  ought  in  fairness  to  have  been  done. " 

Judge  Trumbull  says  Douglas  made  that  speech,  and  it  is  recorded. 
Does  Judge  Douglas  say  it  is  a  forgery,  and  was  not  true?  Trumbull 
says  somewhere,  and  I  propose  to  skip  it,  but  it  will  be  found  by  any 
one  who  will  read  this  debate,  that  he  did  distinctly  bring  it  to  the 
notice  of  those  who  were  engineering  the  bill,  that  it  lacked  that 
provision;  and  then  he  goes  on  to  give  another  quotation  from  Judge 
Douglas,  where  Judge  Tiiimbull  uses  this  language: — 

"Judge  Douglas,  however,  on  the  same  day  and  in  the  same  debate,  prob- 
ably recollecting  or  being  reminded  of  the  fact  that  I  had  objected  to  the 
Toombs  bill  when  pending,  that  it  did  not  provide  for  a  submission  of  the 
Constitution  to  the  people,  made  another  statement  which  is  to  be  found  in  the 
same  volume  of  the  Globe,  page  22,  in  which  he  says : — 

"  '  That  the  bill  was  silent  on  this  subject  was  true,  and  my  attention  was 
called  to  that  about  the  time  it  was  passed;  and  I  took  the  fair  construction  to 
be,  that  powers  not  delegated,  were  reserved,  and  that  of  course  the  consti- 
tution would  be  submitted  to  the  people. ' 

"  Whether  this  statement  is  consistent  with  the  statement  just  before  made, 
that  had  the  point  been  made  it  would  have  been  yielded  to,  or  that  it  was  a 
new  discovery,  you  will  determine. " 

So  I  say.  I  do  not  know  whether  Judge  Douglas  will  dispute  this, 
and  yet  maintain  his  position  that  Trumbull's  evidence  "  was  forged 
from  beginning  to  end. "  I  will  remark  that  I  have  not  got  these  Con- 
gressional Globes  with  me.  They  are  large  books,  and  difficult  to  carry 
about,  and  if  Judge  Douglas  shall  say  that  on  these  points  where  Trum- 
bull has  quoted  from  them  there  are  no  such  passages  there,  I  shall  not 
be  able  to  prove  they  are  there  upon  this  occasion,  but  I  will  have 
another  chance.  Whenever  he  points  out  the  forgery  and  says,  "  I 
declare  that  this  particular  thing  which  Trumbull  has  uttered  is  not  to 
be  found  where  he  says  it  is, "  then  my  attention  will  be  drawn  to  that, 
and  I  wiU  arm  myself  for  the  contest, — stating  now  that  I  have  not 
the  slightest  doubt  on  earth  that  I  will  find  every  quotation  just  where 
Trumbull  says  it  is. 

Then  the  question  is.  How  can  Douglas  call  that  a  forgery?  How 
can  he  make  out  that  it  is  a  forgery?  What  is  a  forgery?  It  is  the 
bringing  forward  something  in  writing  or  in  print  purporting  to  be  of 
certain  effect  when  it  is  altogether  untrue.  If  you  come  forward  with 
my  note  for  one  hundred  dollars  when  I  have  never  given  such  a  note, 
there  is  a  forgery.     If  you  come  forward  with  a  letter  purporting  to 


280  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

be  written  by-i'  me  which  I  never  wrote,  there  is  another  forgery.  If 
5'ou  produce  anything  in  writing  or  ins  print  saying  it  is  so  and  so,  the 
document  not  being  genuine,  a  forgery  has  been  committed.  How  do 
you  make  this  a  forgery  when  every  piece  of  the  evidence  is  genuine? 
If  Judge  Douglas  does  say  these  documents  and  quotations  are  false 
and  forged,  he  has  a  full  right  to  do  so;  but  until  he  does  it  specifically, 
we  don't  know  how  to  get  at  him.  If  he  does  say  they  are  false  and 
forged,  I  will  then  look  further  into  it,  and  I  presume  I  can  procure  the 
certificates  of  the  proper  officers  that  they  are  genuine  copies.  I  have 
no  doubt  each  of  these  extracts  will  be  found  exactly  where  Trumbull 
says  it  is. 

Then  I  leave  it  to  you  if  Judge  Douglas,  in  making  his  sweeping 
charge  that  Judge  Trumbull's  evidence  is  forged  from  beginning  to 
end,  at  all  meets  the  case, — if  that  is  the  way  to  get  at  the  facts.  I 
repeat  again,  if  he  will  point  out  which  one  is  a  forgery,  I  will  carefully 
examine  it,  and  if  it  proves  that  any  one  of  them  is  really  a  forgery,  it 
will  not  be  me  who  will  hold  to  it  any  longer.  I  have  always  wanted 
to  deal  with  every  one  I  meet,  candidly  and  honestly.  If  I  have 
made  any  assertion  not  warranted  by  facts,  and  it  is  pointed  out  to 
me,  I  will  withdraw  it  cheerfully.  But  I  do  not  choose  to  see  Judge 
Trumbull  calumniated,  and  the  evidence  he  has  brought  forward 
branded  in  general  terms,  "  a  forgery  from  beginning  to  end.  "  This^ 
is  not  the  legal  way  of  meeting  a  charge,  and  I  submit  to  all  intelligent 
persons,  both  friends  of  Judge  Douglas  and  of  myself,  whether  it  is. 

Lincoln. — Now,  coming  back — how  much  time  have  I  left? 

The  Moderator. — Three  minutes. 

The  point  upon  Judge  Douglas  is  this.  The  bill  that  went  into  his 
hands  had  the  provisions  in  it  for  a  submission  of  the  constitution  to 
the  people;  and  I  say  its  language  amounts  to  an  express  provision  for 
a  submission,  and  that  he  took  the  provision  out.  He  says  it  was 
known  that  the  bill  was  silent  in  this  particular;  but  I  say,  Judge 
Douglas,  it  was  not  silent  when  you  got  it.  [Great  applause.]  It  was 
vocal  with  the  declaration,  when  you  got  it,  for  a  submission  of  the 
constitution  to  the  people.  And  now,  my  direct  question  to  Judge 
Douglas  is,  to  answer  why,  if  he  deemed  the  bill  silent  on  this  point, 
he  found  it  necessary  to  strike  out  those  particular  harmless  words. 

1  Reads:  "from"  for  "by." 

aOmits"in." 

'Reads:  "That"  for  "This." 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  281 

If  he  had  found  the  bill  silent  and  without  this  provision,  he  might 
say  what  he  does  now.  If  he  supposes^  it  was  implied  that  the  con- 
stitution would  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  how  could  these 
two  lines  so  incumber  the  statute  as  to  make  it  necessary  to  strike 
them  out?  How  could  he  infer  that  a  submission  was  still  implied, 
after  its  express  provision  had  been  striken  from  the  bill?  I  find  the 
bill  vocal  with  the  provision,  while  he  silenced  it.  He  took  it  out,  and 
although  he  took  out  the  provision  preventing  a  submission  to  a  vote 
of  the  people,  I  ask.  Why  did  you  first  put  it  in?  I  ask  him  whether 
he  took  the  original  provision  out,  which  Trumbull  alleges  was  in  the 
bill?  If  he  admits  that  he  did  take  it,  /  ask  him  what  he  did  it  for? 
It  looks  to  us  as  if  he  had  altered  the  bill.  If  it  looks  differently  to 
him, — if  he  has  a  different  reason  for  his  action  than^  the  one  we 
assign  him — he  can  tell  it.  I  insist  upon  knowing  why  he  made  the 
bill  silent  upon  that  point  when  it  was  vocal  before  he  put  his  hands 
upon  it. 

I  was  told,  before  my  last  paragraph,  that  my  time  was  within  three 
minutes  of  being  out.  I  presume  it  is  expired  now;  I  therefore  close. 
[Three  tremendous  cheers  were  given  as  Mr.  Lincoln  retired.] 


Senator  Douglas's  Reply 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  I  had  supposed  that  we  assembled  here  to- 
day for  the  purpose  of  a  joint  discussion  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
myself  upon  the  political  questions  that  now  agitate  the  whole  country. 
The  rule  of  such  discussions  is,  that  the  opening  speaker  shall  touch 
upon  all  the  points  he  intends  to  discuss,  in  order  that  his  opponent, 
in  reply,  shall  have  the  opportunity  of  answering  them.  Let  me  ask 
you  what  questions  of  public  policy,  relating  to  the  welfare  of  this 
State  or  the  Union,  has  Mr.  Lincoln  discussed  before  you?  Mr.  Lin- 
coln simply  contented  himself  at  the  outset  by  saying  that  he  was  not 
in  favor  of  social  and  political  equality  between  the  white  man  and 
the  negro,  and  did  not  desire  the  law  so  changed  as  to  make  the  latter 
voters  or  eligible  to  office.  I  am  glad  that  I  have  at  last  succeeded  in 
getting  an  answer  out  of  him  upon  this  question  of  negro  citizenship 
and  eligibility  to  office,  for  I  have  been  trying  to  bring  him  to  the 
point  on  it  ever  since  this  canvass  commenced. 

I  will  now  call  your  attention  to  the  question  which  Mr.  Lincoln  has 

iReads:  "supposed"  for  "supposes." 
2Reads:  "from"  for  "than." 


282  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

occupied  his  entire  time  in  discussing.  He  spent  his  whole  hour  in 
retaihng  a  charge  made  by  Senator  Trumbull  against  me.  The  cir- 
cumstances out  of  which  that  charge  was  manufactured  occurred  prior 
to  the  last  Presidential  election,  over  two  years  ago.  If  the  charge 
was  true,  why  did  not  Trumbull  make  it  in  1856,  when  I  was  discus- 
sing the  question3  of  that  day  all  over  this  State  with  Lincoln  and  him, 
and  when  it  was  pertinent  to  the  then  issue?  He  was  then  as  silent  as 
the  grave  on  the  subject.  If  that  charge  was  true,  the  time  to  have 
brought  it  forward  was  the  canvass  of  1856  the  year  when  the  Toombs 
bill  passed  the  Senate.  When  the  facts  were  fresh  in  the  public  mind, 
when  the  Kansas  question  was  the  paramount  question  of  the  day,  and 
when  such  a  charge  would  have  had  a  material  bearing  on  the  election, 
why  did  he  and  Lincoln  remain  silent  then,  knowing  that  such  a 
charge  could  be  made  and  proven  if  true?  Were  they  not  false  to 
you  and  false  to  the  country  in  going  through  that  entire  campaign, 
concealing  their  knowledge  of  this  enormous  conspiracy  which,  Mr. 
Trumbull  says,  he  then  knew  and  would  not  tell?     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  intimates,  in  his  speech,  a  good  reason  why  Mr.  Trum- 
bull would  not  tell,  for  he  says  that  it  might  be  true,  as  I  proved  that  it 
was  at  Jacksonville,  that  Trumbull  was  also  in  the  plot,  yet  that  the 
fact  of  Trumbull's  being  in  the  plot  would  not  in  any  way  relieve  me. 
He  illustrates  this  argument  by  supposing  himself  on  trial  for  murder, 
and  says  that  it  would  be  no  extenuating  circumstance  if,  on  his  trial, 
another  man  was  found  to  be  a  party  to  his  crime.  Well,  if  Trumbull 
was  in  the  plot,  and  concealed  it  in  order  to  escape  the  odium  which 
would  have  fallen  upon  himself,  I  ask  you  whether  you  can  believe  him 
now,  when  he  turns  State's  evidence,  and  avows  his  own  infamy  in 
order  to  implicate  me.  ["He  is  a  liar  and  a  traitor.  We  couldn't 
believe  Lyman  Trumbull  under  oath, "  etc.]  I  am  amazed  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  should  now  come  forward  and  indorse  that  charge,  occupying 
his  whole  hour  in  reading  Mr.  TrumbuU's  speech  in  support  of  it. 
Why,  I  ask,  does  not  Mr.  Lincoln  make  a  speech  of  his  own  instead  of 
taking  up  his  time  reading  Trumbull's  speech  at  Alton?  [Cheers.] 
I  supposed  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  capable  of  making  a  public  speech 
on  his  own  account,  or  I  should  not  have  accepted  the  banter  from 
him  for  a  joint  discussion.  [Cheers  and  voices:  "How  about  the 
charges?  "]  Do  not  trouble  yourselves,  I  am  going  to  make  my  speech 
in  my  own  way,  and  I  trust,  as  the  Democrats  listened  patiently  and 
respectfully  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  his  friends  will  not  interrupt  me 
when  I  am  answering  him. 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  283 

When  Mr.  Trumbull  returned  from  the  East,  the  first  thing  he  did 
when  he  landed  at  Chicago  was  to  make  a  speech  wholly  devoted  to 
assaults  upon  my  public  character  and  public  action.  Up  to  that  time 
I  had  never  alluded  to  his  course  in  Congress,  or  to  him  directly  or 
indirectly,  and  hence  his  assaults  upon  me  were  entirely  without  provo- 
cation and  without  excuse.  Since  then  he  has  been  traveling  from  one 
end  of  the  State  to  the  other,  repeating  his  vile  charge.  I  propose  now 
to  read  it  in  his  own  language : — 

"Now,  fellow-citizens,  I  make  the  distinct  charge  that  there  was  a  precon- 
certed arrangement  and  plot  entered  into  by  the  very  men  who  now  claim 
credit  for  opposing  a  constitution  formed  and  put  in  force  without  giving  the 
people  any  opportunity  to  pass  upon  it.  This,  my  friends,  is  a  serious  charge, 
but  I  charge  it  to-night  that  the  very  men  who  traverse  the  country  under 
banners  proclaiming  popular  sovereignty,  by  design  concocted  a  bill  on  pur- 
pose to  force  a  constitution  upon  that  people.  " 

In  answer  to  some  one  in  the  crowd  who  asked  him  a  question 
Trumbull  said : — 

"And  you  want  to  satisfy  yourself  that  he  was  in  the  plot  to  force  a  consti- 
tution upon  that  people?  I  will  satisfy  you.  I  will  cram  the  truth  down  any 
honest  man's  throat  until  he  cannot  deny  it.  And  to  the  man  who  does  deny 
it,  I  will  cram  the  lie  down  his  throat  until  he  shall  cry  enough.  [Voices, 
"shameful"  "that's  decency  for  you."] 

"  It  is  preposterous;  it  is  the  most  damnable  effrontery  that  man  ever  put  on 
to  conceal  a  scheme  to  defraud  and  cheat  the  people  out  of  their  rights,  and 
then  claim  credit  for  it." 

That  is  the  polite  language  Senator  Trumbull  applied  to  me,  his 
colleague,  when  I  was  two  hundred  miles  off  ["That's  like  him."] 
Why  did  he  not  speak  out  as  boldly  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
and  cram  the  lie  down  my  throat  when  I  denied  the  charge,  first  made 
by  Bigler,  and  made  him  take  it  back?  You  all  recollect  how  Bigler 
assaulted  me  when  I  was  engaged  in  a  hand-to-hand  fight,  resisting  a 
scheme  to  force  a  constitution  on  the  people  of  Kansas  against  their 
will.  He  then  attacked  me  with  this  charge;  but  I  proved  its  utter 
falsity,  nailed  the  slander  to  the  counter,  and  made  him  take  the  back 
track.  There  is  not  an  honest  man  in  America  who  read  that  debate 
who  will  pretend  that  the  charge  is  true.  ["  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "] 
Trumbull  was  then  present  in  the  Senate,  face  to  face  to  me;  and  why 
did  he  not  then  rise  and  repeat  the  charge,  and  say  he  would  cram  the 
lie  down  my  throat?  ["  He  was  afraid. "]  I  tell  you  that  Trumbull 
then  knew  it  was  a  lie.     He  knew  that  Toombs  denied  that  there  ever 


284  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

was  a  clause  in  the  bill  he  brought  forward,  calling  for  and  requiring 
a  submission  of  the  Kansas  Constitution  to  the  people. 

I  will  tell  you  what  the  facts  of  the  case  were.  I  introduced  a  bill  to 
authorize  the  people  of  Kansas  to  form  a  constitution,  and  come  into 
the  Union  as  a  State,  whenever  they  should  have  the  requisite  popula- 
tion for  a  member  of  Congress,  and  Mr.  Toombs  proposed  a  substitute, 
authorizing  the  people  of  Kansas,  with  their  then  population  of  only 
25,000  to  form  a  Constitution,  and  come  in  at  once.  The  question  at 
issue  was,  whether  we  would  admit  Kansas  with  a  population  of  25,000 
or  make  her  wait  until  she  had  the  ratio  entitling  her  to  a  representa- 
tive in  Congress,  which  was  93,420.  That  was  the  point  of  dispute  in 
the  Committee  of  Territories,  to  which  both  my  bill  and  Mr.  Toombs's 
substitute  had  been  referred.  I  was  overruled  by  a  majority  of  the 
committee,  my  proposition  rejected,  and  Mr.  Toombs's  proposition  to 
admit  Kansas  then,  with  her  population  of  25,000,  adopted.  Accord- 
ingly, a  bill  to  carry  out  his  idea  of  immediate  admission  was  reported 
as  a  substitute  for  mine;  the  only  points  at  issue  being,  as  I  have 
already  said,  the  question  of  population,  and  the  adoption  of  safe- 
guards against  frauds  at  the  election. 

Tmmbull  knew  this, — the  whole  Senate  knew  it, — and  hence  he 
was  silent  at  that  time.  He  waited  until  I  became  engaged  in  this 
canvass,  and  finding  that  I  was  showing  up  Lincoln's  Abolitionism  and 
negro  equality  doctrines,  [cheers]  that  I  was  driving  Lincoln  to  the 
wall,  and  white  men  would  not  support  his  rank  Abolitionism,  he  came 
back  from  the  East  and  tnamped  up  a  system  of  charges  against  me, 
hoping  that  I  would  be  compelled  to  occupy  my  entire  time  in  defend- 
ing myself,  so  that  I  would  not  be  able  to  show  up  the  enormity  of  the 
principles  of  the  Abolitionists.  Now,  the  only  reason,  and  the  true 
reason,  why  Mr.  Lincoln  has  occupied  the  whole  of  his  first  hour  in  this 
issue  between  Trumbull  and  myself,  is,  to  conceal  from  this  vast 
audience  the  real  questions  which  divide  the  two  great  parties. 
[''That's  it;"  and  cheers.] 

I  am  not  going  to  allow  them  to  waste  much  of  my  time  with  these 
personal  matters.  I  have  lived  in  this  State  twenty-five  years,  most  of 
that  time  have  been  in  public  life,  and  my  record  is  open  to  you  all. 
If  that  record  is  not  enough  to  vindicate  me  from  these  petty,  mali- 
cious assaults,  I  despise  ever  to  be  elected  to  office  by  slandering  my 
opponents  and  traducing  other  men.  [Cheers.]  Mr.  Lincoln  asks 
you  to  elect  him  to  the  United  States  Senate  to-day  solely  because  he 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  285 

and  Trumbull  can  slander  me.  Has  he  given  any  other  reason? 
["  No,  no.  "]  Has  he  avowed  what  he  was  desirous  to  do  in  Congress 
on  any  one  question?  He  desires  to  ride  into  office,  not  upon  his  own 
merits,  not  upon  the  merits  and  soundness  of  his  principles;  but  upon 
his  success  in  fastening  a  stale  old  slander  upon  me.  ["That's  the 
truth.     Hear,  hear. "] 

I  wish  you  to  bear  in  mind  that  up  to  the  time  of  the  introduction  of 
the  Toombs  bill,  and  after  its  introduction,  there  had  never  been  an 
Act  of  Congress  for  the  admission  of  a  new  State  which  contained  a 
clause  requiring  its  constitution  to  be  submitted  to  the  people.  The 
general  rule  made  the  law  silent  on  the  subject,  taking  it  for  granted 
that  the  people  would  demand  and  compel  a  popular  vote  on  the  rati- 
fication of  their  constitution.  Such  was  the  general  rule  under  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  Madison,  Jackson,  and  Polk,  under  the  Whig  Presi- 
dents and  the  Democratic  Presidents,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Government  down,  and  nobody  dreamed  that  an  effort  would  ever  be 
made  to  abuse  the  power  thus  confided  to  the  people  of  a  Territory. 
For  this  reason  our  attention  was  not  called  to  the  fact  of  whether 
there  was  or  was  not  a  clause  in  the  Toombs  bill  compelling  submission 
but  it  was  taken  for  granted  that  the  constitution  would  be  submitted 
to  the  people  whether  the  law  compelled  it  or  not. 

Now,  I  will  read  from  the  report ■'•  by  me  as  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Territories  at  the  time  I  reported  back  the  Toombs  substi- 
tute to  the  Senate.  It  contained  several  things  which  I  had  voted 
against  in  committee,  but  had  been  overruled  by  a  majority  of  the 
members,  and  it  was  my  duty  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  to  report, 
the  bill  back  as  it  was  agreed  upon  by  them.  The  main  point  upon 
which  I  had  been  overruled  was  the  question  of  population.  In  my 
report  accompanjdng  the  Toombs  bill,  I  said: — 

"  In  the  opinion  of  your  Committee,  whenever  a  constitution  shall  be  formed 
in  any  Territory',  pre paraton."  to  its  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  justice,, 
the  genius  of  our  institutions,  the  whole  theorv'  of  our  republican  system,  im- 
perativelj'  demand  that  the  voice  of  the  people  shall  be  fairly  expressed,  and 
their  will  embodied  in  that  fundamental  law,  without  fraud,  or  violence,  or 
intimidation,  or  any  other  improper  or  unlawful  influence,  and  subject  to  no 
other  restrictions  than  those  imposed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States."  [Cheers.] 

There  you  find  that  we  took  it  for  granted  that  the  constitution  was 

*  Inserts  "made"  after  "report." 


286  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

to  be  submitted  to  the  people,  whether  the  bill  was  silent  on  the  sub- 
ject or  not.  Suppose  I  had  reported  it  so,  following  the  example  of 
Washington,  Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  Adams,  Jackson, 
Van  Buren,  Harrison,  Tyler,  Polk,  Taylor,  Fillmore,  and  Pierce,  would 
that  fact  have  been  evidence  of  a  conspiracy  to  force  a  constitution 
upon  the  people  of  Kansas  against  their  will?  [A  unanimous  "  No. "] 
If  the  charge  which  Mr.  Lincoln  makes  be  true  against  me,  it  is  true 
against  Zachary  Taylor,  Millard  Fillmore,  and  every  Whig  President, 
as  well  as  every  Democratic  President,  and  against  Henry  Clay,  who 
in  the  Senate  or  House,  for  forty  years  advocated  bills  similar  to  the 
one  I  reported,  no  one  of  them  containing  a  clause  compelling  the 
submission  of  the  constitution  to  the  people.  Are  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
Mr.  TiiimbuU  prepared  to  charge  upon  all  those  eminent  men  from  the 
beginning  of  the  Government  down  to  the  present  day,  that  the 
absence  of  a  provision  compelling  submission,  in  the  various  bills 
passed  by  them,  authorizing  the  people  of  Territories  to  form  State 
constitutions,  is  evidence  of  a  corrupt  design  on  their  part  to  force  a 
constitution  upon  an  unwilling  people?  ["We'll  skin  them  if  they 
dare  to. "] 

I  ask  you  to  reflect  on  these  things,  for  I  tell  you  that  there  is  a 
conspiracy  to  carry  this  election  for  the  Black  Republicans  by  slander, 
and  not  by  fair  means.  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  this  day  is  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  fact.  He  has  devoted  his  entire  time  to  an  issue  be- 
tween Mr.  Trumbull  and  myself,  and  has  not  uttered  a  word  about  the 
politics  of  the  day.  Are  you  going  to  elect  Mr.  Trumbull's  colleague 
upon  an  issue  between  Mr.  Trumbull  and  me?  [Laughter,  and  "  No, 
no!"]  I  thought  I  was  running  against  Abraham  Lincoln,  that  he 
claimed  to  be  my  opponent,  had  challenged  me  to  a  discussion  of  the 
public  questions  of  the  day  with  him,  and  was  discussing  these  ques- 
tions with  me;  but  it  turns  out  that  his  only  hope  is  to  ride  into  office 
on  Trumbull's  back,  who  will  carry  him  by  falsehood.     [Cheers.] 

Permit  me  to  pursue  this  subject  a  little  further.  An  examination 
of  the  record  proves  that  Trumbull's  charge — that  the  Toombs  bill 
originally  contained  a  clause  requiring  the  constitution  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  people — is  false.  The  printed  copy  of  the  bill  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  held  up  before  you,  and  which  he  pretends  contains  such  a 
clause,  merely  contains  a  clause  requiring  a  submission  of  the  land 
grant,  and  there  is  no  clause  in  it  requiring  a  submission  of  the  constitu- 
tion.    Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  find  such  a  clause  in  it.     My  report  shows 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  287 

that  we  took  it  for  granted  that  the  people  would  require  a  submission 
of  the  constitution,  and  secure  it  for  themselves.  There  never  was  a 
clause  in  the  Toombs  bill  requiring  the  constitution  to  be  submitted ; 
Trumbull  knew  it  at  the  time,  and  his  speech  made  on  the  night  of  its 
passage  discloses  the  fact  that  he  knew  it  was  silent  on  the  subject. 

Lmcoln  pretends,  and  tells  you,  that  Trumbull  has  not  changed  his 
evidence  in  support  of  his  charge  since  he  made  his  speech  in  Chicago. 
Let  us  see.  The  Chicago  Times  took  up  Trumbull's  Chicago  speech, 
compared  it  with  the  official  records  of  Congress,  and  proved  that 
speech  to  be  false  in  its  charge  that  the  original  Toombs  bill  required 
a  submission  of  the  constitution  to  the  people.  Trumbull  then  saw 
that  he  was  caught,  and  his  falsehood  exposed,  and  he  went  to  Alton, 
and,  under  the  very  walls  of  the  penitentiary,  [laughter]  made  a  new 
speech,  in  which  he  predicated  his  assault  upon  me  in  the  allegation  that 
I  had  caused  to  be  voted  into  the  Toombs  bill  a  clause  which  prohibited 
the  Convention  from  submitting  the  constitution  to  the  people,  and 
quoted  what  he  pretended  was  the  clause.  Now,  has  not  Mr.  Trum- 
bull entirely  changed  the  evidence  on  which  he  bases  his  charge? 
["  Yes,  yes! "  "  Lincoln's  as  big  a  liar  as  Trumbull, "  etc.]  The  clause 
which  he  quoted  in  his  Alton  speech  (which  he  has  published  and  cir- 
culated broadcast  over  the  State)  as  having  been  put  into  the  Toombs 
bill  by  me,  is  in  the  following  words:  "And  until  the  complete  exe- 
cution of  this  Act,  no  other  election  shall  be  held  in  said  Territory. " 

Trumbull  says  that  the  object  of  that  amendment  was  to  prevent 
the  Convention  from  submitting  the  constitution  to  a  vote  of  the 
people. 

Now,  I  will  show  you  that  when  Trumbull  made  that  statement  at 
Alton  he  knew  it  to  be  untrue.  I  read  from  Trumbull's  speech  in  the 
Senate  on  the  Toombs  bill  on  the  night  of  its  passage.     He  then  said — 

"  There  is  nothing  said  in  this  bill,  so  far  as  I  have  discovered,  about  sub- 
mitting the  constitution,  which  is  to  be  formed,  to  the  people  for  their  sanction 
or  rejection.  Perhaps  the  Convention  will  have  the  right  to  submit  it,  if  it 
should  think  proper,  but  it  is  certainly  not  compelled  to  do  so,  according  to 
the  provisions  of  the  bill. " 

Thus  you  see  that  Trumbull,  when  the  bill  was  on  its  passage  in  the 
Senate,  said  that  it  was  silent  on  the  subject  of  submission,  and  that 
there  was  nothing  in  the  bill  one  way  or  the  other  on  it.  In  his  Alton 
speech  he  says^  there  was  a  clause  in  the  bill  preventing  its  submission 
to  the  people,  and  that  I  had  it  voted  in  as  an  amendment.     Thus  I 

^Inserts  "that"  after  "says." 


288  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

convict  him  of  falsehood  and  slander  by  quoting  from  him,  on  the 
passage  of  the  Toombs  bill  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  his  own 
speech,  made  on  the  night  of  July  2,  1856,  and  reported  in  the  Con- 
yressional  Globe  for  the  first  session  of  the  thirty-fourth  Congress,  vol. 
33.  What  will  you  think  of  a  man  who  makes  a  false  charge,  and 
falsifies  the  records  to  prove  it?  I  will  now  show  you  that  the  clause 
which  Trumbull  says  was  put  in  the  bill  on  my  motion  was  never  put 
m  at  all  by  me,  but  was  stricken  out  on  my  motion,  and  another  sub- 
stituted in  its  place.  I  call  your  attention  to  the  same  volume  of  the 
'Congressional  Globe  to  which  I  have  already  referred,  page  795,  where 
you  will  find  the  following^  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Senate: — 

"  Mr.  Douglas. — I  have  an  amendment  to  offer  from  the  Committee  on  Ter- 
ritories. On  page  8,  section  11,  strike  out  the  words  'until  the  complete  exe- 
>cution  of  this  Act,  no  other  election  shall  be  held  in  said  Territory',  and  insert 
the  amendment  which  I  hold  in  my  hand. " 

You  see  from  this  that  I  moved  to  strike  out  the  very  words  that 
"Trumbull  says  I  put  in.  The  Committee  on  Territories  overruled  me 
in  committee,  and  put  the  clause  in;  but  as  soon  as  I  got  the  bill  back 
-into  the  Senate,  I  moved  to  strike  it  out,  and  put  another  clause  in  its 
^lace.  On  the  same  page  you  will  find  that  my  amendment  was 
^agreed  to  unanimously.  I  then  offered  another  amendment,  recog- 
nizing the  right  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  under  the  Toombs  bill,  to 
*order  just  such  elections  as  they  saw  proper.  You  can  find  it  on  page 
796  of  the  same  volume.     I  will  read  it : — 

"  Mr.  Douglas. — I  have  another  amendment  to  offer  from  the  Committee,  to 
follow  the  amendment  which  has  been  adopted.  The  bill  reads  now:  'And 
until  the  complete  execution  of  this  Act,  no  other  election  shall  be  held  in  said 
Territory.'  It  has  been  suggested  that  it  should  be  modified  in  this  way: 
'  And  to  avoid  conflict  in  the  complete  execution  of  this  Act,  all  other  elections 
in  said  Territpry  are  hereby  postponed  until  such  time  as  said  Convention 
shall  appoint, '  so  that  they  can  appoint  the  day  in  the  event  there  should  be 
a.  failure  to  come  into  the  Union. " 

The  amendment  was  unanimously  agreed  to, — clearly  and  distinctly 
recognizing  the  right  of  the  Convention  to  order  just  as  many  elections 
as  they  saw  proper  in  the  execution  of  the  Act.  Trumbull  concealed 
in  his  Alton  speech  the  fact  that  the  clause  he  quoted  had  been  stricken 
out  in  my  motion,  and  the  other  fact  that  this  other  clause  was  put  in 
the  bill  on  my  motion,  and  made  the  false  charge  that  I  incorporated 

^Inserts  "in  the"  after  "following." 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  289 

into  the  bill  a  clause  preventing  submission,  in  the  face  of  the  fact, 
that,  on  my  motion,  the  bill  was  so  amended  before  it  passed  as  to 
recognize  in  express  words  the  right  and  duty  of  submission. 

On  this  record  that  I  have  produced  before  you,  I  repeat  my  charge 
that  Trumbull  did  falsify  the  public  records  of  the  country,  in  order  to 
make  his  charge  against  me;  ["it's  plain,"  and  tremendous  applause] 
and  I  tell  Mr.  Abraham  Lincoln  that  if  he  will  examine  these  records, 
he  will  then  know  that  what  I  state  is  true.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  this  day 
indorsed  Mr.  Trumbull's  veracity  after  he  had  my  word  for  it  that  that 
veracity  was  proved  to  be  violated  and  forfeited  by  the  public  records 
It  will  not  do  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  parading  his  calumnies  against  me 
to  put  Mr.  Trumbull  between  him  and  the  odium  and  responsibility 
which  justly  attaches  to  such  calumnies.  I  tell  him  that  I  am  as  ready 
to  prosecute  the  indorser  as  the  maker  of  a  forged  note.  [Cheers.]  I 
regret  the  necessity  of  occupying  my  time  with  these  petty  personal 
matters.  It  is  unbecomming  the  dignity  of  a  canvass  for  an  office  of 
the  character  for  which  we  are  candidates.  When  I  commenced  the 
canvass  at  Chicago,  I  spoke  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  terms  of  kindness  as  an 
old  friend;  I  said  that  he  was  a  good  citizen,  of  unblemished  character, 
against  whom  I  had  nothing  to  say.  I  repeated  these  complimentary 
remarks  about  him  in  my  successive  speeches,  until  he  became  the 
indorser  for  these  and  other  slanders  against  me.  If  there  is  anything 
personally  disagreeable,  uncourteous,  or  disreputable  in  these  person- 
alities, the  sole  responsibility  rests  on  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Trumbull,  and 
their  backers. 

I  will  show  you  another  charge  made  by  Mr.  Lincoln  against  me,  ^ 
as  an  off-set  to  his  determination  of  willingness  to  take  back  anything 
that  is  incorrect,  and  to  correct  any  false  statement  he  may  have  made. 
He  has  several  times  charged  that  the  Supreme  Court,  President 
Pierce,  President  Buchanan,  and  myself,  at  the  time  I  introduced  the 
Nebraska  bill  in  January,  1854,  at  Washington,  entered  into  a  con- 
spiracy to  establish  slavery  all  over  this  country.  I  branded  this 
charge  as  a  falsehood,  and  then  he  repeated  it;  asked  me  to  analyze 
its  truth;  and  answer  it.  I  told  him;  "  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  know  what  you 
are  after, — you  want  to  occupy  my  time  in  personal  matters,  to  pre- 
vent me  from  showing  up  the  revolutionary  principles  which  the 
Abolition  party — whose  candidate  you  are — have  proclaimed  to  the 
world." 

But  he  asked  me  to  analyze  his  proof,  and  I  did  so.     I  called  his 


290  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

attention  to  the  fact  that  at  the  time  the  Nebraska  bill  was  introduced, 
there  was  no  such  case  as  the  Dred  Scott  case  pending  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  nor  was  it  brought  there  for  years  afterwards,  and  hence  that  it 
was  impossible  that  there  could  have  been  any  such  conspiracy 
between  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  other  parties 
involved.  I  proved  by  the  record  that  the  charge  was  false,  and  what 
did  he  answer?  Did  he  take  it  back  like  an  honest  man,  and  say  that 
he  had  been  mistaken?  No;  he  repeated  the  charge,  and  said,  that 
although  there  was  no  such  case  pending  that  year,  there'"'  was  an 
understanding  between  the  Democratic  owners  of  Dred  Scott  and  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  other  parties  involved,  that  the  case 
should  be  brought  up.  I  then  demanded  to  know  who  these  Demo- 
cratic owners  of  Dred  Scott  were.  He  could  not  or  would  not  tell;  he 
did  not  know.  In  truth,  there  was  no  Democratic  owners  of  Dred 
Scott  on  the  face  of  the  land.  [Laughter.]  Dred  Scott  was  owned 
at  that  time  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Chaffee,  an  Abolition  member  of  Congress 
from  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  and  his  wife;  [immense  laughter  and 
applause]  and  Mr.  Lincoln  ought  to  have  known  that  Dred  Scott  was 
so  owned,  for  the  reason  that  as  soon  as  the  decision  was  announced  by 
the  court  Dr.  Chaffee  and  his  wife  executed  a  deed  emancipating  him, 
and  put  that  deed  on  record.  [Cheers.]  It  was  a  matter  of  public 
record,  therefore,  that  at  the  time  the  case  was  taken  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  Dred  Scott  was  owned  by  an  Abolition  member  of  Congress,  a 
friend  of  Lincoln's  and  a  leading  man  of  his  party,  while  the  defense 
was  conducted  by  Abolition  lawyers, — and  thus  the  Abolitionists  man- 
aged both  sides  of  the  case.  I  have  exposed  these  facts  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  yet  he  will  not  withdraw  his  charge  of  conspiracy.  I  now  submit 
to  you  whether  you  can  place  any  confidence  in  a  man  who  continues 
to  make  a  charge  when  its  utter  falsity  is  proven  by  the  public  records. 
I  will  state  another  fact  to  show  how  utterly  reckless  and  unscrupu- 
lous this  charge  against  the  Supreme  Court,  President  Pierce,  President 
Buchanan,  and  myself  is.  Lincoln  says  that  President  Buchanan  was 
in  the  conspiracy  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1854,  when  the 
Nebraska  bill  was  introduced.  The  history  of  this  country  shows 
that  James  Buchanan  was  at  that  time  representing  this  country  at 
the  Court  of  St.  James,  Great  Britain,  with  distinguished  ability  and 
usefulness,  that  he  had  not  been  in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  year 
previous,  and  that  he  did  not  return  until  about  three  years  after. 

ilnserts  "that"  before  "there." 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  291 

[Cheers.]  Yet  Mr.  Lincoln  keeps  repeating  this  charge  of  conspiracy 
against  Mr.  Buchanan  when  the  public  records  prove  it  to  be  untrue. 

Having  proved  it  to  be  false  as  far  as  the  Supreme  Court  and  Presi- 
dent Buchanan  are  concerned,  I  drop  it,  leaving  the  public  to  say 
whether  I,  by  myself,  without  their  concurrence,  could  have  gone  into 
a  conspiracy  with  them.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  My  friends,  you 
see  that  the  object  clearly  is  to  conduct  the  canvass  on  personal  mat- 
ters, and  hunt  me  down  with  charges  that  are  proven  to  be  false  by 
the  public  records  of  the  country.  I  am  willing  to  throw  open  my 
whole  public  and  private  life  to  the  inspection  of  any  man,  or  all  men 
who  desire  to  investigate  it.  Having  resided  among  you  twenty-five 
years,  during  nearly  the  whole  of  which  time  a  public  man,  exposed  to 
more  assaults,  perhaps  more  abuse,  than  any  man  living  of  my  age,  or 
who  ever  did  live;  and  having  survived  it  all  and  still  commanded 
your  confidence;  I  am  willing  to  trust  to  your  knowledge  of  me  and 
my  public  conduct  without  making  any  more  defense  against  these 
assaults.     [Great  cheering.] 

Fellow-citizens,  I  came  here  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  lead- 
ing political  topics  which  now  agitate  the  country.  I  have  no  charges 
to  make  against  Mr.  Lincoln,  none  against  Mr.  Trumbull,  and  none 
against  any  man  who  is  a  candidate,  except  in  repelling  their  assaults 
upon  me.  If  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  man  of  bad  character,  I  leave  you  to 
find  it  out;  if  his  votes  in  the  past  are  not  satisfactory,  I  leave  others  to 
ascertain  the  fact ;  if  his  course  on  the  Mexican  war  was  not  in  accord- 
ance with  your  notions  of  patriotism  and  fidelity  to  our  own  country 
as  against  a  public  enemy,  I  leave  you  to  ascertain  the  fact.  I  have 
no  assaults  to  make  upon  him,  except  to  trace  his  course  on  the  ques- 
tions that  now  divide  the  country  and  engross  so  much  of  the  people's 
attention. 

You  know  that  prior  to  1854  this  country  was  divided  into  two 
great  political  parties,  one  the  Whig,  the  other  the  Democratic.  I,  as 
a  Democrat  for  twenty  years  prior  to  that  time,  had  been  in  public 
discussions  in  this  State  as  an  advocate  of  Democratic  principles,  and 
I  can  appeal  with  confidence  to  every  Old  Line  Whig  within  the  hear- 
ing of  my  voice  to  bear  testimony  that  during  all  that  period  I  fought 
you  Whigs  like  a  man  on  every  question  that  separated  the  two 
parties.  I  had  the  highest  respect  for  Henry  Clay  as  a  gallant  party 
leader,  as  an  eminent  statesman,  and  as  one  of  the  bright  ornaments 
of  this  country;  but  I  conscientiousl}''  believe  that  the  Democratic 


292  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

party  was  right  on  the  questions  which  separated  the  Democrats 
from  the  Whigs.  The  man  does  not  live  who  can  say  that  I  ever 
personally  assailed  Henry  Clay  or  Daniel  Webster,  or  any  one  of  the 
leaders  of  that  great  party,  whilst  I  combated  with  all  my  energy  the 
measures  they  advocated. 

What  did  we  differ  about  in  those  days?  Did  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crats differ  about  this  slavery  question?  On  the  contrary,  did  we  not, 
in  1850,  unite  to  a  man  in  favor  of  that  system  of  Compromise  meas- 
ures which  Mr.  Clay  introduced,  Webster  defended,  Cass  supported, 
and  Fillmore  approved  and  made  the  law  of  the  land  by  his  signature? 
While  we  agreed  on  those  Compromise  measures,  we  differed  about  a 
bank,  the  tariff,  distribution,  the  specie  circular,  the  sub-treasury,  and 
other  questions  of  that  description.  Now,  let  me  ask  you  which  one 
of  those  questions  on  which  Whigs  and  Democrats  then  differed  now 
remains  to  divide  the  two  great  parties?  Every  one  of  those  questions 
which  divided  Whigs  and  Democrats  has  passed  away,  the  country  has 
outgrown  them,  they  have  passed  into  history.  Hence  it  is  immaterial 
whether  you  were  right  or  I  was  right  on  the  bank,  the  sub-treas- 
ury,.and  other  questions,  because  they  no  longer  continue  living  issues. 
What,  then,  has  taken  the  place  of  those  questions  about  which  we 
once  differed?  The  slavery  question  has  now  become  the  leading  and 
controlling  issue;  that  question  on  which  you  and  I  agreed,  on  which 
the  Whigs  and  Democrats  united,  has  now  become  the  leading  issue 
between  the  National  Democracy  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Republican, 
or  Abolition,  party  on  the  other. 

Just  recollect  for  a  moment  the  memorable  contest  of  1850,  when 
this  country  was  agitated  from  its  center  to  its  circumference  by  the 
slavery  agitation.  All  eyes  in  this  nation  were  then  turned  to  the 
three  great  lights  that  survived  the  days  of  the  Revolution. 

They  looked  to  Clay,  then  in  retirement  at  Ashland,  and  to  Webster 
and  Cass,  in  the  United  States  Senate.  Clay  had  retired  to  Ashland, 
having,  as  he  supposed,  performed  his  mission  on  earth,  and  was  pre- 
paring himself  for  a  better  sphere  of  existence  in  another  world.  In 
that  retirement  he  heard  the  discordant,  harsh  and  grating  sounds  of 
sectional  strife  and  disunion,  and  he  aroused  and  came  forth  and 
resumed  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  that  great  theater  of  his  great  deeds. 
From  the  moment  that  Clay  arrived  among  us  he  became  the  leader 
of  all  the  Union  men,  whether  Whigs  or  Democrats.  For  nine  months 
we  each  assembled,  each  day,  in  the  council-chamber.  Clay  in  the  chair 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  293 

with  Cass  upon  his  right  hand,  and  Webster  upon  his  left,  and  the 
Democrats  and  Whigs  gathered  around,  forgetting  differences,  and 
only  animated  by  one  common,  patriotic  sentiment,  to  devise  means 
and  measures  by  which  we  could  defeat  the  mad  and  revolutionary 
scheme  of  the  Northern  Abolitionists  and  Southern  Disunionists. 
[Cheers.] 

We  did  devise  those  means.  Clay  brought  them  forward,  Cass 
advocated  them;  the  Union  Democrats  and  Union  Whigs  voted  for 
them;  Fillmore  signed  them;  and  they  gave  peace  and  quiet  to  the 
country.  Those  Compromise  measures  of  1850  were  founded  upon 
the  great  fundamental  principle  that  the  people  of  each  State  and  each 
Territory  ought  to  be  left  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  own  domestic 
institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Federal  Constitution. 
[Cheers.  ''  Hear,  hear. "]  I  will  ask  every  Old  Line  Democrat  and 
every  Old  Line  Whig  within  the  hearing  of  my  voice  if  I  have  not  truly 
stated  the  issues  as  they  then  presented  themselves  to  the  country. 
You  recollect  that  the  Abolitionists  raised  a  howl  of  indignation,  and 
cried  for  vengeance  and  the  destruction  of  Democrats  and  Whigs  both, 
who  supported  those  Compromise  measures  of  1850.  When  I  returned 
home  to  Chicago,  I  found  the  citizens  inflamed  and  infuriated  against 
the  authors  of  those  great  measures.  Being  the  only  man  in  that  city 
who  was  held  responsible  for  affirmative  votes  on  all  those  measures 
I  came  forward  and  addressed  the  assembled  inhabitants,  defended 
each  and  every  one  of  Clay's  Compromise  measures  as  they  passed  the 
Senate  and  the  House,  and  were  approved  by  President  Fillmore. 
Previous  to  that  time,  the  city  council  had  passed  resolutions  nulli- 
fying the  Act  of  Congress,  and  instructing  the  police  to  withhold  all 
assistance  from  its  execution,  but  the  people  of  Chicago  listened  to  my 
defense,  and,  like  candid,  frank,  conscientious  men,  when  they  became 
convinced  that  they  had  done  an  injustice  to  Clay,  Webster,  Cass,  and 
all  of  us  who  had  supported  those  measures,  they  repealed  their  nulli- 
fying resolutions,  and  declared  that  the  laws  should  be  executed  and 
the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  maintained.  Let  it  always  be 
recorded  in  history  to  the  immortal  honor  of  the  people  of  Chicago 
that  they  returned  to  their  duty  when  they  found  that  they  were 
wrong,  and  did  justice  to  those  whom  they  had  blamed  and  abused 
unjustly. 

When  the  Legislature  of  this  State  assembled  that  year,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  pass  resolutions  approving  the  Compromise  measures  of 


294  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

1850.  When  the  Whig  party  assembled  in  1852  at  Baltimore  in 
National  Convention  for  the  last  time,  to  nominate  Scott  for  the 
Presidency,  they  adopted  as  a  part  of  their  platform  the  Compromise 
measures  of  1850  as  the  cardinal  plank  upon  which  every  Whig  would 
stand,  and  by  which  he  would  regulate  his  future  conduct.  When  the 
Democratic  party  assembled  at  the  same  place  one  month  after,  to 
nominate  General  Pierce,  we  adopted  the  same  platform  so  far  as  those 
Compromise  measures  were  concerned,  agreeing  that  we  would  stand 
by  those  glorious  measures  as  a  cardinal  article  in  the  Democratic 
faith.  Thus  you  see  that  in  1852  all  the  old  Whigs  and  all  the  old 
Democrats  stood  on  a  common  plank  so  far  as  this  slavery  question 
was  concerned,  differing  on  other  questions. 

Now,  let  me  ask,  how  is  it  that  since  that  time  so  many  of  you  Whigs 
have  wandered  from  the  true  path  marked  out  by  Clay,  and  carried 
out  broad  and  wide  by  the  great  Webster?  How  is  it  that  so 
many  Old  Line  Democrats  have  abandoned  the  old  faith  of  their  party, 
and  joined  with  Abolitionism  and  Free-soilism  to  overturn  the  plat- 
form of  the  old  Democrats,  and  the  platform  of  the  old  Whigs?  You 
cannot  deny  that  since  1854  there  has  been  a  great  revolution  on  this 
one  question.  How  has  it  been  brought  about?  I  answer,  that  no 
sooner  was  the  sod  grown  green  over  the  grave  of  the  immortal  Clay; 
no  sooner  was  the  rose  planted  on  the  tomb  of  the  god-like  Webster; 
than  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party,  such  as  Seward  of  New 
York,  and  his  followers,  led  off  and  attempted  to  Abolitionize  the 
Whig  party,  and  transfer  all  your  old  Whigs,  bound  hand  and  foot, 
into  the  Abolition  camp.  Seizing  hold  of  the  temporary  excitement 
produced  in  this  country  by  the  introduction  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  the 
disappointed  politicians  in  the  Democratic  party  united  with  the 
disappointed  politicians  in  the  Whig  party,  and  endeavored  to  form 
a  new  party,  composed  of  all  the  Abolitionists,  of  Abolitionized  Demo- 
crats, and  Abolitionized  Whigs,  banded  together  in  an  Abolition 
platform. 

And  who  led  that  crusade  against  National  principles  in  this  State? 
I  answer,  Abraham  Lincoln  on  behalf  of  the  Whigs,  and  Lyman  Trum- 
bull on  behalf  of  the  Democrats,  formed  a  scheme  by  which  they  would 
Abolitionize  the  two  great  parties  in  this  State,  on  condition  that 
Lincoln  should  be  sent  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  the  place  of 
General  Shields,  and  that  Trumbull  should  go  to  Congress  from  the 
Belleville  District  until  I  would  be  accommodating  enough  either  to 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  295 

die  or  resign  for  his  benefit,  and  then  he  was  to  go  to  the  Senate  in  my 
place.  You  all  remember  that  during  the  year  1854  these  two  worthy 
gentlemen,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Trumbull,  one  an  Old  Line  Whig  and 
the  other  an  Old  Line  Democrat,  were  hunting  in  partnership  to  elect 
a  Legislature  against  the  Democratic  party.  . 

I  canvassed  the  State  that  year  from  the  time  I  returned  home  until 
the  election  came  off,  and  spoke  in  every  county  that  I  could  reach 
during  that  period.  In  the  northern  part  of  the  State  I  found  Lin- 
coln's ally,  in  the  person  of  Fred  Douglass,  the  negro,  preaching  Aboli- 
tion doctrines;  while  Lincoln  was  discussing  the  same  principles  down 
here;  and  Trumbull,  a  little  farther  down,  was  advocating  the  election 
of  members  to  the  Legislature  who  would  act  in  concert  with  Lincoln's 
and  Fred  Douglass's  friends.  I  witnessed  an  effort  made  at  Chicago 
by  Ijincoln's  then  associates,  and  now  supporters,  to  put  Fred  Doug- 
lass, the  negro,  on  the  stand  at  a  Democratic  meeting,  to  reply  to  the 
illustrious  General  Cass,  when  he  was  addressing  the  people  there. 
["  Shame  on  them. "]  They  had  the  same  negro  hunting  me  down, 
and  they  now  have  a  negro  traversing  the  northern  counties  of  the 
State  and  speaking  in  behalf  of  Lincoln.  ["Hit  him  again;  he's  a 
disgrace  to  the  white  people,"  etc.]  Lincoln  knows  that  when  we 
were  at  Freeport  in  joint  discussion  there  was  a  distinguished  colored 
friend  of  his  there  then  who  was  on  the  stump  for  him,  [shouts  of 
laughter]  and  who  made  a  speech  there  the  night  before  we  spoke,  and 
another  the  night  after,  a  short  distance  from  Freeport,  in  favor  of 
Lincoln;  and  in  order  to  show  how  much  interest  the  colored  brethren 
felt  in  the  success  of  their  brother  Abe,  [renewed  laughter]  I  have  with 
me  here,  and  would  read  it  if  it  would  not  occupy  too  much  of  my 
time,  a  speech  made  by  Fred  Douglass  in  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y.,  a  short 
time  since,  to  a  large  Convention,  in  which  he  conjures  all  the  friends 
of  negro  equality  and  negro  citizenship  to  rally  as  one  man  around 
Abraham  Lincoln,  the  perfect  embodiment  of  their  principles,  and  by 
all  means  to  defeat  Stephen  A.  Douglas.     ["  It  can't  be  done, "  etc.] 

Thus  you  find  that  this  Republican  party  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
State  had  colored  gentlemen  for  their  advocates  in  1854,  in  company 
with  Lincoln  and  Trumbull,  as  they  have  now.  When,  in  October, 
1854, 1  went  down  to  Springfield  to  attend  the  State  Fair,  I  found  the 
leaders  of  this  party  all  assembled  together  under  the  title  of  an  anti- 
Nebraska  meeting.  It  was  Black  Republican  up  north,  and  anti- 
Nebraska  at  Springfield.     I  found  Lovejoy,  a  high-priest  of  Abolition- 


296  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

ism,  and  Lincoln,  one  of  the  leaders  who  was  towing  the  Old  Line 
Whigs  into  the  Abolition  camp,  and  Trumbull,  Sidney  Breese,  and 
Governor  Reynolds,  all  making  speeches  against  the  Democratic  party 
and  myself,  at  the  same  place  and  in  the  same  cause.  ["They're  all 
birds  of  a  feather,  shun  them. "]  The  same  men  who  are  now  fighting 
the  Democratic  party  and  the  regular  Democratic  nominees  in  this 
State  were  fighting  us  then.  They  did  not  then  acknowledge  that 
they  had  become  Abolitionists,  and  many  of  them  deny  it  now. 
Breese,  Dougherty,  and  Reynolds  were  then  fighting  the  Democracy 
under  the  title  of  anti-Nebraska  men,  and  now  they  are  fighting  the 
Democracy  under  the  pretense  that  they  are  Simon  pure  Democrats, 
[laughter]  saying  that  they  are  authorized  to  have  every  office  holder 
in  Illinois  beheaded  who  prefers  the  election  of  Douglas  to  that  of 
Lincoln,  or  the  success  of  the  Democratic  ticket  in  preference  to  the 
Abolition  ticket  for  members  of  Congress,  State  officers,  members  of 
the  Legislature,  or  any  office  in  the  State. 

They  canvassed  the  State  against  us  in  1854,  as  they  are  doing  now, 
owning  different  names  and  different  principles  in  different  localities, 
but  having  a  common  object  in  view,  viz. :  The  defeat  of  all  men  hold- 
ing National  principles  in  opposition  to  this  sectional  Abolition  party. 
They  carried  the  Legislature  in  1854,  and  when  it  assembled  in  Spring- 
field they  proceeded  to  elect  a  United  States  Senator,  all  voting  for 
Lincoln,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  which  exceptions  prevented 
them  from  quite  electing  him.  And  why  should  they  not  elect  him? 
Had  not  Trumbull  agreed  that  Lincoln  should  have  Shields's  place? 
Had  not  the  Abolitionists  agreed  to  it?  Was  it  not  the  solemn  com- 
pact, the  condition  on  which  Lincoln  agreed  to  Abolitionize  the  old 
Whigs  that  he  should  be  Senator?  Still,  Trumbull,  having  control  of 
a  few  Abolitionized  Democrats,  would  not  allow  them  all  to  vote  for 
Lincoln  on  any  one  ballot,  and  thus  kept  him  for  some  time  within  one 
or  two  votes  of  an  election,  until  he  worried  out  Lincoln's  friends,  and 
compelled  them  to  drop  him  and  elect  Trumbull,  in  violation  of  the 
bargain.     [Cheers.] 

I  desire  to  read  you  a  piece  of  testimony  in  confirmation  of  the 
notorious^  public  facts  which  I  have  stated  to  you.  Colonel  James 
H.  Matheny,  of  Springfield,  is,  and  for  twenty  years  has  been,  the 
confidential  personal  and  political  friend  and  manager  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
Matheny  is  this  very  day  the  candidate  of  the  Republican,  or  Aboli- 

J- Reads:  "notoriously"  for  "notorious." 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  297 

tion,  party  for  Congress  against  the  gallant  Major  Thos.  L.  Harris,  in 
the  Springfield  District,  and  is  making  speeches  for  Lincoln  and  against 
me.  I  will  read  you  the  testimony  of  Matheny  about  this  bargain 
between  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  when  they  undertook  to  Abolitionize 
Whigs  and  Democrats  only  four  years  ago.  Matheny,  being  mad  at 
Trumbull  for  having  played  a  Yankee  trick  on  Lincoln,  exposed  the 
bargain  in  a  public  speech  two  years  ago,  and  I  will  read  the  published 
report  of  that  speech,  the  correctness  of  which  Mr.  Lincoln  will  not 
deny : — 

"The  Whigs,  Abolitionists,  and^  Know-Nothings,  and  renegade  Democrats 
made  a  solemn  compact  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  this  State  against  the 
Democi-aey  on  this  plan:  1st,  that  they  would  all  combine  and  elect  Mr.  Trum- 
bull to  Congress,  and  thereby  carry  his  district  for  the  Legislature,  in  order  to 
throw  all  the  strength  that  could  be  obtained  into  that  body  against  the  Dem- 
ocrats; 2d,  that  when  the  Legislature  should  meet,  the  officers  of  that  body, 
such  as  Speakers, 2  clerks,  door-keepers,  etc.,  would  be  given  to  the  Abolition- 
ists; and,  3d,  that  the  Whigs  were  to  have  the  United  States  senator.  That, 
accordingly,  in  good  faith,  Trumbull  was  elected  to  Congress,  and  his  district 
carried  for  the  Legislature ;  and  when  it  convened,  the  Abolitionists  got  all  the 
officers  of  that  body,  and  thus  far  the  '  bond '  was  fairly  executed.  The  Whigs, 
on  their  part,  demanded  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  that  the  bond  might  be  fulfilled,  the  other  parties  to  the  contract  hav- 
ing already  secured  to  themselves  all  that  was  called  for.  But,  in  the  most 
perfidious  manner,  they  refused  to  elect  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  mean,  low-lived, 
sneaking  Trumbull  succeeded,  by  pledging  all  that  was  required  by  any  party, 
in  thrusting  Lincoln  aside,  and  foisting  himself,  an  excrescence  from  the  rotten 
bowels  of  the  Democracy,  into  the  United  States  Senate ;  and  thus  it  has  ever 
been,  that  an  honest  man  makes  a  bad  bargain  when  he  conspires  or  contracts 
with  rogues. " 

Lincoln's  confidential  friend  Matheny  thought  that  Lincoln  made  a 
bad  bargain  when  he  conspired  with  such  rogues  as  Trumbull  and  the 
Abolitionists.  [Great  laughter.]  I  would  like  to  know  whether  Lin- 
coln had  as  high  opinion  of  Trumbull's  veracity  when  the  latter  agreed 
to  support  him  for  the  Senate,  and  then  cheated  him  as  he  does  now, 
[renewed  laughter]  when  Trumbull  comes  forward  and  makes  charges 
against  me.  You  could  not  then  prove  Trumbull  an  honest  man  either 
by  Lincoln,  by  Matheny,  or  by  any  of  Lincoln's  friends.  They  charged 
everywhere  that  Trumbull  had  cheated  them  out  of  the  bargain,  and 
Lincoln  found  sure  enough  that  it  was  a  bad  bargain  to  contract  and 
conspire  with  rogues.     [Laughter.] 

iOmits"and." 

aReads:  "Speaker"  for  "Speakers." 


298  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

And  now  I  will  explain  to  you  what  has  been  a  mystery  all  over  the 
State  and  Union, — the  reason  why  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  the 
United  States  Senate  by  the  Black  Republican  Convention.  You 
know  it  has  never  been  usual  for  any  party,  or  any  convention,  to 
nominate  a  candidate  for  United  States  senator.  Probably  this  was 
the  first  time  that  such  a  thing  was  ever  done.  The  Black  Republican 
Convention  had  not  been  called  for  that  purpose,  but  to  nominate  a 
State  ticket,  and  every  man  was  surprised  and  many  disgusted  when 
Lincoln  was  nominated.  Archie  Williams  thought  he  was  entitled  to 
it,  Browning  knew  that  he  deserved  it,  Wentworth  was  certain  that  he 
would  get  it,  Peck  had  hopes,  Judd  felt  sure  that  he  was  the  man,  and 
Palmer  had  claims  and  had  made  arrangements  to  secure  it;  but,  to 
their  utter  amazement,  Lincoln  was  nominated  by  the  Convention, 
[laughter]  and  not  only  that,  but  he  received  the  nomination  unani- 
mously, by  a  resolution  declaring  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  "the 
first,  last,  and  only  choice  "  of  the  Republican  party. 

How  did  this  occur?  Why,  because  they  could  not  get  Lincoln's 
friends  to  make  another  bargain  with  "  rogues, "  [laughter]  unless  the 
whole  party  would  come  up  as  one  man  and  pledge  their  honor  that 
they  would  stand  by  Lincoln,  first,  last,  and  all  the  time,  and  that  he 
should  not  be  cheated  by  Lovejoy  this  time,  as  he  was  by  Trumbull 
before.  Thus,  by  passing  this  resolution,  the  Abolitionists  are  all  for 
him,  Lovejoy  and  Farnsworth  are  canvassing  for  him,  Giddings  is 
ready  to  come  here  in  his  behalf,  and  the  negro  speakers  are  already 
on  the  stump  for  him,  and  he  is  sure  not  to  be  cheated  this  time.  He 
would  not  go  into  the  arrangement  until  he  got  their  bond  for  it,  and 
Trumbull  is  compelled  now  to  take  the  stump,  get  up  false  charges 
against  me,  and  travel  all  over  the  State  to  try  and  elect  Lincoln,  in 
order  to  keep  Lincoln's  friends  quiet  about  the  bargain  in  which  Trum- 
bull cheated  them  four  years  ago.  You  see,  now,  why  it  is  that  Lincoln 
and  Trumbull  are  so  mighty  fond  of  each  other.  [Tremendous 
laughter.]  They  have  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  break  me  down  by 
these  assults  on  my  public  character,  in  order  to  draw  my  attention 
from  a  fair  exposure  of  the  mode  in  which  they  attempted  to  Abo- 
litionize  the  old  Whig  and  old  Democratic  parties  and  lead  them  cap- 
tive into  the  Abolition  camp.     ["That's  so,"  and  "Hear,  hear."] 

Do  you  not  all  remember  that  Lincoln  went  around  here  four  years 
ago  making  speeches  to  you,  and  telling  that  you  should  all  go  for  the 
Abolition  ticket,  and  swearing  that  he  was  as  good  a  Whig  as  he  ever 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  299 

was;  [laughter]  and  that  Trumbull  went  all  over  the  State  making 
pledges  to  the  old  Democrats,  and  trying  to  coax  them  into  the  Abo- 
lition camp,  swearing  by  his  Maker,  with  the  uplifted  hand,  that  he 
was  still  a  Democrat,  always  intended  to  be,  and  that  never  would  he 
desert  the  Democratic  party.  [Laughter.]  He  got  your  votes  to  elect 
an  Abolition  Legislature,  which  passed  Abolition  resolutions,  attemp- 
ted to  pass  Abolition  laws,  and  sustained  Abolitionists  for  office.  State 
and  National.  Now,  the  same  game  is  attempted  to  be  played  over 
again.  Then  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  made  captives  of  the  old  Whigs 
and  old  Democrats,  and  carried  them  into  the  Abolition  camp,  where 
Father  Giddings,  the  high-priest  of  Abolitionism,  received  and  chris- 
tened them  in  the  dark  cause  just  as  fast  as  they  were  brought  in. 
["  Hear,  hear. "]  Giddings  found  the  converts  so  numerous  that  he 
had  to  have  assistance,  and  he  sent  for  John  P.  Hale,  N.  P.  Banks, 
Chase,  and  other  Abolitionists,  and  they  came  on,  and  with  Lovejoy 
and  Fred  Douglass,  the  negro,  helped  to  baptize  these  new  converts 
as  Lincoln,  Trumbull,  Breese,  Reynolds,  and  Dougherty  could  cap- 
ture them  and  bring  them  within  the  Abolition  clutch.  Gentlemen, 
they  are  now  around,  making  the  same  kind  of  speeches.  Trumbull 
was  down  in  Monroe  County  the  other  day,  assailing  me,  and  making 
a  speech  in  favor  of  Lincoln;  and  I  will  show  you  under  what  notice 
his  meeting  was  called.  You  see  these  people  are  Black  Republicans 
or  Abolitionists  up  north,  while  at  Springfield  to-day  they  dare  not 
call  their  Convention  "  Republican, "  but  are  obliged  to  say  "  a  Con- 
vention of  all  men  opposed  to  the  Democratic  party; "  and  in  Monroe 
County  and  lower  Egypt  Trumbull  advertises  their  meetings  as 
follows : — 

A  meeting  of  the  Free  Democracy  will  take  place  at  Waterloo  on  Monday, 
September  12tli  inst.,  whereat  Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull,  Hon.  Jehu^  Baker,  and 
others  will  address  the  people  upon  the  different  political  topics  of  the  day. 
Members  of  all  parties  are  cordially  invited  to  be  present,  and  hear  and  deter- 
mine for  themselves. 

September  9,  1858  The  Free  Democracy 

Did  you  ever  before  hear  of  this  new  party,  called  the  "  Free  Democ- 
racy"? 

What  object  have  these  Black  Republicans  in  changing  their  name 
in  every  county?  ["To  cheat  people. "]  They  have  one  name  in  the 
north,  another  in  the  center,  and  another  in  the  south.  When  I  used 
to  practice  law  before  my  distinguished  judicial  friend,  whom  I  recog- 

iReads:  "John"  for  "Jehu." 


300  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

nize  in  the  crowd  before  me,  if  a  man  was  charged  with  horse-stealing, 
and  the  proof  showed  that  he  went  by  one  name  in  Stephenson  County, 
another  in  Sangamon,  a  third  in  Monroe,  and  a  fourth  in  Randolph,  we 
thought  that  the  fact  of  his  changing  his  name  so  often  to  avoid  detec- 
tion was  pretty  strong  evidence  of  his  guilt.  I  would  like  to  know  why 
it  is  that  this  great  Free-soil  Abolition  party  is  not  willing  to  avow  the 
same  name  in  all  parts  of  the  State?  ["  They  dare  not.  "]  If  this  party 
believes  that  its  course  is  just,  why  does  it  not  avow  the  same  princi- 
ples in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  in  the  East  and  in  the  West, 
wherever  the  American  flag  waves  over  American  soil?     [Cheers.] 

A  Voice. — The  party  does  not  call  itself  Black  Republican  in  the 
North. 

Mr.  Douglas. — Sir,  if  you  will  get  a  copy  of  the  paper  published  at 
Waukegan,  fifty  miles  from  Chicago,  which  advocates  the  election  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  has  his  name  flying  at  its  mast-head,  you  will  find 
that  it  declares  that  ''this  paper  is  devoted  to  the  cause"  of  Black 
Republicanism.  ["  Good,  hit  him  again, "  and  cheers.]  I  had  a  copy 
of  it,  and  intended  to  bring  it  down  here  into  Egypt  to  let  you  see  what 
name  the  party  rallied  under  up  in  the  Northern  part  of  the  State,  and 
to  convince  you  that  their  principles  are  as  different  in  the  two  sections 
of  the  State  as  is  their  name.  I  am  sorry  that  I  have  mislaid  it  and 
have  not  got  it  here.  heir  principles  in  the  north  are  jet-black, 
[laughter]  in  the  center  they  are  in  color  a  decent  mulatto,  [renewed 
laughter]  and  in  lower  Egypt  they  are  almost  white.  [Shouts  of 
laughter.]  Why,  I  admired  many  of  the  white  sentiments  contained 
in  Lincoln's  speech  at  Jonesboro,  and  could  not  help  but  contrast 
them  with  the  speeches  of  the  same  distinguished  orator  made  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  State.  Down  here  he  denies  that  the  Black 
Republican  party  is  opposed  to  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States, 
under  any  circumstances,  and  says  that  they  are  willing  to  allow  the 
people  of  each  State,  when  it  wants  to  come  into  the  Union,  to  do  just 
as  it  pleases  on  the  question  of  slavery.  In  the  north,  you  find  Love- 
joy,  their  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  Bloomington  District,  Farns- 
worth,  their  candidate  in  the  Chicago  District,  and  Washburne,  their 
candidate  in  the  Galena  District,  all  declaring  that  never  will  they 
consent,  under  any  circumstances,  to  admit  another  Slave  State,  even 
if  the  people  want  it.  ["  That's  so. "]  Thus,  while  they  avow  one  set 
of  principles  up  there,  they  avow  another  and  entirely  different  set 
down  here.     And  here  let  me  recall  to  Mr.  Lincoln  the  scriptual 


DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON  301 

quotation  which  he  has  applied  to  the  Federal  Government,  that  a 
house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,  and  ask  him  how  does  he 
expect  this  Abolition  party  to  stand  when  in  one  half  of  the  State  it 
advocates  a  set  of  principles  which  it  has  repudiated  in  the  other 
half?     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

I  am  told  that  I  have  but  eight  minutes  more.  I  would  like  to  talk 
to  you  an  hour  and  a  half  longer,  but  I  will  make  the  best  use  I  can 
of  the  remaining  eight  minutes.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  in  his  first  remarks 
that  he  was  not  in  favor  of  the  social  and  political  equality  of  the  negro 
with  the  white  man.  Everywhere  up  north  he  has  declared  that  he 
was  not  in  favor  of  the  social  and  political  equality  of  the  negro,  but 
he  would  not  say  whether  or  not  he  was  opposed  to  negroes  voting  and 
negro  citizenship.  I  want  to  know  whether  he  is  for  or  against  negro 
citizenship.  He  declared  his  utter  opposition  to  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  and  advanced  as  a  reason  that  the  court  had  decided  that  it 
was  not  possible  for  a  negro  to  be  a  citizen  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.  If  he  is  opposed  to  the  Dred  Scott  decision  for 
that  reason,  he  must  be  in  favor  of  conferring  the  right  and  privilege 
of  citizenship  upon  the  negro!  I  have  been  trying  to  get  an  answer 
from  him  on  that  point,  but  have  never  yet  obtained  one,  and  I  will 
show  you  why.  In  every  speech  he  made  in  the  north  he  quoted  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  to  prove  that  all  men  were  created  equal, 
and  insisted  that  the  phrase  "  all  men  "  included  the  negro  as  well  as 
the  white  man,  and  that  the  equality  rested  upon  divine  law.  Here 
is  what  he  said  on  that  point  :^ 

"  I  should  like  to  know  if,  taking  this  old  Declaration  of  Independence, which 
declares  that  all  men  are  equal  upon  principle,  and  making  exceptions  to  it 
where  will  it  stop?  If  one  man  says  it  does  not  mean  a  negro,  why  may  not 
another  say  it  does  not  mean  some  other  man?  If  that  Declaration  is  not  the 
truth,  let  us  get  the  statute  book  in  which  we  find  it  and  tear  it  out. " 

Lincoln  maintains  there  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
asserts  that  the  negro  is  equal  to  the  white  man,  and  that  under  divine 
law;  and  if  he  believes  so,  it  was  rational  for  him  to  advocate  negro 
citizenship,  which,  when  allowed,  puts  the  negro  on  an  equality  under 
the  law.  ["  No  negro  equality  for  us;  down  with  Lincoln. "]  I  say  to 
you  in  all  frankness,  gentlemen,  that  in  my  opinion  a  negro  is  not  a 
citizen,  cannot  be,  and  ought  not  to  be,  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  ["  That's  the  doctrine.  "]  I  will  not  even  qualify  my 
opinion  to  meet  the  declaration  of  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 


302  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  "  that  a  negro  descended  from  African 
parents,  who  was  imported  into  this  country'  as  a  slave,  is  not  a  citizen, 
and  cannot  be. "  - 1  say  that  this  government  was  established  on  the 
white  basis.  It  was  made  by  white  men,  for  the  benefit  of  white  men 
and  their  posterity  forever,  and  never  should  be  administered  by  any 
except  white  men.  [Cheers.]  I  declare  that  a  negro  ought  not  to  be 
a  citizen,  whether  his  parents  were  imported  into  this  country  as 
slaves  or  not,  or  whether  or  not  he  was  born  here.  It  does  not  depend 
upon  the  place  a  negro's  parents  were  born,  or  whether  they  were 
slaves  or  not,  but  upon  the  fact  that  he  is  a  negro,  belonging  to  a  race 
incapable  of  self-government,  and  for  that  reason  ought  not  to  be  on 
an  equality  with  white  men.     [Immense  applause.] 

My  friends,  I  am  sorry  that  I  have  not  time  to  pursue  this  argument 
further,  as  I  might  have  done  but  for  the  fact  that  Mr.  Lincoln  com- 
pelled me  to  occupy  a  portion  of  my  time  in  repelling  those  gross 
slanders  and  falsehoods  that  Tnmabull  has  invented  against  me  and 
put  in  circulation.  In  conclusion,  let  me  ask  you  why  should  this 
Government  be  divided  by  a  geographical  line, — arraying  all  men 
North  in  one  great  hostile  party  against  all  men  South?  Mr.  Lincoln 
teUs  you,  in  his  speech  at  Springfield,  "that  a  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand;  that  this  Government,  divided  into  Free  and 
Slave  States,  cannot  endure,  permanently;  that  they  must  either  be 
all  Free  or  aU  Slave ;  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other. "  Why  cannot 
this  Government  endure,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  as  our 
fathers  made  it?  When  this  Government  was  established  by  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  Madison,  Jay,  Hamilton,  Franklin,  and  the  other 
sages  and  patriots  of  that  day,  it  was  composed  of  Free  States  and 
Slave  States,  bound  together  by  one  common  Constitution.  We  have 
existed  and  prospered  from  that  day  to  this  thus  divided,  and  have 
increased  with  a  rapidity  never  before  equaled,  in  wealth,  the  exten- 
sion of  territory,  and  all  the  elements  of  power  and  greatness,  until 
we  have  become  the  first  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  Why  can 
we  not  thus  continue  to  prosper?  We  can,  if  we  will  live  up  to  and 
execute  the  Government  upon  these  principles  upon  which  our 
fathers  established  it.  During  the  whole  period  of  our  existence, 
Divine  Providence  has  smiled  upon  us,  and  showered  upon  our  nation 
richer  and  more  abundant  blessings  than  have  ever  been  conferred 
upon  any  other. 

Senator  Douglas'  time  here  expired,  and  he  stopped  on  the  minute. 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  303 

amidst  deafening  applause.     As  Mr.  Lincoln  stepped  fon^-ard  the 
crowd  sent  up  three  rousing  cheers. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Rejoinder 

Fellow-Citizens :  It  follows  as  a  matter  of  course  that  a  half-hour 
answer  to  a  speech  of  an  hour  and  a  half  can  be  but  a  very  hurried  one. 
I  shall  only  be  able  to  touch  upon  a  few  of  the  points  suggested  by 
Judge  Douglas,  and  give  them  a  brief  attention,  while  I  shall  have  to 
totally  omit  others,  for  the  want  of  time. 

Judge  Douglas  has  said  to  you  that  he  has  not  been  able  to  get  from 
me  an  answer  to  the  question  whether  I  am  in  favor  of  negro  citizen- 
ship. So  far  as  I  know,  the  Judge  never  asked  me  the  question  before. 
[Applause.]  He  shall  have  no  occasion  to  ever  ask  it  again,  for  I  tell 
him  very  frankly  that  I  am  not  in  favor  of  negro  citizenship.  [Renewed 
applause.]  This  furnishes  me  an  occasion  for  saying  a  few  words  upon 
the  subject.  I  mentioned,  in  a  certain  speech  of  mine  which  has  been 
printed,  that  the  Supreme  Court  had  decided  that  a  negro  could  not 
possibly  be  made  a  citizen;  and  without  saying  what  was  my  ground  of 
complaint  in  regard  to  that,  or  whether  I  had  any  ground  of  complaint. 
Judge  Douglas  has  from  that  thing  manufactured  nearly  everything 
that  he  ever  says  about  my  disposition  to  produce  an  equality  between 
the  negroes  and  the  white  people.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  If  any 
one  will  read  my  speech,  he  will  find  I  mentioned  that  as  one  of  the 
points  decided  in  the  course  of  the  Supreme  Court  opinions,  but  I  did 
not  state  what  objection  I  had  to  it.  But  Judge  Douglas  tells  the 
people  what  my  objection  was  when  I  did  not  tell  them  myself. 
[Loud  applause  and  laughter.]  Xow,  my  opinion^  is  that  the  dif- 
ferent States  have  the  power  to  make  a  negro  a  citizen,  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  if  they  choose.  The  Dred  Scott 
decision  decides  that  they  have  not  that  power.  If  the  State  of 
Illinois  had  that  power,  I  should  be  opposed  to  the  exercise  of  it. 
[Cries  of  ''Good,  good,"  and  applause.]  That  is  all  I  have  to  say 
about  it. 

Judge  Douglas  has  told  me^  that  he  heard  my  speeches  north,  and 
my  speeches  south ;  that  he  had  heard  me  at  Ottawa  and  at  Freeport 
in  the  north,  and  recently  at  Jonesboro  in  the  south  and  there  was  a 
very  different  cast  of  sentiment  in  the  speeches  made  at  the  different 
points.     I  will  not  charge  upon  Judge  Douglas  that  he  wilfully  mis- 

>^ Inserts  "own"  before  "opinion." 
*Reads:  "you"  for  "me." 


304  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

represents  me  but  I  call  upon  every  fair-minded  man  to  take  these 
speeches  and  read  them,  and  I  dare  him  to  point  out  any  difference 
between  my  speeches^  north  and  south.     [Great  cheering.] 

While  I  am  here  perhaps  I  ought  to  say  a  word,  if  I  have  the  time, 
in  regard  to  the  latter  portion  of  the  Judge's  speech,  which  was  a  sort 
of  declamation  in  reference  to  my  having  said  I  entertained  the  belief 
that  this  Government  would  not  endure,  half  Slave  and  half  Free.  I 
have  said  so,  and  I  did  not  say  it  without  what  seemed  to  me  to  be 
good  reasons.  It  perhaps  would  require  more  time  than  I  have  now 
to  set  forth  these  reasons  in  detail ;  but  let  me  ask  you  a  few  questions. 
Have  we  ever  had  any  peace  on  this  slavery  question?  ["  No,  no. "] 
When  are  we  to  have  peace  upon  it,  if  it  is  kept  in  the  position  it  now 
occupies?  ["  Never. "]  How  are  we  ever  to  have  peace  upon  it? 
That  is  an  important  question.  To  be  sure,  if  we  will  all  stop,  and 
allow  Judge  Douglas  and  his  friends  to  march  on  in  their  present 
career  until  they  plant  the  institution  all  over  the  nation,  here  and 
wherever  else  our  flag  waves,  and  we  acquiesce  in  it,  there  will  be 
peace.  But  let  me  ask  Judge  Douglas  how  he  is  going  to  get  the  people 
to  do  that?  [Applause.]  They  have  been  wrangling  over  this  ques- 
tion for  at  least  forty  years.  This  was  the  cause  of  the  agitation 
resulting  in  the  Missouri  Compromise;  this  produced  the  troubles  at 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  in  the  acquisition  of  the  territory  acquired 
in  the  Mexican  War. 

Again,  this  was  the  trouble  which  was  quieted  by  the  Compromise  of 
1850,  when  it  was  settled  "forever, "  as  both  the  great  political  parties 
declared  in  their  National  Conventions.  That  "forever"  turned  out 
to  be  just  four  years,  [laughter]  when  Judge  Douglas  himself  reopened  it. 
[Immense  applause.  Cries  of  "Hit  him  again,"  etc.]  When  is  it 
likely  to  come  to  an  end?  He  introduced  the  Nebraska  bill  in  1854  to 
put  another  end  to  the  slavery  agitation.  He  promised  that  it  would 
finish  it  all  up  immediately,  and  he  has  never  made  a  speech  since, 
until  he  got  into  a  quarrel  with  the  President  about  the  Lecompton 
Constitution,  in  which  he  has  not  declared  that  we  are  just  at  the  end  of 
the  slavery  agitation.  But  in  one  speech,  I  think  last  winter,  he  did 
say  that  he  didn't  quite  see  when  the  end  of  the  slavery  agitation 
would  come.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Now  he  tells  us  again  that  it  is 
all  over,  and  the  people  of  Kansas  have  voted  down  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.     How  is  it  over?     That  was  only  one  of  the  attempts 

^Inserts  "printed"  before  "speeches." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  305 

at  putting  an  end  to  the  slavery  agitation, — one  of  these  "  final  settle- 
ments."  [Renewed  laughter.]  Is  Kansas  in  the  Union?  Has  she 
formed  a  constitution  that  she  is  likely  to  come  in  under?  Is  not  the 
slavery  agitation  still  an  open  question  in  that  Territory?  Has  the 
voting  down  of  that  constitution  put  an  end  to  all  the  trouble?  Is 
that  more  likely  to  settle  it  than  every  one  of  these  previous  attempts 
to  settle  the  slavery  agitation?     [Cries  of  "  No,  no.  "] 

Now,  at  this  day  in  the  history  of  the  world  we  can  no  more  fortell 
where  the  end  of  this  slavery  agitation  will  be  than  we  can  see  the  end 
of  the  world  itself.  The  Nebraska-Kansas  bill  was  introduced  four 
years  and  half  ago,  and  if  the  agitation  is  ever  to  come  to  an  end,  we 
may  say  we  are  four  years  and  half  nearer  the  end.  So,  too,  we  can 
say  we  are  four  years  and  a  half  nearer  the  end  of  the  world ;  and  we 
can  just  as  clearly  see  the  end  of  the  world  as  we  can  see  the  end  of  this 
agitation.  [Applause.]  The  Kansas  settlement  did  not  conclude  it. 
If  Kansas  should  sink  to-day,  and  leave  a  great  vacant  space  in  the 
earth's  surface,  this  vexed  question  would  still  be  among  us.  I  say, 
then,  there  is  no  way  of  putting  an  end  to  the  slavery  agitation 
amongst  us  but  to  put  it  back  upon  the  basis  where  our  fathers  placed 
it;  [applause]  no  way  but  to  keep  it  out  of  our  new  Territories,  [renewed 
applause] — to  restrict  it  forever  to  the  old  States  where  it  now  exists. 
[Tremendous  and  prolonged  cheering;  cries  of  "that's  the  doctrine;" 
"good,  good,"  etc.]  Then  the  public  mind  will  rest  in  the  belief 
that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  That  is  one  way  of 
putting  an  end  to  the  slavery  agitation.     [Applause.] 

The  other  way  is  for  us  to  surrender,  and  let  Judge,  Douglas  and  his 
friends  have  their  way  and  plant  slavery  over  all  the  States;  cease 
speaking  of  it  as  in  any  way  a  wrong;  regard  slavery  as  one  of  the 
common  matters  of  property,  and  speak  of  negroes  as  we  do  of  our 
horses  and  cattle.  But  while  it  drives  on  in  its  state  of  progress  as  it 
is  now  driving,  and  as  it  has  driven  for  the  last  five  years,?!  have  ven- 
tured the  opinion,  and  I  say  to-day,  that  we  will  have  no  end  to  the 
slavery  agitation  until  it  takes  one  turn  or  the  other.  [Applause.] 
I  do  not  mean  that  when  it  takes  a  turn  toward  ultimate  extinction  it 
will  be  in  a  day,  nor  in  a  year,  nor  in  two  years.  I  do  not  suppose  that 
in  the  most  peaceful  way  ultimate  extinction  would  occur  in  less  than 
a  hundred  years  at  least;  but  that  it  will  occur  in  the  best  way  for  both 
races,  in  God's  own  good  time,  I  have  no  doubt.  [Applause.]  But, 
my  friends,  I  have  used  up  more  of  my  time  than  I  intended  on  this 
point. 


306  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Now,  in  regard  to  this  matter  about  Trumbull  and  myself  having 
made  a  bargain  to  sell  out  the  entire  Whig  and  Democratic  parties  in 
1854;  Judge  Douglas  brings  foi-ward  no  evidence  to  sustain  his  charge, 
except  the  speech  Matheny  is  said  to  have  made  in  1856,  in  which  he 
told  a  cock-and-bull  story  of  that  sort,  upon  the  same  moral  principles 
that  Judge  Douglas  tells  it  here  to-day.  [Loud  applause.]  This  is 
the  simple  truth.  I  do  not  care  greatly  for  the  story,  but  this  is  the 
truth  of  it;  and  I  have  twice  told  Judge  Douglas  to  his  face  that  from 
beginning  to  end  there  is  not  one  word  of  truth  in  it.  [Thunders  of 
applause.]  I  have  called  upon  him  for  the  proof,  and  he  does  not  at 
all  meet  me  as  Trumbull  met  him  upon  that  of  which  we  were  just 
talking,  by  producing  the  record.  He  didn't  bring  the  record,  because 
there  was  no  record  for  him  to  bring.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  When 
he  asks  if  I  am  ready  to  indorse  Trumbull's  veracity  after  he  has 
broken  a  bargain  with  me,  I  reply  that  if  Trumbull  had  broken  a  bar- 
gain with  me,  I  would  not  be  likely  to  indorse  his  veracity,  [laughter 
and  applause]  but  I  am  ready  to  indorse  his  veracity  because  neither 
in  that  thing,  nor  in  any  other,  in  all  the  years  that  I  have  known  Lyman 
Trumbull,  have  I  known  him  to  fail  of  his  word  or  tell  a  falsehood,  large 
or  small.  [Great  cheering.]  It  is  for  that  reason  that  I  indorse 
Lyman  Trumbull. 

Mr.  James  Brown  (Douglas  postmaster). — What  does  Ford's  His- 
tory say  about  him? 

Mr.  Lincoln. — Some  gentleman  asks  me  what  Ford's  History  says 
about  him.  My  own  recollection  is,  that  Ford  speaks  of  Trumbull 
in  very  disrespectful  terms  in  several  portions  of  his  book,  and  that  he 
talks  a  great  deal  worse  of  Judge  Douglas.  [Roars  of  laughter  and 
applause.]     I  refer  you,  sir,  to  the  History  for  examination.     [Cheers.] 

Judge  Douglas  complains,  at  considerable  length,  about  a  disposition 
on  the  part  of  Trumbull  and  myself  to  attack  him  personally.  I  want 
to  attend  to  that  suggestion  a  moment.  I  don't  want  to  be  unjustly 
accused  of  dealing  illiberally  or  unfairly  with  an  adversary,  either  in 
court,  or  in  a  political  canvass,  or  anywhere  else.  I  would  despise  my- 
self if  I  supposed  myself  ready  to  deal  less  liberally  with  an  adversary 
than  I  was  willing^  to  be  treated  myself.  Judge  Douglas,  in  a  general 
way,  without  putting  it  in  a  direct  shape,  revives  the  old  charge  against 
me  in  reference  to  the  Mexican  war.  He  does  not  take  the  responsi- 
bility of  putting  it  in  a  very  definite  form,  but  makes  a  general  refer- 

^Reads:  "disposed"  for  "willing." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  307 

ence  to  it.  That  charge  is  more  than  ten  years  old.  He  complains  of 
Trumbull  and  myself,  because  he  says  we  bring  charges  against  him 
one  or  two  years  old.  He  knows,  too,  that  in  regard  to  the  Mexican 
war  story,  the  more  respectable  papers  of  his  own  party  throughout 
the  State  have  been  compelled  to  take  it  back  and  acknowledge  that 
it  was  a  lie.     [Continued  and  vociferous  applause.] 

[Here  Mr.  Lincoln  turned  to  the  crowd  on  the  platform,  and  select- 
ing Hon.  Orlando  B.  Ficklin,  led  him  forward,  and  said: — ] 

I  do  not  mean  to  do  anything  with  Mr.  Ficklin^  except  to  present 
his  face  and  tell  you  that  he  personally  knows  W^  to  be  a  lie !  He  was  a 
member  of  Congress  at  the  only  time  I  was  in  Congress,  and  he 
[Ficklin]  knows  that  whenever  there  was  an  attempt  to  procure  a  vote 
of  mine  which  would  indorse  the  origin  and  justice  of  the  war,  I  refused 
to  give  such  indorsement,  and  voted  against  it;  but  I  never  voted 
against  the  supplies  for  the  army,  and  he  knows,  as  well  as  Judge 
Douglas,  that  whenever  a  dollar  was  asked,  by  way  of  compensation 
or  otherwise,  for  the  benefit  of  the  soldiers,  /  gave  all  the  votes  that 
Ficklin  or  Douglas  did,  and  perhaps  more.     [Loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Ficklin. — My  friends,  I  wish  to  say  this  in  reference  to  the 
matter.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myseK  are  just  as  good  personal  friends  as 
Judge  Douglas  and  myself.  In  reference  to  this  Mexican  war,  my 
recollection  is  that  when  Ashmun's  resolution  [amendment]  was  offered 
by  Mr.  Ashmun  of  Massachusetts,  in  which  he  declared  that  the  Mexi- 
can war  was  unnecessary  ^  and  unconstitutionally  commenced  by  the 
President,  my  recollection  is  that  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  for  that  resolution 

Mr.  Lincoln. — That  is  the  truth.  Now,  you  all  remember  that  was 
a  resolution  censuring  the  President  for  the  manner  in  which  the  war 
was  begun.  You  know  they  have  charged  that  I  voted  against  the 
supplies,  by  which  I  starved  the  soldiers  who  were  out  fighting  the 
battles  of  their  country.  I  say  that  Ficklin  knows  it  is  false.  When 
that  charge  was  brought  forward  by  the  Chicago  Times,  the  Spring- 
field Register  [Douglas  organ]  reminded  the  Times  that  the  charge 
really  applied  to  John  Henry;  and  I  do  know  that  John  Henry  is  now 
making  speeches  and  fircely  battling  for  Judge  Douglas.  [Loud  ap- 
plause.] If  the  Judge  now  says  that  he  offers  this  as  a  sort  of  a  set- 
off to  what  I  said  to-day  in  reference  to  Trumbull's  charge,  then  I 
remind  him  that  he  made  this  charge  before  I  said  a  word  about 

1  Reads:  "Mc  Ficklin"  for  "Ficklin." 

2 Inserts  "that  is"  before  "it." 

'Reads:  "unnecessarily"  for  "unnecessary." 


308  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

TmrnbuH's.  He  brought  this  forward  at  Ottawa,  the  first  time  we 
met  face  to  face;  and  in  the  opening  speech  that  Judge  Douglas  made, 
he  attacked  me  in  regard  to  a  matter  ten  years  old.  Isn't  he  a  pretty 
man  to  be  whining  about  people  making  charges  against  him  only 
two  years  old !     [Cheers.] 

The  Judge  thinks  it  is  altogether  wrong  that  I  should  have  dwelt 
upon  this  charge  of  Trumbull's  at  all.  I  gave  the  apology  for  doing 
so  in  my  opening  speech.  Perhaps  it  didn't  fix  your  attention.  I 
said  that  when  Judge  Douglas  was  speaking  at  places  where  I  spoke 
on  the  succeeding  day,  he  used  very  harsh  language  about  this  charge. 
Two  or  three  times  afterward  I  said  I  had  confidence  in  Judge  Trum- 
bull's veracity  and  intelligence;  and  my  own  opinion  was,  from  what 
I  knew  of  the  character  of  Judge  Trumbull,  that  he  would  vindicate 
his  position,  and  prove  whatever  he  had  stated  to  be  true.  This  I 
repeated  two  or  three  times;  and  then  I  dropped  it,  without  saying 
anything  more  on  the  subject  for  weeks, — perhaps  a  month.  I  passed 
it  by  without  noticing  it  at  all  till  I  found,  at  Jacksonville,  Judge 
Douglas,  in  the  plentitude  of  his  power,  is  not  willing  to  answer 
Trumbull  and  let  me  alone,  but  he  comes  out  there  and  uses  this 
language:  "He  should  not  hereafter  occupy  his  time  in  refuting 
such  charges  made  by  Trumbull,  but  that  Lincoln,  having  indorsed 
the  character  of  Trumbull  for  veracity,  he  should  hold  him  [Lincoln] 
responsible  for  the  slanders.  "  What  was  Lincoln  to  do?  [Laughter.] 
Did  he  not  do  right,  when  he  had  the  fit  opportunity  of  meeting 
Judge  Douglas  here,  to  tell  him  he  was  ready  for  the  responsibility? 
[Enthusiastic  cheering;  "  Good,  good; "  "  Hurrah  for  Lincoln. "]  I  ask 
a  candid  audience  whether  in  doing  thus  Judge  Douglas  was  not  the 
assailant  rather  than  I?  ["Yes,  yes.  Hit  him  again."]  Here  I 
meet  him  face  to  face,  and  say  I  am  ready  to  take  the  responsibility, 
so  far  as  it  rests  on^  me. 

Having  done'so,  I^ask  the  attention  of  this  audience  to  the  question 
whether  I  have  succeeded  in  sustaining  the  charge,  ["  Yes,  yes. "]  and 
whether  Judge  Douglas  has  at  all  succeeded  in  rebutting  it?  [Loud 
cries  of  "No,  no. "]  You  all  heard  me  call  upon  him  to  say  which  of 
these  pieces  of  evidence  was  a  forgery?  Does  he  say  that  what  I  pre- 
sent here  as  a  copy  of  the  original  Toombs  bill  is  a  forgery?  ["No, 
no. "]  Does  he  say  that  what  I  present  as  a  copy  of  the  bill  reported 
by  himself  is  a  forgery?     ["  No,  no,  no. "]     Or  what  is  presented  as  a 

'Reads:  "upon"  for  "on." 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  309 

transcript  from  the  Globe  of  the  quotations  from  Bigler's  speech,  is  a 
forgery?  ["  No,  no,  no. "]  Does  he  say  the  quotations  from  his  own 
speech  are  forgeries?  ["  No,  no,  no. "]  Does  he  say  this  transcript 
from  Trumbull's  speech  is  a  forgery?  [Loud  cries  of  "No,  no;  he 
didn't  deny  one  of  them. "]  /  would  then  like  to  know  how  it  come 
about  that  when  each  piece  of  a  story  is  true,  the  whole  story  turns  out 
false?  [Great  cheers  and  laughter.]  I  take  it  these  people  have 
some  sense;  they  see  plainly  that  Judge  Douglas  is  playing  cuttle-fish, 
[laughter] — a  small  species  of  fish  that  has  no  mode  of  defending  itself 
when  pursued  except  by  throwing  out  a  black  fluid,  which  makes  the 
water  so  dark  the  enemy  cannot  see  it,  and  thus  it  escapes.  [Roars 
of  laughter.]  Is  not^  the  Judge  playing  the  cuttle-fish?  ["Yes, 
yes, "  and  cheers.] 

Now,  I  would  ask  very  special  attention  to  the  consideration  of 
Judge  Douglas's  speech  at  Jacksonville ;  and  when  you  shall  read  his 
speech  of  to-day,  I  ask  you  to  watch  closely  and  see  which  of  these 
pieces  of  testimony,  every  one  of  which  he  says  is  a  forgery,  he  has 
shown  to  be  such.  Not  one  of  them  has  he  shown  to  be  a  forgery.  Then 
I  ask  the  original  question.  If  each  of  the  pieces  of  testimony  is  true, 
how  is  it  possible  that  the  whole  is  a  falsehood?  [Loud  and  continued 
cheers.] 

In  regard  to  Trumbull's  charge  that  he  [Douglas]  inserted  a  provi- 
sion into  the  bill  to  prevent  the  constitution  being  submitted  to  the 
people,  what  was^  his  answer?  He  comes  here  and  reads  from  the 
Congressional  Globe  to  show  that  on  his  motion  that  provision  was 
struck  out  of  the  bill.  Why,  Trumbull  has  not  said  it  was  not 
stricken  out,  but  Trumbull  says  he  [Douglas]  put  it  in;  and  it  is  no 
answer  to  the  charge  to  say  he  afterward  took  it  out.  Both  are  per- 
haps true.  It  was  in  regard  to  that  thing  precisely  that  I  told  him 
he  had  dropped  the  cub.  [Roars  of  laughter.]  Trumbull  shows  you 
that  by  his  introducing  the  bill  it  was  his  cub.  [Laughter.]  It  is 
no  answer  to  that  assertion  to  call  Trumbull  a  liar  merely  because  he 
did  not  especially  say  that  Douglas  struck  it  out.  Suppose  that  were 
the  case,  does  it  answer  Trumbull?  ["  No,  no. "]  I  assert  that  you 
[pointing  to  an  individual]  are  here  to-day,  and  you  undertake  to  prove 
me  a  liar  by  showing  me  that  you  were  in  Mattoon  yesterday.  [Laugh- 
ter.]    I  say  that  you  took  your  hat  off  your  head,  and  you  prove  me 

i Reads:  "Ain't"  for  "Is  not." 
*Reads:  "is"  for  "was." 

—11 


310  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

a  liar  by  putting  it  on  your  head.  [Roars  of  laughter.]  That  is  the 
whole  force  of  Douglas's  argument. 

Now,  I  want  to  come  back  to  my  original  question.  '  Trumbull  says 
that  Judge  Douglas  had  a  bill  with  a  provision  in  it  for  submitting  a 
Constitution  to  be  made,  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  Does 
Judge  Douglas  deny  that  fact?  [Cries  of  "No,  no. "]  Does  he  deny 
that  the  provision  which  Trumbull  reads  was  put  in  that  bill?  ["  No, 
no. "]  Then  Trumbull  says  he  struck  it  out.  Does  he  dare  to  deny 
that?  ["  No,  no,  no. "]  He  does  not,  and  I  have  the  right  to  repeat 
the  question, — Why  Judge  Douglas  took  it  out?  [Immense  applause.] 
Bigler  has  said  there  was  a  combination  of  certain  senators,  among 
whom  he  did  not  include  Judge  Douglas,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that 
the  Kansas  bill  should  have  a  clause  in  it  not  to  have  the  constitution 
formed  under  it  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  He  did  not  say 
that  Douglas  was  among  them,  but  we  prove  by  another  source  that 
about  the  same  time  Douglas  comes  into  the  Senate  with  that  provision 
stricken  out  of  the  bill. 

Although  Bigler  cannot  say  they  were  all  working  in  concert,  yet  it 
looks  very  much  as  if  the  thing  was  agreed  upon  and  done  with  a 
mutual  understanding  after  the  conference ;  and  while  we  do  not  know 
that  it  was  absolutely  so,  yet  it  looks  so  probable  that  we  have  a  right 
to  call  upon  the  man  who  knows  the  true  reason  why  it  was  done,  to 
tell  what  the  true  reason  was.  [Great  cheers.]  When  he  will  not  tell 
what  the  true  reason  was,  he  stands  in  the  attitude  of  an  accused 
thief  who  has  stolen  goods  in  his  possession,  and  when  called  to  account 
refuses  to  tell  where  he  got  them.  [Immense  applause.]  Not  only 
is  this  the  evidence,  but  when  he  comes  in  with  the  bill  having  the 
provision  stricken  out,  he  tells  us  in  a  speech,  not  then,  but  since,  that 
these  alterations  and  modifications  in  the  bill  had  been  made  by  him 
in  consultation  with  Toombs,  the  originator  of  the  bill.  He  tells  us  the 
same  to-day.  He  says  there  were  certain  modifications  made  in  the 
bill  in  committee  that  he  did  not  vote  for.  I  ask  you  to  remember 
while  certain  amendments  were  made  which  he  disapproved  of,  but 
which  a  majority  of  the  Committee  voted  in,  he  has  himself  told  us 
that  in  this  particular  the  alterations  and  modifications  were  made  by 
him,  upon  consultation  with  Toombs.  [Enthusiastic  cheering.]  We 
have  his  own  word  that  these  alterations  were  made  by  him,  and  not 
by  the  Committee.     ["That's  so;"  "Good,  good."] 

Now,  I  ask,  what  is  the  reason  Judge  Douglas  is  so  chary  about 


LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON  311 

coming  to  the  exact  question?  What  is  the  reason  he  will  not  tell  you 
anything  about  how  it  was  made,  by  whom  it  was  made,  or  that  he 
remembers  it  being  made  at  all?  Why  does  he  stand  playing  upon  the 
meaning  of  words,  and  quibbling  around  the  edges  of  the  evidence? 
If  he  can  explain  all  this,  but  leaves  it  unexplained,  I  have  a  right  to 
infer  that  Judge  Douglas  understood  it  was  the  purpose  of  his  party,  in 
engineering  that  bill  through,  to  make  a  constitution,  and  have  Kansas 
come  into  the  Union  with  that  constitution,  without  its  being  submitted 
to  a  vote  of  the  people.  ["  That's  it.  "]  If  he  will  explain  his  action  on 
this  question,  by  giving  a  better  reason  for  the  facts  that  happened,  than 
he  has  done,  it  will  be  satisfactory.  But  until  he  does  that, — until  he 
gives  a  better  or  more  plausible  reason  than  he  has  offered  against  the 
evidence  in  the  case, — /  suggest  to  him  it  will  not  avail  him  at  all  that 
he  swells  himself  up,  takes  on  dignity,  and  calls  people  liars.  [Great 
applause  and  laughter.]  Why,  sir,  there  is  not  a  word  in  Trumbull's 
speech  that  depends  on  Trumbull's  veracity  at  all.  He  has  only 
arrayed  the  evidence,  and  told  you  what  follows  as  a  matter  of  reason- 
ing. There  is  not  a  statement  in  the  whole  speech  that  depends  on 
Trumbull's  word.  If  you  have  ever  studied  geometry,  you  remember 
that  by  a  course  of  reasoning,  Euclid  proves  that  all  the  angles  in  a 
triangle  are  equal  to  two  right  angles.  Euclid  has  shown  you  how 
to  work  it  out.  Now,  if  you  undertake  to  disprove  that  proposition, 
and  to  show  that  it  is  erroneous,  would  you  prove  it  to  be  false  by 
calling  Euclid  a  liar?  [Roars  of  laughter  and  enthusiastic  cheers.] 
They  tell  me  that  my  time  is  out  and  therefore  I  close. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  concluded,  three  cheers  were  given  spontaneously 
by  the  vast  crowd;  after  which  the  people  poured  out  the  gates,  the 
carriages  and  bands  of  music  formed  in  procession,  and  the  whole 
marched  back  to  town. 

[Chicago  Times,  September  21,  1858] 

THE  CAItfPAIGN.- JOINT  DISCUSSION  AT  CHARLESTON 


15,000  People  on  the  Ground.— A  Field-Day  for  the  Democracy.— Lin- 
coln Tull  of  Trumbull;  Delivers  Trumbull's  Alton  Speech;  Has 
Nothing-  to  Say  for  Himself.— Lincoln  Retreats  from  Eg-ypt.— Trum- 
bull Covers  His  Fligrht.— Great  Speech  by  Senator  Dougrlas.- Trum- 
bull's Slanders  Refuted!— Lincoln's  Weakness  Exposed! 

The  fourth  joint  discussion  between  Senator  Douglas  and  Abraham 
Lincoln  took  place  at  Charleston,  Coles  County,  on  Saturday  last. 


312  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  occasion  drew  together  one  of  the  largest  gatherings  of  the  people 
that  has  taken  place  this  year.  From  twelve  to  fifteen  thousand  were 
present.  The  democracy  were  out  in  their  strength  and  struck  terror 
into  the  hearts  of  their  enemies.  Things  were  so  arranged  that  Sena- 
tor Douglas  should  be  received  at  Mattoon  on  his  arrival  from  Lower 
Egjqpt,  by  the  delegations  from  the  eastern  part  of  Coles  and  escorted 
down  to  Charleston,  ten  miles  distant.  Accordingly,  on  Saturday 
morning  at  3  o'clock,  when  he  reached  Mattoon,  his  friends  were 
waiting  for  him;  and  he  was  welcomed  with  a  salute  and  escorted  to 
the  house  of  a  friend,  which  was  brilliantly  illuminated.  At  eight 
o'clock  the  various  delegations  formed  in  procession  and  waited  upon 
him  to  attend  him  down  to  Charleston.  Before  starting.  Col.  Cun- 
ningham, in  behalf  of  his  fellow  citizens,  welcomed  Senator  Douglas 
to  Coles  county  in  a  beautiful  address,  in  the  course  of  which  he  called 
his  attention  to  a  part  of  the  procession,  consisting  of  thirty  two 
young  ladies  on  horseback,  representing  the  Federal  Union,  sixteen 
of  whom  carried  the  national  colors  waving  from  ash  sticks,  and 
the  other  sixteen  carrying  the  same  colors  on  hickory  sticks,  thus 
furnishing  a  beautiful  illustration  of  the  union  between  the  whigs  and 
democrats  when  our  country  was  endangered  by  the  agitation  of 
sectional  men  in  1850,  and  emblematic  of  the  union  which  now  exists 
between  the  national  men  of  these  two  parties  to  defeat  and  crush  out 
abolitionism.  Senator  Douglas  made  a  happy  and  appropriate  re- 
sponse, and  the  line  of  march  was  then  taken  up  for  Charleston. 

It  was  a  glorious  sight  to  see  the  long  line  of  teams  filled  with  men, 
women,  and  children,  extending  across  the  prairie  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  the  flags  gaily  flying  in  the  morning  breeze,  and  the  brass 
instruments  of  the  numerous  bands  gleaming  in  the  sun.  At  every 
house  and  every  cross  road  the  procession  received  accessions,  until 
when  entering  Charleston,  it  was  nearly  two  miles  long.  On  the  out- 
skirts of  the  town  it  was  met  by  the  citizens  of  Charleston  and  the 
delegations  from  the  western  part  of  Coles  and  the  adjoining  counties, 
who  carried  several  large  and  splendid  banners,  upon  one  of  which 
appeared  "  Edgar  county  good  for  five  hundred  majority  for  the  Little 
Giant, "  and  on  another,  "  This  government  was  made  forwhitemen — 
Douglas  for  life.  "  Passing  through  the  streets  of  Charleston,  the  pro- 
cession halted  in  front  of  the  Union  hotel,  which  was  almost  hid  by 
banners  and  flags,  and  here  Senator  Douglas  was  welcomed  to  Char- 
leston by  Hon.  0.  B.  Ficklin  in  a  most  eloquent  and  telling  speech,  to 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  313 

which  he  responded.  The  Black  Republicans  had  stationed  a  band 
at  the  opposite  comer,  and  when  Mr.  Ficklin  commenced  his  address 
the' musicians  were  ordered  to  play,  which  they  did,  preventing  the 
people  from  hearing  what  was  going  on ;  but  this  little  piece  of  mali- 
cious fun  was  soon  stopped,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty 
that  the  enraged  crowd  could  be  prevented  from  visiting  upon  the 
offenders  a  severe  mark  of  their  anger.  The  Black  Republicans  are 
utterly  lost  to  all  sense  of  shame.  At  Freeport  they  insulted  Senator 
Douglas,  pelting  him  with  watermelon  rind  and  otherwise  ill-using 
him,  but  their  indignities  were  overlooked,  and  when  Lincoln  went 
down  into  Egypt  he  found  himself  among  gentlemen.  Notwith- 
standing his  party  presumed  on  their  weakness  to  indulge  their  malice, 
he  was  not  insulted,  but  listened  to  quietly 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  September  21,  1858] 

THE  GEEAT  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN:  DEBATE 
BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON 


Twelve  to  Fifteen  Thousands  Persons  Present.— Lincoln  Tomahawks 
His  Antag-onist  with  the  Toombs  Bill.— Great  Rout  of  the  Doug-las- 
ites  in  the  Seventh  District.— Killed,  Wounded  and  Missing-.— 
Great  Demonstration  of  the  Republican  Girls  of  Charleston,  etc., 
cifCtf  crc* 

Saturday  last  was  a  day  to  be  remembered  in  the  counties  of  Coles, 
Edgar,  Cumberland,  Clark,  Champaign,  Vermilion,  etc., — Eastern 
Illinois.  According  to  announcement,  the  fourth  great  debate  be- 
tween Lincoln  and  Douglas  was  "  pitched  "  in  the  city  of  Charleston 
at  the  date  before-mentioned,  and  we  risk  nothing  in  saying  the  joint 
demonstration  eclipsed  all  previous  political  turn-outs,  in  the  central 
portion  of  the  State.  Ottawa  and  Freeport  must  trj'  again,  for  while 
the  latter  perhaps  brought  a  few  more  listeners  to  the  debate,  both 
together  would  not  have  made  so  imposing  a  display  of  the  etceteras 
of  a  great  campaign. 

On  Friday  evening  the  hotels  of  the  town  were  already  crowded  to 
excess,  and  the  streets  were  hung  with  national  flags,  banners,  and  all 
manner  of  artistic  devices  which  could  be  pressed  into  political  service. 
Early  on  Saturday  morning  the  town  began  to  fill  up  with  delegations 
of  teams  from  the  adjoining  precincts  and  the  surrounding  counties. 
A  special  train  from  Indiana  brought  eleven  car-loads  of  interested 
lookers-on  from  that  State.     People  came  on  horseback  and  mule- 


314  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

back,  in  wagons,  in  freight  trains  and  on  foot — some  with  badges  and 
some  with  banners,  some  with  their  dinners  and  some  without.  At 
ten  o'clock  the  streets  and  the  sidewalks  around  the  public  square 
were  almost  impassable,  and  those  who  essayed  out-doors  anywhere 
in  the  vicinity  were  well-nigh  stifled  with  dust  for  their  pains.  The 
chief  decoration  of  the  day  was  a  gigantic  banner,  eighty  feet  long, 
hung  across  the  street,  from  the  Court  House  to  a  high  building  on  the 
west  side  of  the  street.     On  one  side  was  inscribed : 

COLES  COUNTY 
FOUR  HUNDRED  MAJORITY  FOR  LINCOLN 

On  the  reverse  was  a  painting  of  ''Old  Abe  Thirty  Years  Ago," 
driving  three  yoke  of  oxen  attached  to  a  yawl-like  Kentucky  wagon. 
This  was  flanked  by  two  magnificient  specimens  of  the  stars  and 
stripes. 

Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas  both  passed  the  previous  night  in 
Mattoon.  Two  processions  were  started  from  that  thriving  town  on 
Saturday  morning  to  escort  the  speakers  to  Charleston.  About  half 
past  ten  another  long  and  imposing  procession  of  carriages,  horsemen, 
bands  of  music,  and  conspicuous  above  all,  a  mammoth  car  covered 
with  white  muslin  and  silk  and  decorated  with  wild  flowers,  bearing  a 
huge  inscription,  "Lincoln,  Oglesby,  Marshall  and  Craddock" 
and  carrying  thirty-two  young  ladies  with  banners  inscribed  with 
names  of  the  States  of  the  Confederacy  moved  out  of  Charleston  to 
to  meet  Mr.  Lincoln.  About  an  hour  afterwards  the  two  Republican 
processions  returned  together.  They  constituted  without  question 
the  most  formidable  array  of  the  campaign.  Innumerable  banners 
fluttered  in  the  wind  farther  than  the  eye  could  reach  through  the 
cloud  of  dust  that  accompanied  them.  As  they  entered  the  town 
the  procession  was  a  mile  in  length.  As  compared  with  it,  the  Doug- 
las escort  was  a  very  puny  affair.  The  car  provided  for  thirty-two 
ladies  on  that  side  of  the  house,  somehow  contained  only  fifteen,  and 
the  majority  of  these  were  under  eight  years  of  age — suggesting  the 
idea  of  their  being  Territories  rather  than  States. 

The  carriage  in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  conveyed  was  driven  to  the 
entrance  of  the  Capitol  House  where  Mr.  Bromwell,  of  Charleston, 
made  the  following  reception  speech : 

[Here  follows  speech  of  Mr.  Bromwell] 

Three  loud  cheers  were  then  given,  and  a  general  dispersion  took 
place  for  dinner.     Those  who  partook  of  the  fare  of  our  friend  Johnson 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  315 

at  the  Capitol  House,  were  abundantly  fortified  for  the  exercises  of 
the  afternoon. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  give  in  our  columns  a  tithe  of  the  interest- 
ing adjimcts  and  incidents  of  the  day.  We  will  merely  add  that  the 
Republicans  of  Coles  County  are  a  host,  and  no  mistake. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Speech 

Mr.  Lincoln  took  the  stand  at  a  quarter  before  three  and  was  greeted 
with  vociferous  and  protracted  applause;  after  which,  he  said: 
[Mr.  Lincohi's  opening  speech  is  printed  here,  followed  by  Mr.  Douglas's  reply, 
and  finally  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  concluding  remarks.] 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  had  concluded,  three  cheers  were  given  spon- 
taneously by  the  vast  crowd;  after  which  the  people  poured  out  of  the 
gates,  the  carriages  and  bands  of  music  formed  in  procession,  and  the 
whole  marched  back  to  the  town. 

The  evening  services  at  the  Court  House  were  commenced  by  Hon. 
Hugh  F.  Linder,  in  a  speech  of  haK  an  hour.  He  was  followed  by  a 
dramatic  young  gentleman  of  "  Spread-Eagle  "  notoriety  from  Chicago 
named  Merrick.  We  heard  Mr.  Merrick  only  a  few  moments.  He 
was  then  talking  of  "Stars  shooting  madly  from  their  spheres,"  with 
tragic  allusions  to  a  "  holocaust  "  and  a  rapt  view  of  the  "  empyrean. " 
We  fled  with  some  trepidation  to  the  southwest  comer  of  the  square, 
where  the  Republicans  had  organized  a  meeting  about  four  times 
larger  than  the  Douglas  performance,  and  were  being  addressed  by 
Hon.  R.  J.  Oglesby,  amid  a  storm  of  hurrahs.  Mr.  Oglesby  con- 
tinued speaking  in  a  powerful  strain  for  about  two  hours,  when  the 
meeting  adjourned,  and  the  "  boys  "  went  and  serenaded  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  music  was  then  heard  under  the  windows  of  "Kansas,"'  "Cali- 
fornia,'' "Iowa,"  etc.  far  into  the  dangerous  hours,  and  finally 
vibrated  and  throbbed  itself  to  rest.  And  so  ended  the  great  day 
at  Charleston. 

[Missouri  Republican.  St.  Louis.  September  22,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  Ds  ILLIXOIS 


Joint  Debate  at  Charleston.— Something:  about  Sidney  Breese.— Lincoln 

Reads  Trnmbull's  Alton  Speech 

Charleston,  Coles  Co.,  III. 
September  19,  ISoS 
The  regular  meeting  for  joint  discussion  between  the  tall  Sucker 


316  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

and  the  Little  Giant  came  off  according  to  programme  yesterday,  and 
indeed  it  turned  out  to  be  a  glorious  occasion  for  the  Democracy. 

Sun  up  yesterday  morning  found  both  of  the  candidates  at  Mattoon, 
whence  to  this  town  has  to  be  made  by  horse,  when  a  parade  is  any- 
thing of  a  consideration.  In  this  instance  the  members  of  both  parties 
thinking  to  do  honor  to  their  champion  chose  such  conveyance,  they 
doing  the  honors  by  getting  up  for  each  a  procession.  "Old  Abe" 
started  at  the  head  of  his  crowd  early  in  the  morning,  he  had  a  fair 
show,  but  one  which  might  hide  its  diminished  head  when  that  which 
escorted  Douglas  took  the  lead.  This  consisted  of  a  band,  thirty-two 
couples,  male  and  female,  on  horseback,  then  came  the  Judge,  the 
rear  being  brought  up  by  seventy-three  wagons  containing  in  each 
from  two  to  twelve  persons,  the  rear  being  supported  by  a  large  num- 
ber of  horsemen.  In  this  way,  receiving  constant  accessions  to  their 
numbers,  they  marched  over  the  ten  miles  of  road,  until  on  the  out- 
skirts of  this  city  they  were  met  by  the  immense  delegation  sent  out 
by  the  citizens.  These  mounted  in  various  ways,  being  headed  by  a 
van  containing  thirty-two  young  ladies  dressed  in  white,  with  wreathes 
of  prairie  flowers  on  their  brows,  and  each  bearing  a  flag  inscribed  with 
the  name  of  the  State  represented  by  her. 

In  this  magnificent  order  Senator  Douglas  was  conveyed  to  the 
hotel,  in  the  front  of  which  Mr.  0.  B.  Ficklin  addressed  him  in  terms 
of  welcome.  Owing  to  the  fact  that  these  "  free  speech  "  Republicans 
set  their  brazen  band  players  to  playing  their  brass  instruments  within 
a  few  yards  of  the  speaker,  and  kept  at  that  delectable  game  during 
the  continuance  of  the  whole  of  his  speaking,  I  am  unable  to  convey  to 
you  the  sentiments  which  he  expressed.  Feeling,  and  with  propriety, 
that  this  was  rather  too  much  of  a  good  thing,  these  blow-hards  were 
stopped  in  time  to  allow  that  the  Senator  should  reply  before  the  vast 
multitude  that  had  congregated  around  him,  without  interruption. 

After  dinner  had  been  disposed  of,  the  several  parties  made  their 
way  to  the  rostrum.  As  the  Judge  ascended  the  stand,  I  was  a  list- 
ener to  a  conversation  which,  being  of  no  private  character,  I  may 
repeat  the  substance  of,  as  it  goes  to  show  the  close  alliance  of  the 
bolters  with  the  Black  Republican  force,  and  as  it  corroborates  and 
endorses  Gov.  Reynolds  in  his  published  resolution  (vide  Star  of 
Egypt)  to  vote  for  Lincoln  in  preference  to  Douglas.  The  Black 
Republican  marshal  of  the  day  exhibited  a  letter  from  Carpenter,  of 
Chicago,  asking  him  to  make  arrangements  for  a  meeting  for  him  to 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  317 

speak  to,  for  Tuesday  next,  and  begging  of  him  to  announce  it  from 
the  stand.  The  conversation  was  relative  to  any  objections  which 
Douglas  might  have  to  such  announcement.  The  Judge  signified  his 
willingness,  and  it  was  done.  The  marshal  reading  the  notice  from 
the  stand  that  "  Carpenter  would  reply  to  Douglas. " 

At  this  time  there  were  certainly  no  less  than  ten  thousand  people 
upon  the  fair  ground,  some  calculated  that  there  were  fifteen  thou- 
sand present,  and  I  think  there  were  as  likely  twelve  thousand  as  ten 
thousand.  They  were  ranged  around  in  semicircular  form,  the  stand 
forming  the  central  line.     Mr.  Lincoln  had  the  opening.  B.  B. 

[Chicago  Democrat,   September  22,    1858] 

FOrRTH   GREAT    DEBATE    BETWEEN    LINCOLN    AND 
DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON 


Ten  Thousand  Persons  on  the  Ground.— The  Toombs  Bill.— Lincoln 

Strips  the  Giant  Dry 

Charleston,  Sept.  18,  1858 
This  morning  the  procession  formed  at  Mattoon  for  the  purpose 
of  escorting  Lincoln  to  the  county  seat.  It  was  led  by  a  band  of  music 
from  Indiana.  Following  the  carriage  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  wagon 
fiUed  with  young  ladies,  thirty-two  in  number,  each  representing  a 
State.  The  wagon  bearing  this  precious  burden  of  beauty  bore  this 
significant  motto: — 

"Westward  thy  Star  of  Empire  takes  its  way, 

Thy  Girls  Link-on  to  Lincoln, 
Their  Mothers  were  for  Clay.  " 

Immediately  following  was  a  young  lady  on  horse  back,  representing 
Kansas,  bearing  the  motto, — " Kansas  will  be  free! "  In  front  of  the 
procession  was  a  banner  inscribed  "Support  Abram  Lincoln,  the 
defender  of  Henry  Clay." 

Arriving  at  Charleston,  a  vast  throng  was  found  waiting  the  pro- 
cession, and  welcomed  it  with  cheers  and  huzzas.  From  the  Capitol 
House  to  the  Court  House,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street,  a  banner 
was  stretched,  on  which  was  sketched  an  emigrant  wagon,  drawn  by 
two  yoke  of  oxen,  driven  by  a  young  stripling,  and  over  the  caricature 
the  words,  "Abe's  entrance  into  Charleston  thirty  years  ago. "  When 
it  is  remembered  that  thirty  years  ago  Mr.  Lincoln  emigrated  to  this 
place  from  Kentucky,  driving  his  father's  team  a  la  the  design  on  the 


318  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

banner,  this  had  peculiar  significance.  It  attracted  much  attention 
during  the  day. 

In  front  of  the  Capitol  House  the  ceremony  of  the  reception  took 
place  in  the  finest  and  most  imposing  style.  The  reception  speech  was 
made  by  Hon.  H.  P.  H.  Bromwell,  and  is  conceded  by  all  to  have  been 
a  very  appropriate  and  neat  speech.  It  was  well  received  by  the 
crowd,  and  elicited  excessive  cheering.  Mr.  Lincoln  responded  in  a 
few  remarks  well  timed  and  to  the  point,  which  inflamed  the  audience 
with  the  greatest  amount  of  enthusiasm. 

After  dinner  the  crowd  moved  to  the  ground  of  the  Agricultural 
Society  to  witness  the  great  attraction  of  the  day — the  intellectual 
contest  between  the  two  great  front  leaders  in  Illinois.  It  proved  an 
occasion  long  to  be  remembered  by  both  speakers  and  audience ; — the 
former,  because  it  was  the  turning  point  which  was  to  decide  important 
points  in  the  campaign,  and  the  latter,  because  they  were  to  witness  a 
great  intellectual  encounter.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  introduced  to  the 
audience  by  Dr.  Chamberlain. 

In  the  course  of  his  remarks,  Mr.  Douglas  insinuated  the  oft- 
exploded  charge  that  Lincoln  voted  against  supplies  to  our  soldiers  in 
the  Mexican  war.  This  Mr.  Lincoln  treated  in  an  entirely  original, 
but,  it  must  be  conceded,  very  effective  manner.  Referring  to  the 
charge,  he  explained  in  a  concise  manner  his  position  upon  the  war 
question  as  being  the  same  as  that  of  the  Whig  party  of  that  day.  To 
prove  his  statement  true,  he  turned  to  Hon.  O.  B.  Ficklin,  who  was 
sitting  upon  the  stand,  and  seizing  him  by  the  collar,  dragged  him  by 
main  force  before  the  audience,  saying  "now,  Mr.  Ficklin,  you  sat 
by  my  side  the  whole  time  I  was  in  Congress,  and  know  well  every 
speech  and  vote  given  by  me.  Now,  sir,  I  want  you  to  tell  to  this 
audience,  the  whole  truth  of  the  matter. "  Mr.  Ficklin  was  an  un- 
willing witness  indeed,  but  was  in  a  tight  place  and  could  no  better 
than  go  forward  and  do  as  he  was  bidden.  He  said  he  was  a  friend 
to  both  contending  gentlemen,  and  esteemed  them  both.  He  further 
said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  gave  no  material  vote  different  from  his  own 
on  the  war  question,  except  to  declare  it  unconstitutional.  The  effect 
of  this  performance,  as  will  readily  be  seen  by  the  reader,  was  electri- 
cal upon  the  audience.  Douglas  met  the  charge,  and  instead  of  get- 
ting out  of  temper  and  giving  the  lie,  Lincoln  seized  Douglas'  right 
hand  man,  made  him  a  witness,  and  at  once  nailed  the   libellous 


1 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  319 

charge  to  the  counter.  The  effect  was  most  powerful;  cheer  after 
cheer  rent  the  air,  testifying  the  complete  triumph  of  Lincoln  over 
this  calumny.  "Fick"  was  not  a  little  discomforted,  but  could  do 
no  better  than  meet  the  issue  with  fortitude.  He  had  been  the 
unwilling  instrument  in  the  hands  of  Lincoln  of  robbing  the  Doug- 
lasites  of  their  chief  weapon. 

[Special  Correspondence  New  York  Evening  Post,  September  21,  1858] 

SENATORIAL  CANVASS  IN  ILLINOIS 

Charleston,  Coles  Co.,  Ills. 
Sept.  18,  1858 
The  fourth  joint  debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln  has  just 
closed.  Charleston  is  located  on  the  line  of  the  Terre  Haute,  Alton, 
and  St.  Louis  Railroad,  some  ten  miles  East  of  the  Illinois  Central.  It 
is  a  pleasant  town  of  some  antiquity  for  Illinois,  and  at  the  center  of  a 
region  which  is  rather  prolific  in  Republicans.  The  meeting  today 
was  larger  than  the  first  debate  at  Ottawa,  and  almost  equal  to  the 
second  debate  at  Freeport. — This  one  fact  shows  the  interest  which 
this  campaign  is  taking  on.  Here,  in  a  "  rural  district "  with  only  one 
railroad  and  one  special  train,  the  turnout  of  the  populace  has  ranked 
with  the  great  meetings  in  the  thickly  settled  northern  portions  of  the 
State,  intersected  by  railroads  and  steamboats  routes,  all  pouring  their 
special  trains  upon  a  common  center.  ''The  prairies  are  on  fire" 
and  all  parties  partake  of  the  general  enthusiasm. 

These  demonstrations  are  in  the  main  alike,  but  this  at  Charleston 
has  been  in  some  particulars  in  advance  of  others.  The  display  of 
banners  and  mottoes  was  unusually  large.  Across  the  main  street 
were  suspended  three  flags  bearing  Lincoln's  name  and  a  huge  white 
banner  bearing  on  one  side  the  words,  "  Coles  County  for  Lincoln  "  and 
on  the  other  an  immense  painting  representing  a  man  driving  a  team 
of  six  horses.  This  was  "  Abe  "  as  he  appeared  thirty  years  ago,  when 
he  drove  a  wagon  across  the  county ;  then  a  poor  teamster,  unnoticed 
and  unknown;  now  the  object  of  almost  idolatrous  devotion  from  the 
people  of  the  same  county.  Innumerable  other  banners  and  devices^ 
expressive  of  like  feeling  were  carried. 

Mr.  Lincoln  spent  the  night  at  Mattoon,  ten  miles  distant,  and  was 
escorted  thence  by  the  entire  town  in  wagons.  From  Charleston  there 
went  forth  a  large  delegation  and  with  it  the  pleasantest  feature  of  the 


320  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

occasion;  a  large  wagon  covered  with  a  canopy,  was  decorated  with 

blue  and  white  cloth,  festoons  of    leaves  and  wreaths  of  flowers. 

Inside  were  thirty-one  young  ladies,  dressed  in  white;  on  their  blue 

velvet  caps  were  wreaths  of  green  and  a  silver  star.     Each  young  lady 

waved  a  white  banner  with  the  name  of  a  state  upon  it.      Behind  was 

a  young  lady  on  horseback,  bearing  the  banner  "Kansas — I  will  be 

free. "     (I  may  here  remark,  in  passing,  an  unfortunate  decoration 

for  a  young  lady.)     Following  her  were  thirty-one  young  men  on 

horseback.     The  wagon  containing  the  young  ladies  had  upon  one 

side,  '^  Lincoln,  Oglesby,  Marshall,  Craddock, "  and  on  the  other 

"Westward,  the  star  of  Empire  takes  its  way, 
The  girls  link-on  to  Lincoln,  as  their  mothers  did  to  Clay. " 

As  the  procession  arrived  and  made  its  way  through  the  dense 
crowd  the  young  ladies  were  greeted  with  immense  cheers,  to  which 
they  responded  by  waving  their  banners.  Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  recep- 
tion speech,  gracefully  alluded  to  this  spectacle  as  "a  basket  of 
flowers. "  Mr.  Douglas,  too,  spent  the  night  at  Mattoon,  and  came 
over  with  his  friends.  A  wagon  with  thirteen  young  ladies  met  him 
in  procession  and  these  were  followed  by  thirty-one  young  ladies  on 
horseback,  attended  by  as  many  gentlemen.  Oh!  how  fearfully 
dusty  candidates  and  cavalcades  were  when  they  arrived  in  front  of 
the  hotels.  The  two  wagons  I  have  mentioned  were  drawn  upon  the 
grounds,  where  the  most  intense  enthusiasm  was  manifested  at  their 
appearance. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  September  23,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT  CHARLESTON 


Abraham  Tossed  Ag-ain 

Charleston,  September  18 
Editors  State  Register: — The  Democracy  have  had  a  day  here  that 
will  rejoice  their  hearts  as  long  as  their  memory  shall  last,  while  the 
black  republicans  will  not  cease  to  deplore  it  as  long  as  they  stick  to 
their  present  organization.  The  conflict  between  Douglas  and  Lin- 
coln has  turned  out  most  disastrously  for  the  cause  of  the  latter. 
There  is  but  one  opinion  here,  and  that  is  that  Lincoln  has  become 
satisfied  that  he  cannot  cope  with  Douglas.  Lincoln  had  nothing  to 
say  for  himself  in  this  speech,  but  he  repeated  the  charge  made  by 
Trumbull  and  reproduced  the  falsehoods  of  that  renegade  from  democ- 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  321 

racy.  Lincoln  has  evidently  found  it  up  hill  business  to  maintain  his 
negro  equality  doctrines  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Wabash,  and  in 
Egypt  generally,  so  he  rehearses  Trumbull's  speeches. 

The  gathering  of  the  people  have  exceeded  all  expectation.  There 
could  not  have  been  less  than  fifteen  thousand  present.  He  left 
Mattoon  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning  under  a  numerous  escort  made  up 
of  delegates  from  different  counties.  In  the  procession  were  thirty- 
two  young  ladies  on  horseback,  each  bearing  the  colors  of  our  country 
— the  eagle,  stars  and  stripes.  The  journey  from  Mattoon  to  Charles- 
ton was  thirty  miles,  and  throughout  its  course  the  procession  received 
fresh  installments  of  ardent  citizens  from  almost  every  house,  and  at 
the  intersection  of  the  highways  and  byways.  Banners  appropriate 
to  the  principles  of  the  party  and  emblematic  of  the  services  of  the 
distinguished  senator,  were  numerously  displayed  along  the  immense 
line  of  patriotic  citizens  who  rushed  together  to  do  honor  to  the  man 
who  stands  before  the  world  as  the  ablest  champion  of  popular 
sovereignty.  On  reaching  Charleston  the  procession  was  two  miles 
and  a  half  long.  It  would  perhaps  gratify  you  to  give  the  inscriptions 
upon  the  banners,  but  they  were  too  numerous  for  me  to  copy  them 
or  even  remember  them  at  all. 

The  Hon.  O.  B.  Ficklin  welcomed  the  senator  in  an  eloquent  and 
pertinent  speech,  though  but  few  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  it  as  the 
black  republicans  had  stationed  a  band  near  for  the  purpose  of  drown- 
ing his  remarks.  The  people  soon  stopped  the  instruments  and  Judge 
Douglas  made  his  reception  reply  without  interruption. 

Mr.  Lincoln  led  off  the  debate.  The  people  listened  but  they  did 
not  cheer  him.  Four  fifths  of  those  present  were  democrats.  Scarce- 
ly a  cheer  greeted  him,  (though  three  cheers  were  accorded  for  court- 
esy) .  He  contented  himself  with  repeating  the  falsehoods  of  Trumbull 
— falsehoods  which  Douglas  had  refuted  over  and  over  again.  On 
closing  there  was  no  applause  for  him — scarcely  a  murmer  of  appro- 
bation from  his  few  friends  who  had  the  courage  to  appear  there  to 
witness  his  overthrow. 

Douglas  followed,  and  completely  riddled  every  position  taken  by 
the  black  republican  candidate  for  the  senate.  He  again  refuted 
Trumbull's  falsehoods  and  exposed  the  shuffling  indirection  of  Lin- 
coln. I  should  be  glad  to  give  a  synopsis  of  the  debate,  but  must 
close.     You  may  rely  on  Coles  county  being  all  right.  B.  J. 


322  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Chicago  Times,  September  21,  1858] 

THE  AUDIENCE  AT  CHAELESTON 


Doug-las  Has  the  People  with  Him 

Of  the  vast  multitude  of  people  in  attendance  upon  the  discussion, 
at  Charleston,  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  it  is  entirely  safe  to  say 
that  more  than  three-fourths  were  Democrats — making  the  number  of 
Douglas's  friends  on  the  ground  not  less,  according  to  the  most  reason- 
able calculation,  than  ELEVEN  THOUSAND.  This  proportion  of 
Democrats  to  Republicans  was  manifest  at  the  first,  and  throughout 
the  debate.  While  Lincoln  was  speaking  no  responses  greeted  him 
from  the  crowd;  he  spoke  as  well,  but  no  better,  than  usual,  but  to 
intelligent  citizens  of  the  Democratic  persuasion,  who  exhibited  no 
sympathy  with  or  no  respect  for  him.  However,  as  it  is  the  habit  of 
Democrats  to  tolerate  in  the  most  respectful  manner  free  speech,  he 
was  not  interrupted  or  disturbed.  But  when  Douglas  commenced 
his  reply,  the  whole  assemblage  sent  up  a  prolonged  and  almost 
unanimous  shout  of  applause.  The  effect  on  each  individual  auditor 
was  electrical,  and  the  speaker  entered  into  the  discussion  with  great 
energy  of  manner,  and  in  a  style  of  manly  and  convincing  eloquence. 
In  spite  of  his  expressed  wish  to  be  allowed  to  proceed  without  inter- 
ruption by  applauses,  at  every  telling  point — and  his  speech  abounded 
with  them — the  most  vociferous  and  hearty  cheers  were  given.  When 
Douglas  had  finished  the  people  appeared  satisfied;  many  went 
immediately  away;  and  before  Lincoln  was  half  through  with  his 
rejoinder  not  a  quarter  of  the  crowd  remained  to  hear  him.  He  had 
not  more  than  four  thousand  hearers;  it  is  not  believed  that  he  had 
three  thousand.  We  fancy  he  has  had  enough  of  Egypt;  and  cer- 
tainly Egypt  has  had  enough  of  him. 

[Chicago  Journal,  September  20,  1858] 

LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  AT  CHARLESTON 

[Special  Correspondence  of  the  Chicago  Journal] 

Charleston,  Coles  County,  Sept.  18 
This  is  one  of  the  pleasantest  villages  that  we  have  ever  visited  in 
the  West.  It  is  the  county  seat  of  Coles  county,  one  of  the  wealthiest 
and  most  progressive  agricultural  counties  in  the  State,  notwith- 
standing its  proximity  to  Egypt  which  begins  at  its  Southern  limits. 
It  is  located  on  The  Terre  Haute,  Alton  and  St.  Louis  railroad,  and 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  323 

only  seven  miles  from  Mattoon,  the  junction  of  that  road  with  the 
Illinois  Central  railroad. 

We  came  up  to  attend  the  fourth  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas,  which  takes  place  here  this  afternoon,  and  an  account  of 
which  we  should  herewith  send  you,  but  for  the  fact  that,  no  train 
leaving  Mattoon  for  Chicago  between  noon  today  and  the  forenoon  of 
Monday,  it  will  be  impossible  to  get  the  letter  to  you  for  your  Monday's 
issue.  We  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  have  been  getting  acquainted 
with  the  people  and  feeling  the  popular  pulse,  to  ascertain  their  polit- 
ical feelings.  This  town  and  the  country  around  it,  have  been  settled 
principally  from  Kentucky.  Most  of  the  leading  men  here  are  Ken- 
tuckians,  of  the  old  Henry  Clay  Whig  stamp.  Before  the  organization 
of  the  Republican  party,  Coles  County  gave  a  strong  Whig  majority, 
and  is  now  a  good  Republican  county.  We  find  on  inquiry  that 
almost  without  exception,  the  old  Kentucky  Whigs  here  are  the  strongest 
kind  of  Lincoln  men.  Mr.  Craddock,  the  Lincoln  candidate  for  the 
Legislature  in  this  Republican  district,  embracing  the  counties  of 
Coles  and  Moultrie,  will  be  elected  by  a  majority  of  not  less  than  six 
hundred.  The  organization  of  the  Republican  party  in  this  county 
and  district  is  perfect,  and  their  plan  of  operation  is  worthy  of  all 
imitation  by  every  other  district  in  the  State.  They  have  the  name 
and  partizan  proclivities  of  every  voter  "recorded  in  a  book,"  and 
know  just  how  many  Republicans,  how  many  Democrats,  and  how 
many  "  doubtfuls, "  there  are,  and  where  to  find  them.  The  work  of 
the  canvass  is  progressing  with  much  spirit,  and  the  excitement  is 
quite  general,  for  it  is  nearly  all  for  Lincoln. 

At  the  present  writing  the  town  is  rapidly  filling  up  with  people  from 
the  adjoining  towns.  There  will  be  a  great  multitude  here,  to  listen  to 
the  debate.  Processions  and  delegations  are  now  entering  the  town 
from  every  direction,  with  flags,  banners  and  loud  hurrahs  for  "  Abe 
Lincoln, "  who  used  to  live  in  this  county  when  a  boy.  The  Lincoln 
men  of  Charleston  have  suspended  a  mammoth  banner  across  the 
street,  on  which  is  painted  a  life  sized  picture,  representing  a  farmer 
boy  driving  an  ox  team,  as  Lincoln  used  to  do  here  when  a  lad.  Under 
this  is  the  inscription,  "  Lincoln  as  He  Was  in  1828.  "  On  the  other 
side  of  the  banner  is  the  inscription  in  large  letters,  "Coles  County 
Goes  for  Lincoln.  "  This  enormous  banner,  reaching  almost  across 
the  square,  is  graced  at  each  end  with  a  large  American  flag.  The 
Douglasites  have  also  suspended  a  flag  across  the  square,  but  it  is  a 


324  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

small  affair,  with  the  words  "  welcome  douglas  "  upon  it.  The  town  is 
full  of  Lincoln  flags  and  banners,  carried  by  men  and  boys,  and  fast- 
ened to  doors,  stores  and  housetops:  but  the  Douglas  banners  are 
"  few  and  far  between. " 

By  the  way,  speaking  of  those  flags  that  are  suspended  across  the 
square ;  we  must  not  neglect  to  mention  an  ominous  incident  that  oc- 
curred last  evening.  The  Douglas  men  saw  some  Lincoln  men  on  the 
roof  of  a  building  on  which  one  of  the  ends  of  their  flag-rope  was 
fastened,  and  supposing  that  they  were  about  to  throw  out  the  big 
Lincoln  banner  to  the  breeze,  they  immediately  scampered  up  to  the 
Court  House  cupola  and  attempted  to  get  the  start  of  the  Lincoln  men 
by  getting  their  flag  out  first.  They  strung  it  out  on  the  flag  rope,  and 
let  it  fly  to  the  breeze,  when  a  violent  gust  of  wind  struck  the  flag  and 
tangled  it  over  the  rope  into  several  knots.  This  the  Republicans 
regarded  as  emblematical  of  the  tangled-up  position  into  which  Lin- 
coln has  placed  Douglas,  and  they  very  naturally  gave  vent  to  their 
feelings  in  shouts,  to  the  great  discomfiture  of  the  poor  fellows  on  the 
cupola,  who  were  tugging  to  get  the  "  kinks  "  out  of  their  unfortunate 
flag,  which  they  finally,  after  an  hour  or  two  of  hard  work,  succeeded 
in  doing,  not  however  without  tearing  an  ugly  rent  into  the  cloth. 
This  is  ominous  of  the  Douglas  cause. 

Charleston  has  a  large  number  of  pretty  and  intelligent  ladies,  and 
they  are  all  for  Lincoln.  They  have  decorated  a  long  wagon  with 
flags  and  inscriptions  in  which  32  of  them  (representing  the  32  States 
of  the  Union)  will  ride  in  the  procession  this  afternoon.  Among  the 
appropriate  inscriptions  on  this  wagon  is  the  following: 

-     "THE  GIRLS  ALL  LINK  TO  LINCOLN, 
AS  THEIR  MOTHERS  LINKED  TO  CLAY. " 

The  Douglasites  tried  to  get  up  a  similar  display,  but,  to  do  their 
best,  couldn't  find  more  than  four  women  in  the  town  who  thought 
enough  of  Douglas  to  honor  him  in  this  manner.  So,  despairing  of 
this  way  to  honor  their  champion,  the  Douglasites  went  to  work  and 
got  a  caricature  painted — eminently  characteristic  of  these  low-lived 
politicians — representing  a  white  man  standing  with  a  negro  woman, 
and  followed  by  a  negro  boy,  with  the  inscription  of  "Negro 
Equality,  "  over  it.  We  take  it  from  this,  that  the  Douglas-worship- 
ers of  Charleston,  like  the  Douglas  editor  of  the  DeKalb  Sentinel,  are 
in  favor  of  Negro  Equality.  This  is  what  their  banner  indicates 
surely. 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  325 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  escorted  from  Mattoon  by  a  Republican  procession 
numbering  several  hundred  men  and  women,  in  wagons  and  on  horse- 
back, with  flags  and  banners,  this  morning.  It  was  a  triumphal  march 
of  eleven  long  miles.  Mr.  Lincoln  stops  at  the  Capitol  House,  the  best 
hotel  in  the  town;  and  Senator  Douglas  is  the  guest  of  the  Union 
House. 

There  are  several  thousand  people  in  the  streets,  and  "still  they 
come."  The  debate  takes  place  at  2  o'clock  at  the  County  Fair 
Grounds,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  West  of  the  village.  You  shall 
hear  from  us  again  on  Monday. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  October  1,  1858] 

Dignity  Outraged. — The  Charleston  (Coles  County)  Courier  relates 
the  following  incident  connected  with  the  debate  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  in  that  town: 

As  the  procession  was  starting  from  the  pubhc  square  for  the  place  appointed 
for  Lincoln  and  Douglas  to  speak — the  latter  who  was  riding  in  a  carriage,  hav- 
ing been  requested  by  one  of  the  mai'shals  to  fall  in  ranks,  in  the  proper  place 
as  specified,  sticks  his  big  gray  hat  out  of  the  carriage,  and  with  a  face  swollen 
with  rage,  or  something  worse,  declared  that  "he  would  not  be  treated  with 
such  indignity, "  "if  I  can't  be  treated  with  respect,  I  will  get  out  of  the  pro- 
cession. "  The  innocent  marshal  was  perfectly  thunderstruck — and  could  not 
divine  the  cause  of  such  "  celestial  wrath, "  until  it  was  pointed  out  to  him  that 
there  was  in  the  dim  and  dusty  distance  before  them  a  small  banner  represent- 
ing "Old  Abe"  with  upUfted  war  club  felhng  the  Little  Giant  to  the  ground. 
"  Now,  in  the  name  of  all  the  gods  at  once,  upon  what  meat  hath  this  our 
Ceasar  fed,  that  he  has  grown  so  great?" 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  caused  to  pass  under  a  Douglas  banner  a  thousand  times 
more  disgraceful,  and  he  did  not  turn  round  with  affected  virtuous  indignation 
and  stop  the  whole  procession  with  his  "dignity,"  for  he  knew  it  had  been 
gotten  up  by  some  artful  Ballard  or  rickety  Rickets,  and  he  passed  under  it 
with  but  a  smile  of  indifference  or  contempt.  But  for  the  man  who  could 
countenance  in  his  own  " Register,"  or  Louisville  Democrat,  the  old  slanderous 
effigies  of  Henry  Clay,  for  such  a  man  to  be  shocked  at  the  sight  of  "Abe  "  the 
Giant  Killer,  is  most  wondrous  strange,  indeed. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  September  24,  1858] 

LINCOLN   WOULD  BE  A  PATRIOT.— HE  RUBS  AT  THE 

SPOT 

Lincoln  put  upon  a  new  tack  at  Charleston.  He  undertook  to  play 
the  persecuted,  and  made  a  defence  of  what  was  not  charged  upon  him 
by  Douglas — that  he  voted  against  supplies  to  the  army  in  Mexico. 
Our  correspondent  yesterday  gave  us  an  account  of  Douglas'  answer 
to  this  matter  at  Sullivan. 


326  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

It  is  too  late  in  the  day  for  Mr.  Abraham  Lincoln  to  set  himself  up 
as  a  supporter  of  the  Mexican  war.  It  is  not  important  whether  he 
voted  for  supplies  or  not.  He  stood  up  in  his  place  in  the  house, 
during  the  pendency  of  the  negotiations  of  the  treaty  with  Mexico,  and 
in  a  mountebank  harangue,  argued,  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  that  his 
own  country  was  wrong  and  that  his  country's  enemies  were  right, 
thereby  holding  out  inducements  to  the  enemy  to  insist  upon  more 
rigorous  terms  in  the  pending  negotiations. 

At  Charleston  he  called  upon  Mr.  Ficklin  to  help  him  out  of  the 
drag.  That  gentleman  came  upon  the  stand,  and,  instead  of  making 
Mr.  Lincoln's  "  spot "  more  comfortable,  testified  that  Mr.  L.  voted  for 
the  Ashum  resolutions,  declaring  the  war  to  be  unjust  and  unconstitu- 
tional. He  stood  alone  in  the  Illinois  delegation  in  giving  that  vote. 
The  resolution  was  introduced  and  voted  for  no  other  purpose  than 
to  cripple  the  country  in  negotiating  a  peace.  If  it  was  not  this  what 
was  it  for?  The  war  had  begun,  battles  had  been  fought,  American 
blood  had  flowed  like  water,  and  for  what  good  or  patriotic  purpose 
could  Mr.  Lincoln  have  joined  the  abolitionists  in  making  a  record  for 
the  enemy's  benefit?  He  did  give  that  monstrous  vote,  and  many 
others  like  it,  however,  but  now  attempts  to  pettifog  out  of  it  by  deny- 
ing something  that  Douglas  had  not  charged  upon  him.  Lincoln,  and 
the  Massachussetts  abolitionists  who  led  him,  were  determined  that  in 
the  treaty  of  peace  our  country  should  come  off  without  advantage — 
that  we  should  not  acquire  Mexican  territory  as  indemnity  for  the 
outrages  put  upon  us,  in  order  that  the  crew  of  sectionalists  with  whom 
he  acted  might  make  party  capital.  They  would  have  robbed  their 
country  of  its  just  rights,  blotted  its  escutcheon,  and  branded  with 
infamy  all  who  maintained  the  justice  of  the  war,  to  secure  that  great 
end  of  politicians  of  his  class — power  and  spoils.  Mr.  A.  Lincoln  was 
the  humble  catspaw  of  these  sectionalists,  and  most  faithfully  has  he 
followed  up  his  service  in  the  same  line  of  policy  for  the  benefit  of  the 
same  political  interest. 

It  was  in  support  of  this  policy  that  he  joined  with  the  enemies  of 
Clay  in  the  whig  ranks,  and  contributed  to  the  ruling  out  of  the  great 
whig  chieftain  by  substituting  the  leader  in  that  "proslavery  raid," 
the  Mexican  war,  as  the  Chicago  Tribune  has  termed  it,  in  place  of  Mr. 
Clay,  who  could  not  be  made  the  supple  instrument  of  the  abolition 
wing  of  the  whig  party,  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  attached  himself,  and 


THE  CHARLESTON  DEBATE  327 

which  affiliation  he  showed  in  his  famous,  or  rather  infamous  "  spotty  " 
speech. 

Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  quibble  out  of  the  odium  of  his  unpatriotic 
course  in  regard  to  the  Mexican  war,  by  begging  the  question  upon 
votes  of  supplies.  He  showed  by  his  congressional  course  that  he  was 
as  serviceable  an  ally  of  Mexico  as  if  he  had  met  his  countrymen — his 
constituents — upon  Mexican  soil,  with  a  Mexican  musket,  to  welcome 
them  with  "  bloody  hands  to  hospitable  graves, "  as  Corwin  hoped  they 
would  be. 

We  have  heretofore  given  our  readers  his  record,  at  length,  on  this 
question.  His  course  is  familiar  to  the  people  of  the  whole  state,  espe- 
cially to  our  older  residents,  and  it  is  only  surprising  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
should  have  ventured  to  dig  it  up  in  a  county  where  there  are  so  many 
who  participated  in  that "  unjust  war, "  as  he  and  the  abolitionists  pro- 
claimed it !  We  can  only  account  for  it  in  the  fact  that  he  had  to  play 
a  delicate  part  in  Coles,  to  hide  himself  on  the  slavery  question  and  in 
his  trepidation  and  his  desire  to  find  other  subjects  of  comment 
blundered  from  Scylla  upon  Gharybdis.  He  run  upon  his  most 
odious  "  spot, "  which  brought  upon  him  the  expose  of  his  Mexican 
record  by  Douglas  at  Sullivan. 

In  his  course  in  relation  to  the  Mexican  war  Mr.  Lincoln  only  vented 
that  abolition  feeling,  which  has  culminated  in  his  avowal  that  he 
favors  the  doctrine  of  the  equality  of  the  negroes  with  the  whites. 
Abolitionism  then,  as  now,  was  the  basis  of  his  political  creed. 

[Chicago  Journal,  September  21,  1858] 

THE  FOURTH  JOINT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND 

DOUGLAS 

(Special  correspondence  of  the  Journal) 

Charleston,  Coles  Co.,  Sept.  20 
Saturday  was  at  great  day  in  Charleston.  There  were  not  less  than 
twelve  thousand  people  present,  from  the  adjacent  towns  and  counties, 
to  hear  the  fourth  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas.  The 
streets  of  the  village  were  filled  with  a  perfect  tide  of  humanity,-surging 
to  and  fro,  and  immediately  after  dinner  the  tide  flowed  out  to  the 
County  Fair  Grounds,  where  the  debate  took  place. 

The  reception  that  was  given  to  Mr.  Lincoln  on  his  arrival,  by  the 
Republicans  of  Charleston,  was  most  cordial  and  enthusiastic.  Mr. 
Bromwell,  on  behalf  of  the  Republicans  of  Charleston,  made  an 


328  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

eloquent  speech  of  welcome,  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  responded  briefly, 
but  in  befitting  terms;  after  which  our  noble  leader  was  perfectly 
overwhelmed  with  the  warm  greetings  of  the  thousands  of  good 
friends  who  had  come  to  see  and  hear  him. 

The  debate,  in  the  afternoon,  was  opened  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  who,  on 
taking  the  stand,  was  vociferously  cheered. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  2,   1858] 

THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE 

Galesburg,  Iowa,  Sept.  29,  1858 
Editors  Press  and  Tribune:  Please  inform  the  readers  of  your 
paper  the  time  of  the  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  at  Gales- 
burg on  the  7th  of  October.  Will  it  be  in  the  day  time  or  evening, 
and  at  what  hour.  Many  Republicans  from  Muscatine  will  be  there. 
Insert  notice  in  paper  and  oblige,  Yours  truly, 

G.  W.  V. 
(The  previous  debates  have  all  commenced  at  2  p.  m.  and  we  believe 
that  is  the  hour  fixed  on  by  the  Galesburg  committees. — Eds.  P.  &  T.) 

[Burlington,  Iowa,  State  Gazette,  September  30,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG 

Douglas  and  Lincoln  will  address  the  people  at  Galesburg  on  Thurs- 
day the  7th  of  October.  Persons  desiring  to  be  present  on  the  occasion 
can  do  so  at  a  small  expense  via  the  Burlington  &  M.  RR.  and  Chicago 
&  Quincy  Railroad.  Tickets  to  Galesburg  and  back — half  fare — good 
for  the  7th  and  8th  on  regular  trains. 

We  hope  to  see  a  large  delegation  from  Iowa  on  that  occasion. 
Those  coming  from  towns  west  of  us  had  better  avail  themselves  of 
the  afternoon  train  on  the  6th  in  order  to  make  sure  of  connection. 
Tickets  can  be  had  at  any  of  the  Railroad  ticket  offices. 

[Peoria,  III.,  Transcript,  October  1,  1858] 

THE  NEXT  GREAT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND 

DOUGLAS 

The  next  great  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  comes  off  at 
Galesburg,  on  Thursday  next,  the  7th  of  October,  and  will  attract  the 
largest  crowd  that  has  yet  assembled  to  listen  to  the  joint  discussions 
between  the  two  great  political  champions.     It  is  estimated  that  not 

329 


330  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

less  than  25,000  persons  will  be  in  attendance,  and  the  citizens  of 
Galesburg  are  making  extensive  preparations  for  the  event. 

The  Peoria,  Oquawka  and  Burlington  Railroad  are  prepared  to 
accommodate  all  who  may  desire  to  pass  over  their  road  to  attend 
this  great  debate.  An  extra  train  will  leave  this  city  at  8^  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  returning,  leave  Galesburg  at  6  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
Peoria  ought  to  furnish  at  least  3,000  persons  for  this  train.  Let  there 
be  a  general  pouring  out  of  our  citizens.  We  urge  our  Republican 
friends,  in  particular,  to  be  on  hand.  An  extraordinary  effort  will  be 
made  by  the  Douglas-worshippers  to  get  out  the  largest  crowd  for  the 
occasion.  The  decided  advantage  which  Mr.  Lincoln  has  heretofore 
gained  over  his  antagonist  in  these  joint  debates,  has  exasperated  them 
to  such  an  extent  that  no  pains  will  be  spared  at  Galesburg  to  regain 
their  lost  grounds  by  giving  Douglas  as  large  a  number  of  sympathizers 
in  the  audience  as  possible,  who  will  be  desperate  in  their  enthusiasm 
to  the  last  degree.  But  the  Republican  party  throughout  this  section 
is  confident  and  spirited,  and  Old  Abe  will  meet  with  a  reception  next 
Thursday,  which,  in  point  of  zeal  and  magnificence  will  far  excel  any- 
thing of  the  kind  ever  before  witnessed  in  the  West. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  5,  1858] 

THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE.-A  WORD  TO  THE  COM- 
MITTEE OF  ARRANGEMENTS 

The  fifth  public  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  comes  off  at 
Galesburg  on  Thursday  next.  We  observe  from  our  exchanges  in  that 
quarter  that  preparations  are  being  made  for  an  immense  crowd.  A 
special  train  will  leave  this  city  from  the  Central  Depot  on  Thursday 
morning  at  six  o'clock,  reaching  Galesburg  at  1 :25  p.  m.  Fare  for  the 
round  trip  six  dollars. 

In  this  connection  we  desire  to  say  a  word  to  the  Committee  of 
Arrangements  for  the  debate.  At  none  of  the  previous  discussions 
have  there  been  any  adequate  accommodations  for  reporters.  It  is 
not  a  fact  that  two  chairs  and  a  wash-stand  eighteen  inches  square  are 
sufficient  furniture  for  half  a  dozen  men  to  work  on,  nor  is  it  always 
convenient  to  make  a  battle  against  a  mob  of  excited  politicians,  when 
the  fighting  editor  is  at  home.  In  behalf  of  ourselves  and  such  other 
representatives  of  the  press  as  may  be  represented,  may  we  request 
that  arrangements  be  made  for  at  least  six  reporters — that  the  chairs 
and  tables  be  placed  where  they  will  not  be  jarred  or  overthrown  by  the 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  331 

people  on  the  platform  and  where  there  will  be  no  room  for  persona 
to  crowd  between  the  reporters  and  the  speakers — and  that  somebody 
with  authority  and  physical  strength  enough  to  secure  obedience,  be 
appointed  to  keep  loafers  out  of  the  reporting  corner.  These  things 
are  absolutely  essential  to  the  accuracy  of  the  reports. 

[Galesburg  Democrat,  October  6,  1858] 

We  learn  that  the  Republican  delegations  will  arrive  tomorrow,  as 
near  as  possible,  in  the  following  order: 

Knoxville  delegation  will  come  with  Lincoln,  at  half-past  11  a.  m., 
down  Main  street.  Galesburg  escort  will  meet  them  about  a  mile  from 
the  square. 

Mercer  county  delegation  will  come  in  from  the  west,  on  Main  street. 

Cameron  and  adjoining  towns  will  come  in  from  the  southwest  at 
12  o'clock. 

Monmouth  delegation  on  12  o'clock  train. 

Abingdon  delegation  on  10  o'clock  train,  and  some  in  carriages. 

Henderson,  Oneida,  Victoria,  Rio  and  Wataga  delegations  will  enter 
the  city  from  the  east  on  Main  street,  at  about  12  m. 

Train  from  Chicago  and  intermediate  stations  arrives  at  1 :25. 

Train  from  Peoria  at  12  m. 

[Galesburg,  III.,  Democrat,  October  4,  1858] 
[For  the  Galesburg  Democrat] 

Messrs.  Editors: — Yesterday  as  I  was  passing  along  Main  street  I 
overheard  two  Douglas  men  engaged  in  what  I  supposed  to  be  earnest 
conversation.  I  heard  this  remark — "  Let  us  take  him  to  the  Bonney 
House,  for  we  can  get  a  Horn  there  if  we  want  it. "  From  what  ap- 
peared afterward  the  said  gentlemen  were  going  to  meet  the  little  giant 
at  the  cars,  he  being  on  his  way  to  Oquawka  and  was  to  stop  over  in 
the  city  till  Monday.  It  seems  Mr.  Douglas  and  his  friends  like  almost 
any  sort  of  a  horn  except  one  spoken  of  by  Prentice  in  the  Louisville 
Journal,  to  wit;  one  offered  to  them  by  a  certain  Trum-B\i\\  who  turns 
up  occasionally  in  different  parts  of  this  State. 

One  word  in  regard  to  the  reception  of  Mr.  Douglas.  It  was  whis- 
pered around  among  a  certain  few  that  the  Little  Giant  would  arrive 
on  the  Peoria  train  at  two  o'clock.  A  self-appointed  committee,  num- 
bering three  persons,  having  hoisted  their  colors,  straightened  their 
hair  and  mustaches  and  wiped  the  last  horn  off  their  lips  with  their 
coat  sleeves,  made  tracks  for  the  depot.     As  soon  as  the  cars  stopped 


332  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  committee  rushed  into  the  hind  car;  Judge  Douglas  was  visible  and 
G.  W.  Ford  said,  "  How  d'ye  do  Mr.  D., "  as  natural  as  possible.  Mr. 
D.  replied,  "I  am  tolerable!"  The  rest  of  the  Committee  then  went 
through  the  same  performance,  each  one  closing  up,  saying  "this  is 
fine  weather, "  then  squirting  a  little  tobacco  juice  and  looking  side- 
wise  at  Mr.  D.  A  sort  of  procession  was  now  formed  consisting  of  one 
carriage  and  18  or  20  persons  on  foot;  among  the  pedestrians  I  ob- 
terved  3  colored  boys  who  seemed  to  be  perfectly  at  home.  Mr. 
Douglas  had  on  a  white  hat  and  coat.  This  imposing  spectacle  then 
moved  on,  led  by  the  committee  to  Anthony's  lumber  yard,  thence 
down  to  Main  street,  thence  to  the  Bonney  House. 

Here  was  an  imposing  spectacle.  Little  Mr.  Douglas  and  his  large 
white  hat  went  into  the  Bonney  House  parlor,  followed  by  several  of 
the  committee  and  the  aforesaid  colored  boys.  All  the  faithful  in  the 
city  had  by  this  time  collected  and  one  of  them  went  so  far  as  to  pro- 
pose a  cheer,  but  Mr.  D.  saying  at  about  this  time  that  he  would  like 
some  water  to  wash  himself  with,  put  a  sudden  stopper  on  this,  and  as 
he  rose  up  to  go  to  the  wash  room  he  turned  round  and  smiled  very 
benignly  upon  the  crowd,  to  reciprocate  which,  the  negro  boys  gave 
several  stamps  upon  the  floor  and  sidewalk. 

After  Mr.  D.  had  washed  he  retired  to  a  private  room  followed  by 
Mr.  Ford  and  Jim  Davidson,  and  further  deponent  saith  not,  but  it  is 
reported  around  town  this  morning  that  Mr.  D.  asked  Mr.  Ford  if  it 
was  true  that  he  (Ford)  did  make  an  amalgamation  speech  at  the 
Cable  celebration  in  this  city? 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  well  to  say  that  the  Railroad  company 
sent  up  an_extra  to  bring  Mr.  D.,  and  charged  only  half  fare  for  the  6 
or  8  persons  who  came  with  him  on  the  train.  The  most  of  said  per- 
sons when  last  seen  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  a  Bologna  sausage 
shop  on  Boone  Avenue  where  they  probably  stuffed  themselves  until 
they  became  perfectly  torpid,  in  which  state  they  will  probably  be 
shipped  to  Peoria  as  freight  today. 

BUCCANNEER 

Monday,  October  4,  1858 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  333 

FIFTH  JOINT  DEBATE 

Galesburg,  October  7,  1858 


Mr.  Doug-las's  Speech 

When  the  Senator  appeared  on  the  stand  he  was  greeted  with  three 
tremendous  cheers.     He  said : 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  Four  years  ago  I  appeared  before  the  people 
of  Knox  County  for  the  purpose  of  defending  my  political  action  upon 
the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850  and  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill.  Those  of  you  before  me  who  were  present  then  will  re- 
member that  I  vindicated  myself  for  supporting  those  two  measures 
by  the  fact  that  they  rested  upon  the  great  fundamental  principle  that 
the  people  of  each  State  and  each  Territory  of  this  Union  have  the 
right,  and  ought  to  be  permitted  to  exercise  the  right,  of  regulating 
their  own  domestic  concerns  in  their  own  way,  subject  to  no  other 
limitation  or  restriction  than  that  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  imposes  upon  them.  I  then  called  upon  the  people  of  Illinois  to 
decide  whether  that  principle  of  self-government  was  right  or  wrong. 
If  it  was  and  is  right,  then  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850  were 
right,  and  consequently,  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  based  upon  the 
same  principle,  must  necessarily  have  been  right.  ["That's  so,"  and 
cheers.] 

The  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  declared,  in  so  many  words,  that  it 
was  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  Act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into 
any  State  or  Territory,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the 
people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  insti- 
tutions in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  For  the  last  four  years  I  have  devoted  all  my  energies,  in 
private  and  public,  to  commend  that  principle  to  the  American  people. 
Whatever  else  may  be  said  in  condemnation  or  support  of  my  politi- 
cal course.  I  apprehend  that  no  honest  man  will  doubt  the  fidelity 
with  which,  under  all  circumstances,  I  have  stood  by  it. 

During  the  last  year  a  question  arose  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  whether  or  not  that  principle  would  be  violated  by  the  admission 
of  Kansas  into  the  Union  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  In  my 
opinion,  the  attempt  to  force  Kansas  in  under  that  constitution  was  a 
gross  violation  of  the  principle  enunciated  in  the  Compromise  Meas- 
ures of  1850,  and  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  of  1854,  and  therefore  I  led 
off  in  the  fight  against  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  conducted  it 


334  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

until  the  effort  to  carry  that  constitution  through  Congress  was  aban- 
doned. And  I  can  appeal  to  all  men,  friends  and  foes,  Democrats  and 
Republicans,  Northern  men  and^  Southern  men,  that  during  the  whole 
of  that  fight  I  carried  the  banner  of  Popular  Sovereignty  aloft,  and 
never  allowed  it  to  trail  in  the  dust,  or  lowered  my  flag  until  victory 
perched  upon  our  arms.     [Cheers.] 

When  the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  defeated,  the  question  arose 
in  the  minds  of  those  who  had  advocated  it  what  they  should  next  re- 
sort to  in  order  to  carry  out  their  views.  They  devised  a  measure 
known  as  the  English  bill,  and  granted  a  general  amnesty  and  political 
pardon  to  all  men  who  had  fought  against  the  Lecompton  Constitu- 
tion, provided  they  would  support  that  bill.  I  for  one  did  not  choose 
to  accept  the  pardon,  or  to  avail  myself  of  the  amnesty  granted  on 
that  condition.  The  fact  that  the  supporters  of  Lecompton  were  will- 
ing to  forgive  all  differences  of  opinion  at  that  time  in  the  event  those 
who  opposed  it  favored  the  English  bill,  was  an  admission^  they  did 
not  think  that  opposition  to  Lecompton  impaired  a  man's  standing  in 
the  Democratic  party. 

Now,  the  question  arises.  What  was  that  English  bill  which  certain 
men  are  now  attempting  to  make  a  test  of  political  orthodoxy  in  this 
country?  It  provided,  in  substance,  that  the  Lecompton  Constitution 
should  be  sent  back  to  the  people  of  Kansas  for  their  adoption  or  rejec- 
tion, at  an  election  which  was  held  in  August  last,  and  in  case  they 
refused  admission  under  it,  that  Kansas  should  be  kept  out  of  the 
Union  until  she  had  93,420  inhabitants.  I  was  in  favor  of  sending  the 
constitution  back  in  order  to  enable  the  people  to  say  whether  or  not  it 
was  their  act  and  deed,  and  embodied  their  will;  but  the  other  proposi- 
tion, that  if  they  refused  to  come  into  the  Union  under  it,  they  should 
be  kept  out  until  they  had  double  or  treble  the  population  they  then 
had,  I  never  would  sanction  by  my  vote.  The  reason  why  I  could  not 
sanction  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  by  the  English  bill,  if  the 
people  of  Kansas  had  only  agreed  to  become  a  slaveholding  State  un- 
der the  Lecompton  Constitution,  they  could  have  done  so  with  35,000 
people,  but  if  they  insisted  on  being  a  Free  State,  as  they  had  a  right  to 
do,  then  they  were  to  be  punished  by  being  kept  out  of  the  union  until 
they  had  nearly  three  times  that  population.  I  then  said  in  my  place 
in  the  Senate,  as  I  now  say  to  you,  that  whenever  Kansas  has  popula- 

lOmitled. 

^Inserts  "that"  after  "admission." 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  335 

tion  enough  for  a  Slave  State,  she  has  population  enough  for  a  Free 
State.  ["That's  it,"  and  cheers.]  I  have  never  yet  given  a  vote,  and 
I  never  intend  to  record  one,  making  an  odious  and  unjust  distinction 
between  the  different  States  of  this  Union.  [Applause.]  I  hold  it  to 
be  a  fundamental  principle  in  our  Republican  form  of  government  that 
all  the  States  of  this  Union,  old  and  new,  free  and  slave,  stand  on  an 
exact  equality. 

Equality  among  the  different  States  is  a  cardinal  principle  on  which 
all  our  institutions  rest.  Wherever,  therefore,  you  make  a  discrimina- 
tion saying  to  a  Slave  State  that  it  shall  be  admitted  with  35,000  in- 
habitants, and  to  a  Free  State  that  it  shall  not  be  admitted  until  it  has 
93,000  or  100,000  inhabitants,  you  are  throwing  the  whole  weight  of 
the  Federal  Government  into  the  scale  in  favor  of  one  class  of  States 
against  the  other.  Nor  would  I,  on  the  other  hand,  any  sooner  sanc- 
tion the  doctrine  that  a  Free  State  could  be  admitted  into  the  Union 
with  35,000  people,  while  a  Slave  State  was  kept  out  until  it  had  93 ,000. 
I  have  always  declared  in  the  Senate  my  willingness,  and  I  am  willing 
now  to  adopt  the  rule,  that  no  Territory  shall  ever  become  a  State  until 
it  has  the  requisite  population  for  a  member  of  Congress,  according  to 
the  then  existing  ratio.  But  while  I  have  always  been,  and  am  now, 
willing  to  adopt  that  general  rule,  I  was  not  willing  and  would  not  con- 
sent to  make  an  exception  of  Kansas,  as  a  punishment  for  her  obsti- 
nacy in  demanding  the  right  to  do  as  she  pleased  in  the  formation  of  her 
constitution.  It  is  proper  that  I  should  remark  here,  that  my  opposi- 
tion to  the  Lecompton  Constitution  did  not  rest  upon  the  peculiar 
position  taken  by  Kansas  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  I  held  then,  and 
hold  now,  that  if  the  people  of  Kansas  want  a  Slave  State,  it  is  their 
right  to  make  one,  and  be  received  into  the  Union  under  it;  if,  on  the 
contrary,  they  want  a  Free  State,  it  is  their  right  to  have  it,  and  no 
man  should  ever  oppose  their  admission  because  they  ask  it  under  the 
one  or  the  other.  I  hold  to  that  great  principle  of  self-government 
which  asserts  the  right  of  every  people  to  decide  for  themselves  the 
nature  and  character  of  the  domestic  institutions  and  fundamental 
law  under  which  they  are  to  live. 

The  effort  has  been  and  is  now  being  made  in  this  State  by  certain 
postmasters  and  other  Federal  office-holders  to  make  a  test  of  faith  on 
the  support  of  the  English  bill.  These  men  are  now  making  speeches 
all  over  the  State  against  me  and  in  favor  of  Lincoln,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  because  I  would  not  sanction  a  discrimination  between 


336  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Slave  and  Free  States  by  voting  for  the  English  bill.  But  while  that 
bill  is  made  a  test  in  Illinois  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  up  the  Demo- 
cratic organization  in  this  State,  how  is  it  in  the  other  States?  Go  to 
Indiana,  and  there  you  find  English  himself,  the  author  of  the  English 
bill,  who  is  a  candidate  for  re-election  to  Congress,  has  been  forced  by 
public  opinion  to  abandon  his  own  darling  project,  and  to  give  a  prom- 
ise that  he  will  vote  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  at  once,  whenever  she 
forms  a  constitution  in  pursuance  of  law,  and  ratifies  it  by  a  majority 
vote  of  her  people.  Not  only  is  this  the  case  with  English  himself,  but 
I  am  informed  that  every  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress  in  Indi- 
ana takes  the  same  ground.  Pass  to  Ohio,  and  there  you  find  that 
Groesbeck,  and  Pendleton,  and  Cox,  and  all  the  other  anti-Lecompton 
men  who  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  me  against  the  Lecompton 
Constitution,  but  voted  for  the  English  bill,  now  repudiate  it  and  take 
the  same  ground  that  I  do  on  that  question.  So  it  is  with  the  Joneses 
and  others  of  Pennsylvania,  and  so  it  is  with  every  other  Lecompton 
Democrat  in  the  Free  States.  They  now  abandon  even  the  English  bill, 
and  come  back  to  the  true  platform  which  I  proclaimed  at  the  time  in 
the  Senate,  and  upon  which  the  Democracy  of  Illinois  now  stands. 

And  yet,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  every  Lecompton  and  anti- 
Lecompton  Democrat  in  the  Free  States  has  abandoned  the  English 
bill,  you  are  told  that  it  is  to  be  made  a  test  upon  me,  while  the  power 
and  patronage  of  the  Government  are  all  exerted  to  elect  men  to  Con- 
gress in  the  other  States  who  occupy  the  same  position  with  reference  to  it 
that  I  do.  It  seems  that  my  political  offense  consists  in  the  fact  that  I 
first  did  not  vote  for  the  English  bill,  and  thus  pledge  myself  to  keep 
Kansas  out  of  the  Union  until  she  has  a  population  of  93,420,  and  then 
return  home,  violate  that  pledge,  repudiate  the  bill,  and  take  the  oppo- 
site ground.  If  I  had  done  this,  perhaps  the  Administration  would 
now  be  advocating  my  re-election,  as  it  is  that  of  the  others  who  have 
pursued  this  course.  I  did  not  choose  to  give  that  pledge,  for  the  reason 
that  I  did  not  intend  to  carry  out  that  principle.  I  never  will  consent, 
for  the  sake  of  conciliating  the  frowns  of  power,  to  pledge  myself  to  do 
that  which  I  do  not  intend  to  perform.  I  now  submit  the  question  to 
you,  as  my  constituency,  whether  I  was  not  right,  first,  in  resisting  the 
adoption  of  the  Lecompton  constitution,  and  secondly,  in  resisting  the 
English  bill.  [An  universal  "Yes"  from  the  crowd.]  I  repeat  that  I 
opposed  the  Lecompton  Constitution  because  it  was  not  the  act  and 
deed  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  did  not  embody  their  will.     I  denied 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  337 

the  right  of  any  power  on  earth,  under  our  system  of  government,  to 
force  a  constitution  on  an  unwilling  people.  [''Hear,  hear;  that's  the 
doctrine ; "  and  cheers.]  There  was  a  time  when  some  men  could  pre- 
tend to  believe  that  the  Lecompton  Constitution  embodied  the  will  of 
the  people  of  Kansas;  but  that  time  has  passed.  The  question  was  re- 
ferred to  the  people  of  Kansas  under  the  English  bill  last  August,  and 
then,  at  a  fair  election,  they  rejected  the  Lecompton  Constitution  by  a 
vote  of  from  eight  to  ten  against  it  to  one  in  its  favor.  Since  it  has  been 
voted  down  by  so  overwhelming  a  majority  no  man  can  pretend  that  it 
was  the  act  and  deed  of  that  people.     ["  That's  so, "  and  cheers.] 

I  submit  the  question  to  you  whether  or  not,  if  it  had  not  been  for 
me,  that  constitution  would  have  been  crammed  down  the  throats  of 
the  people  of  Kansas  against  their  consent.  ["It  would,  it  would;" 
"Hurrah  for  Douglas;"  "Three  cheers  for  Douglas,"  etc.]  While  at 
least  ninety-nine  out  of  every  hundred  people  here  present  agree  that  I 
was  right  in  defeating  that  project,  yet  my  enemies  use  the  fact  that  I 
did  defeat  it  by  doing  right,  to  break  me  down  and  put  another  man  in 
the  United  States  Senate  in  my  place.  ["  No,  no,  you'll  be  returned; " 
three  cheers,  etc.]  The  very  men  who  acknowledge  that  I  was  right 
in  defeating  Lecompton,  now  form  an  alliance  with  Federal  office- 
holders, professed  Lecompton  men,  to  defeat  me,  because  I  did  right. 
["  It  can't  be  done. "]  My  political  opponent,  Mr.  Lincoln,  has  no 
hope  on  earth,  and  has  never  dreamed  that  he  had  a  chance  of  success, 
were  it  not  for  the  aid  that^  he  is  receiving  from  Federal  office-holders, 
who  are  using  their  influence  and  the  patronage  of  the  Government 
against  me  in  revenge  for  my  having  defeated  the  Lecompton  Consti- 
tution.    ["  Hear  him, "  and  applause.] 

What  do  you  Republicans  think  of  a  political  organization  that  will 
try  to  make  an  unholy  and  unnatural  combination  with  its  professed 
foes  to  beat  a  man  merely  because  he  has  done  right?  ["  Shame  on  it.  "] 
You  know  that^  such  is  the  fact  with  regard  to  your  own  party.  You 
know  that  the  axe  of  decapitation  is  suspended  over  every  man  in  office 
in  Illinois,  and  the  terror^  of  proscription  is  threatened  every  Demo- 
crat by  the  present  Administration,  unless  he  supports  the  Republican 
ticket  in  preference  to  my  Democratic  associates  and  myself.  ["  The 
people  are  with  you,  let  them  threaten, "  etc.]     I  could  find  an  instance 

•■Omits  "that." 
20mits"that." 
^Reads:  "terrors"  for  "terror." 


338  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

in  the  postmaster  of  the  city  of  Galesburg,  and  in  every  other  post- 
master in  this  vicinity,  all  of  whom  have  been  stricken  down  simply 
because  they  discharged  the  duties  of  their  offices  honestly,  and  sup- 
ported the  regular  Democratic  ticket  in  this  State  in  the  right.  The 
Republican  party  is  availing  itself  of  every  unworthy  means  in  the 
present  contest  to  carry  the  election,  because  its  leaders  know  that  if 
they  let  this  chance  slip  they  will  never  have  another,  and  their  hopes 
of  making  this  a  Republican  State  will  be  blasted  forever. 

Now,  let  me  ask  you  whether  the  country  has  any  interest  in  sus- 
taining this  organization  known  as  the  Republican  party.  That  party 
is  unlike  all  other  political  organizations  in  this  country.  All  other 
parties  have  been  national  in  their  character, — have  avowed  their 
principles  alike  in  the  Slave  and  Free^  States,  in  Kentucky,  as  well  as 
Illinois,  in  Louisiana  as  well  as  in  Massachusetts.  Such  was  the  case 
with  the  old  Whig  party,  and  such  was  and  is  the  case  with  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Whigs  and  Democrats  could  proclaim  their  principles 
boldly  and  fearlessly  in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  in  the  East  and 
in  the  West,  wherever  the  Constitution  ruled,  and  the  American  flag 
waved  over  American  soil. 

But  now  you  have  a  sectional  organization,  a  party  which  appeals 
to  the  Northern  section  of  the  Union  against  the  Southern,  a  party 
which  appeals  to  Northern  passion,  Northern  pride.  Northern  ambi-^ 
tion,2  Northern  prejudices,  against  Southern  people,  the  Southern 
States,  and  Southern  institutions.  The  leaders  of  that  party  hope  that 
they  will  be  able  to  unite  the  Northern  States  in  one  great  sectional 
party;  and  inasmuch  as  the  North  is  the  strongest  section,  that  they 
will  thus  be  enabled  to  out-vote,  conquer,  govern  and  control  the 
South.  Hence  you  find  that  they  now  make  speeches  advocating 
principles  and  measures  which  cannot  be  defended  in  any  slaveholding 
State  of  this  Union.  Is  there  a  Republican  residing  in  Galesburg  who 
can  travel  into  Kentucky  and  carry  his  principles  with  him  across  the 
Ohio?  ["No."]  What  Republican  from  Massachusetts  can  visit  the 
Old  Dominion  without  leaving  his  principles  behind  him  when  he  crosses 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line?  Permit  me  to  say  to  you  in  perfect  good 
humor,  but  in  all  sincerity,  that  no  political  creed  is  sound  which  can- 
not be  proclaimed  fearlessly  in  every  State  of  this  Union  where  the 

ilnserts  "the"  before  "Free." 
ainserts  "and"  after  "ambition." 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  339 

Federal  Constitution  is^  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.     ["That's  so, " 
and  cheers.] 

Not  only  is  this  Republican  party  unable  to  proclaim  its  principles 
alike  in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  in  the  Free  States  and  in  the  Slave 
States,  but  it  cannot  even  proclaim  them  in  the  same  forms  and  give 
them  the  same  strength  and  meaning  in  all  parts  of  the  same  State. 
My  friend  Lincoln  finds  it  extremely  difficult  to  manage  a  debate  in  the 
center  part  of  the  State,  where  there  is  a  mixture  of  men  from  the 
North  and  the  South.  In  the  extreme  northern  part  of  Illinois  he  can 
proclaim  as  bold  and  radical  Abolitionism  as  ever  Giddings,  Lovejoy, 
or  Garrison  enunciated ;  but  when  he  gets  down  a  little  farther  south  he 
claims  that  he  is  an  Old  Line  Whig,  [great  laughter]  a  disciple  of  Henry 
Clay  ["Singleton  says  he  defeated  Clay's  nomination  for  the  presi- 
dency, "  and  cries  of  "That's  so. "]  and  declares  that  he  still  adheres  to 
the  Old  Line  Whig  creed,  and  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  Aboli- 
tionism, or  negro  equality,  or  negro  citizenship.  ["  Hurrah  for  Doug- 
las. "]  I  once  before  hinted  this  of  Mr.  Lincoln^-  in  a  public  speech, 
and  at  Charleston  he  defied  me  to  show  that  there  was  any  difference 
between  his  speeches  in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  and  that  they  were 
not  in  strict  harmony.  I  will  now  call  your  attention  to  two  of  them, 
and  you  can  then  say  whether  you  would  be  apt  to  believe  that  the 
same  man  ever  uttered  both.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  In  a  speech  in 
reply  to  me  at  Chicago  in  July  last,  Mr.  Lincoln  in  speaking  of  the 
equality  of  the  negro  with  the  white  man  used  the  following  language : 

"  t  should  like  to  know  if,  taking  this  old  Declaration  of  Independence,  which 
declares  that  all  men  are  equal  upon  principle,  and  making  exceptions  to  it, 
where  will  it  stop?  If  one  man  says  it  does  not  mean  a  negro,  why  may  not 
anotherman  say  it  does  not  mean  another  man  ?  [Laughter.]  If  the  Declar- 
ation is  not  the  truth,  let  us  get  the  statute  book  in  which  we  find  it,  and  tear 
it  out.     Who  is  so  bold  as  to  do  it?    If  it  is  not  true,  let  us  tear  it  out. " 

You  find  that  Mr.  Lincoln  there  proposed  that  if  the  doctrine  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  declaring  all  men  to  be  born  equal,  did 
not  include  the  negro  and  put  him  on  an  equality  with  the  white  man, 
that  we  should  take  the  statute  book  and  tear  it  out.  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  He  there  took  the  ground  that  the  negro  race  is  included  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  the  equal  of  the  white  race,  and 
that  there  could  be  no  such  thing  as  a  distinction  in  the  races,  making 

^Inserts  "not"  after  "is." 
'Reads:  "Lincoln's"  for  "Lincoln." 


340  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

one  superior  and  the  other  inferior.     I  read  now  from  the  same 
speech : — 

"My  friends  [he  says],  I  have  detained  you  about  as  long  as  I  desire  to  do, 
and  I  have  only  to  say,  let  us  discard  all  this  quibbling  about  this  man  and  the 
other  man,  this  race  and  that  race  and  the  other  race  being  inferior,  and  there- 
fore they  must  be  placed  in  an  inferior  position,  discarding  our  standard  that 
we  have  left  us.  Let  us  discard  all  these  things,  and  unite  as  one  people 
throughout  this  land,  until  we  shall  once  more  stand  up  declaring  that  all  men 
are  created  equal."     ["That's  right,"  etc.] 

Yes,  I  have  no  doubt  that  you  think  it  is  right;  but  the  Lincoln  men 
down  in  Coles,  Tazewell,  and  Sangamon  counties  do  not  think  it  is 
right.  [Immense  applause  and  laughter.  "  Hit,  hit  again, "  etc.]  In 
the  conclusion  of  the  same  speech,  talking  to  the  Chicago  Abolitionists, 
he  said :  "  I  leave  you,  hoping  that  the  lamp  of  liberty  will  burn  in  your 
bosoms  until  there  shall  no  longer  be  a  doubt  that  all  men  are  created 
free  and  equal.  "  ["  Good,  good, "  "  Shame, "  etc.]  Well,  you  say  good 
to  that,  and  you  are  going  to  vote  for  Lincoln  because  he  holds  that 
doctrine.  ["  That's  so. "]  I  will  not  blame  you  for  supporting  him  on 
that  ground;  but  I  will  show  you,  in  immediate  contrast  with  that 
doctrine,  what  Mr.  Lincoln  said  down  in  Egypt  in  order  to  get  votes  in 
that  locality,  where  they  do  not  hold  to  such  a  doctrine.  In  a  joint 
discussion  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself,  at  Charleston,  I  think,  on 
the  18th  of  last  month,  Mr.  Lincoln,  referring  to  this  subject,  used  the 
following  language : — 

"  I  will  say,  then,  that  I  am  not,  nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of  bringing 
about  in  any  way  the  social  and  poUtical  equality  of  the  white  and  black  races ; 
that  I  am  not,  nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of  making  voters  of  the  free  negroes, 
or  jurors,  or  qualifying  them  to  hold  office,  or  having  them  to  marry  with  white 
people.  I  will  say,  in  addition,  that  there  is  a  physical  difference  between  the 
white  and  black  races  which,  I  suppose,  will  forever  forbid  the  two  races  living 
together  upon  terms  of  social  and  political  equality;  and  inasmuch  as  they 
cannot  so  hve,  that  while  they  do  remain  together  there  must  be  the  position  of 
superior  and  inferior,  that  I,  as  much  as  any  other  man,  am  in  favor  of  the  su- 
perior position  being  assigned  to  the  white  man.  "  ["Good  for  Mr.  Lincoln. "] 

Fellow-citizens,  here  you  find  men  hurrahing  for  Lincoln,  and  saying 
that  he  did  right,  when  in  one  part  of  the  State  he  stood  up  for  negro 
equality;  and  in  another  part,  for  political  effect,  discarded  the  doc- 
trine, and  declared  that  there  always  must  be  a  superior  and  inferior 
race.  ["  They  are  not  men.  Put  them  out, "  etc.]  Abolitionists  up 
North  are  expected  and  required  to  vote  for  Lincoln  because  he  goes 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  341 

for  the  equality  of  the  races,  holding  that  by  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence the  white  man  and  the  negro  were  created  equal,  and  en- 
dowed by  the  divine  law  with  that  equality ;  and  down  South  he  tells 
the  Old  Whigs,  the  Kentuckians,  Virginians,  and  Tennesseeans,  that 
there  is  a  physical  difference  in  the  races,  making  one  superior  and  the 
other  inferior,  and  that  he  is  in  favor  of  maintaining  the  superiority 
of  the  white  race  over  the  negro. 

Now,  how  can  you  reconcile  those  two  positions  of  Mr.  Lincoln?  He 
is  to  be  voted  for  in  the  South  as  a  pro-slavery  man,  and  he  is  to  be 
voted  for  in  the  North  as  an  Abolitionist.  ["  Give  it  to  him. "  "  Hit 
him  again. "]  Up  here  he  thinks  it  is  all  nonsense  to  talk  about  a  dif- 
ference between  the  races,  and  says,  that  we  must  "  discard  all  quib- 
ling  about  this  race  and  that  race  and  the  other  race  being  inferior,  and 
therefore  they  must  be  placed  in  an  inferior  position. "  Down  South  he 
makes  this  "  quibble  "  about  this  race  and  that  race  and  the  other  race 
being  inferior  as  the  creed  of  his  party,  and  declares  that  the  negro  can 
never  be  elevated  to  the  position  of  the  white  man.  You  find  that  his 
political  meetings  are  called  by  different  names  in  different  counties  in 
the  State.  Here  they  are  called  Republican  meetings ;  but  in  old  Taze- 
well, where  Lincoln  made  a  speech  last  Tuesday,  he  did  not  address  a 
Republican  meeting,  but  "  a  grand  rally  of  the  Lincoln  men. "  [Great 
laughter.]  There  are  very  few  Republicans  there,  because  Tazewell 
County  is  filled  with  old  Virginians  and  Kentuckians,  all  of  whom  are 
Whigs  or  Democrats;  and  if  Mr.  Lincoln  had  called  an  Abolition  or 
Republican  meeting  there,  he  would  not  get  many  votes.     [Laughter.] 

Go  down  into  Egypt,  and  you  find  that  he  and  his  party  are  opera- 
ting under  an  alias  there,  which  his  friend  Trumbull  has  given  them  in 
order  that  they  may  cheat  the  people.  When  I  was  down  in  Monroe 
County  a  few  weeks  ago,  addressing  the  people,  I  saw  handbills  posted 
announcing  that  Mr.  Trumbull  was  going  to  speak  in  behalf  of  Lincoln 
and  what  do  you  think  the  name  of  his  party  was  there?  Why  the 
"  Free  Democracy. "  [Great  laughter.]  Mr.  Trumbull  and  Mr.  Jehu 
Baker  were  announced  to  address  the  Free  Democracy  of  Monroe 
County,  and  the  bill  was  signed,  "  Many  Free  Democrats.  "  The  reason 
that  Lincoln  and  his  party  adopted  the  name  of  "  Free  Democracy  " 
down  there  was  because  Monroe  County  has  always  been  an  old-fash- 
ioned Democratic  county,  and  hence  it  was  necessary  to  make  the 
people  believe  that  they  were  Democrats,  sympathized  with  them,  and 
were  fighting  for  Lincoln  as  Democrats.     ["That's  it,"  etc.] 


342  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Come  up  to  Springfield,  where  Lincoln  now  lives  and  always  has 
lived,  and  you  find  that  the  Convention  of  his  part}'  which  assembled 
to  nominate  candidates  for  Legislature,  who  are  expected  to  vote  for 
him  if  elected,  dare  not  adopt  the  name  of  Republican,  but  assembled 
under  the  title  of  "  all  opposed  to  the  Democracy, "  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  Thus  you  find  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  creed  cannot  travel  through 
even  one  half  of  the  counties  of  this  state,  but  that  it  changes  its 
hues  and  becomes  lighter  and  lighter  as  it  travels  from  the  extreme 
north,  until  it  is  nearly  white  when  it  reaches  the  extreme  south  end 
of  the  State.     ["  That's  so, "  "  It's  true, "  etc.] 

I  ask  you,  my  friends,  why  cannot  Republicans  avow  their  principles 
alike  everywhere?  I  would  despise  myself  if  I  thought  that  I  was  pro- 
curing your  votes  by  concealing  my  opinions,  and  by  avowing  one  set 
of  principles  in  one  part  of  the  State,  and  a  different  set  in  another 
part.  If  I  do  not  truly  and  honorably  represent  your  feelings  and 
principles,  then  I  ought  not  to  be  your  senator;  and  I  will  never  con- 
ceal my  opinions,  or  modify  or  change  them  a  hair's  breadth,  in  order 
to  get  votes.  I  will^  tell  you  that  this  Chicago  doctrine  of  Lincoln's — 
declaring  that  the  negro  and  the  white  man  are  made  equal  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  by  Divine  Providence — is  a  mon- 
strous heresy.  ["  That's  so, "  and  terrible  applause.]  The  signers  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  never  dreamed  of  the  negro  when  they 
were  writing  that  document.  They  referred  to  white  men,  to  men  of 
European  birth  and  European  descent,  when  they  declared  the  equal- 
ity of  all  men.  I  see  a  gentleman  there  in  the  crowd  shaking  his  head. 
Let  me  remind  him  that  when  Thomas  Jefferson  wrote  that  document, 
he  was  the  owner,  and  so  continued  until  his  death,  of  a  large  number 
of  slaves.  Did  he  intend  to  say  in  that  Declaration  that  his  negro 
slaves,  which  he  held  and  treated  as  property,  were  created  his  equals 
by  divine  law,  and  that  he  was  violating  the  law  of  God  every  day  of 
his  life  by  holding  them  as  slaves?  ["  No,  no.  "]  It  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  when  that  Declaration  was  put  forth,  every  one  of  the  thir- 
teen Colonies,  were  slaveholding  Colonies,  and  every  man  who  signed 
that  instrument  represented  a  slaveholding  constituency.  Recollect, 
also,  that  no  one  of  them  emancipated  his  slaves,  much  less  put  them 
on  an  equality  with  himself,  after  he  signed  the  Declaration.  On  the 
contrary,  they  all  continued  to  hold  their  negroes  as  slaves  during  the 
Revolutionary  War.     Now,  do  you  believe — are  you  willing  to  have  it 

i Omits  "will." 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  343 

said — that  every  man  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  de- 
clared the  negro  his  equal,  and  then  was  hypocrite  enough  to  continue 
to  hold  him  as  a  slave,  in  violation  of  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
divine  law?  ["  No,  no.  "]  And  yet  when  you  say  that  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  includes  the  negro  you  charge  the  signers  of 
it  with  hypocrisy. 

I  say  to  you  frankly,  that  in  my  opinion  this  Government  was  made 
by  our  fathers  on  the  white  basis.  It  was  made  by  white  men  for  the 
benefit  of  white  men  and  their  posterity  forever,  and  was  intended  to 
be  administered  by  white  men  in  all  time  to  come.  ["  That's  so, "  and 
cheers.]  But  while  I  hold  that  under  our  Constitution  and  political 
system  the  negro  is  not  a  citizen,  cannot  be  a  citizen,  and  ought  not  to 
be  a  citizen,  it  does  not  follow  by  any  means  that  he  should  be  a 
slave.  On  the  contrary,  it  does  follow  that  the  negro,  as  an  inferior 
race,  ought  to  possess  every  right,  every  privilege,  every  immunity, 
which  he  can  safely  exercise,  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  society 
in  which  he  lives.  ["That's  so,"  and  cheers.]  Humanity  requires, 
and  Christianity  commands,  that  you  shall  extend  to  every  inferior 
being,  and  every  dependent  being,  all  the  privileges,  immunities,  and 
advantages  which  can  be  granted  to  them,  consistent  with  the  safety 
of  society.  If  you  ask  me  the  nature  and  extent  of  these  privileges, 
I  answer  that  that  is  a  question  which  the  people  of  each  State  must 
decide  for  themselves.  ["  That's  it. "]  Illinois  has  decided  that 
question  for  herself.  We  have  said  that  in  this  State  the  negro  shall 
not  be  a  slave,  nor  shall  he  be  a  citizen;  Kentucky  holds  a  different 
doctrine.  New  York  holds  one  different  from  either,  and  Maine  one 
different  from  all.  Virginia,  in  her  policy  on  this  question,  differs  in 
many  respects  from  the  others,  and  so  on,  until  there  are  hardly  two 
States  whose  policy  is  exactly  alike  in  regard  to  the  relation  of  the 
white  man  and  the  negro.  Nor  can  you  reconcile  them  and  make 
them  alike.  Each  State  must  do  as  it  pleases.  Illinois  had  as  much 
right  to  adopt  the  policy  which  we  have  on  that  subject  as  Kentucky 
had  to  adopt  a  different  policy.  The  great  principle  of  this  Govern- 
ment is,  that  each  State  has  the  right  to  do  as  it  pleases  on  all  these 
questions,  and  no  other  State  or  power  on  earth  has  the  right  to  inter- 
fere with  us,  or  complain  of  us  merely  because  our  system  differs  from 
theirs.  In  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850,  Mr.  Clay  declared  that 
this  great  principle  ought  to  exist  in  the  Territories  as  well  as  in  the 


344  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

States,  and  I  reasserted  his  doctrine  in  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill 
in  1854. 

But  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  be  made  to  understand,  and  those  who  are 
determined  to  vote  for  him,  no  matter  whether  he  is  a  pro-slavery  man 
in  the  South  and  a  negro  equality  advocate  in  the  North,  cannot  be 
made  to  understand  how  it  is  that  in  a  Territory  the  people  can  do  as 
they  please  on  the  slavery  question  under  the  Dred  Scott  decision. 
Let  us  see  whether  I  cannot  explain  it  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  im- 
partial men.  Chief  Justice  Taney  has  said,  in  his  opinion  in  the  Dred 
Scott  case,  that  a  negro  slave,  being  property,  stands  on  an  equal 
footing  with  other  property,  and  that  the  owner  may  carry  them  into 
United  States  territory  the  same  as  he  does  other  property.  [''  That's 
so. "]  Suppose  any  two  of  you,  neighbors,  should  conclude  to  go  to 
Kansas,  one  carrying  $100,000  worth  of  negro  slaves,  and  the  other 
$100,000  worth  of  mixed  merchandise,  including  quantities  of  liquors. 
You  both  agree  that  under  that  decision  you  may  carry  your  property 
to  Kansas;  but  when  you  get  it  there,  the  merchant  who  is  possessed 
of  the  liquors  is  met  by  the  Maine  liquor  law,  which  prohibits  the  sale 
or  use  of  his  property,  and  the  owner  of  the  slaves  is  met  by  equally 
unfriendly  legislation,  which  makes  his  property  worthless  after  he 
gets  it  there.  What  is  the  right  to  carry  your  property  into  the 
Territory  worth  to  either,  when  unfriendly  legislation  in  the  Territory 
renders  it  worthless  after  you  get  it  there?  The  slaveholder  when 
he  gets  his  slaves  there  finds  that  there  in  no  local  law  to  protect  him 
in  holding  them,  no  slave  code,  no  police  regulation  maintaining  and 
supporting  him  in  his  right,  and  he  discovers  at  once  that  the  absence 
of  such  friendly  legislation  excludes  his  property  from  the  Territory 
just  as  irresistibly  as  if  there  was  a  positive  Constitutional  prohibi- 
tion excluding  it. 

Thus  you  find  it  is  with  any  kind  of  property  in  a  Territory :  It 
depends  for  its  protection  on  the  local  and  municipal  law.  If  the  peo- 
ple of  a  Territory  want  slavery,  they  make  friendly  legislation  to 
introduce  it;  but  if  they  do  not  want  it,  they  withhold  all  protection 
from  it;  and  then  it  cannot  exist  there.  Such  was  the  view  taken  on 
the  subject  by  different  Southern  men  when  the  Nebraska  bill  passed. 
See  the  speech  of  Mr.  Orr,  of  South  Carolina,  the  present  speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  Congress,  made  at  that  time,  and 
there  you  will  find  this  whole  doctrine  argued  out  at  full  length. 
Read  the  speeches  of  other  Southern  Congressmen,  Senators  and 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  345 

Representatives,  made  in  1854,  and  you  will  find  that  they  took  the 
same  view  of  the  subject  as  Mr.  Orr,— that  slavery  could  never  be 
forced  on  a  people  who  did  not  want  it.  I  hold  that  in  this  country 
there  is  no  power  on  the  face  of  the  globe  that  can  force  any  institution 
on  an  unwilling  people.  The  great  fundamental  principle  of  our 
Government  is  that  the  people  of  each  State  and  each  Territory  shall 
be  left  perfectly  free  to  decide  for  themselves  what  shall  be  the  nature 
and  character  of  their  institutions.  When  this  Government  was 
made,  it  was  based  on  that  principle.  At  the  time  of  its  formation 
there  were  twelve  slaveholding  States  and  one  Free  State  in  this 
Union. 

Suppose  this  doctrine  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Republicans,  of  uni- 
formity of^-  laws  of  all  the  States  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  had  pre- 
vailed; suppose  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  had  been  a  member  of  the  Con- 
vention which  framed  the  Constitution,  and  that  he  had  risen  in  that 
august  body,  and,  addressing  the  father  of  his  country,  had  said  as 
he  did  at  Springfield :  "  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. 
I  believe  this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently,  half  Slave 
and  half  Free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved  I  do  not 
expect  the  house  to  fall;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided. 
It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other. "  What  do  you  think 
would  have  been  the  result?  ["  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "]  Suppose  he 
had  made  that  Convention  believe  that  doctrine,  and  they  had  acted 
upon  it,  what  do  you  think  would  have  been  the  result?  Do  you 
believe  that  the  one  Free  State  would  have  outvoted  the  twelve 
slaveholding  States,  and  thus  aboHshed  slavery?  ["No,  no,"  and 
great  applause.]  On  the  contrary,  would  not  the  twelve  slaveholding 
States  have  outvoted  the  one  Free  State,  and  under  his  doctrine 
have  fastened  slavery  by  an  irrevocable  constitutional  provision 
upon  every  inch  of  the  American  Republic? 

Thus  you  see  that  the  doctrine  he  now  advocates,  if  proclaimed  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Government,  would  have  established  slavery 
everywhere  throughout  the  American  continent;  and  are  you  willing, 
now  that  we  have  the  majority  section,  to  exercise  a  power  which  we 
never  would  have  submitted  to  when  we  were  in  the  minority?  ["  No, 
no, "  and  great  applause.]  If  the  Southern  States  had  attempted  to 
control  our  institutions,  and  make  the  States  all  Slave,  when  they  had 
the  power,  I  ask,  Would  you  have  submitted  to  it?     If  you  would  not, 

^Inserts  "the"  before  "laws." 


346  nj.TXOISIHISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

are  you  williiig.  now  that  we  have  become  the  strongest  under  that 
great  principle  of  self-government  that  allows  each  State  to  do  as  it 
{deases.  to  attempt  to  control  the  Southern  institutions?  [''No, 
no."]  Then,  my  friends.  I  say  to  you  that  there  is  but  one  path  of 
peace  ia  this  RepubKc.  and  that  is  to  administer  this  Government  as 
our  fathers  made  it,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  allowing  each 
State  to  decide  for  itself  whether  it  wants  slavery  or  not.  If  Illinois 
will  settle  the  slavery  question  for  hersek',  and  mind  her  own  business 
and  let  her  neighbors  alone,  we  will  be  at  peace  with  Kentucky  and 
every  other  Southern  State.  If  every  other  State  in  the  Union  will 
do  the  same,  there  will  be  peace  between  the  North  and  the  South, 
and  in  the  whole  Union. 

I  am  told  that  my  time  has  expired.     [Nine  cheers  for  Douglas.] 


M>.  Lincoln's  Reply 

ilr.  Lincoln  was  received  as  he  came  forward  with  three  tremendous 
cheers,  coming  from  every  part  of  the  vast  assembly.  After  silence 
was  restored,  Mr.  Lincoln  said: 

My  FdUnc-Citizens:  A  very  large  portion  of  the  speech  which 
Judge  Douglas  has  addressed  to  you  has  previously  been  dehvered  and 
put  in  print.  PLaughter.]  I  do  not  mean  that  for  a  hit  upon  the 
Judge  at  alL  [Renewe^i  laughter.]  If  I  had  not  been  interrupted,  I 
was  going  to  say  that  such  an  answer  as  I  was  able  to  make  to  a  ven.' 
large  portion  of  it.  had  already  been  more  than  once  made  and  pub- 
lidied.  There  has  been  an  opportunity  afforded  to  the  public  to  see 
our  respective  views  upon  the  topics  discussed  in  a  large  portion  of 
the  speech  which  he  has  just  delivered.  I  make  these  remarks  for  the 
purpose  of  excusing  myseK  for  not  passing  over  the  entire  ground 
that  the  Judge  has  traversed.  I  however  desire  to  take  up  some  of 
the  points  that  he  has  attended  to.  and  ask  your  attention  to  them, 
and  I  shall  foUow  him  backwards  upon  some  notes  which  I  have  taken, 
reversing  the  order,  by  beginning  where  he  concluded. 

The  Judge  has  alluded  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
insisted  that  negroes  are  not  included  in  that  Declaration:  and  that  it 
is  a  slander  upon  the  framers  of  that  instrument  to  suppose  that 
negroes  were  meant  therein;  and  he  asks  you :  Is  it  possible  to  beheve 
that  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  penned  the  immortal  paper,  could  have  sup- 
posed himseh*  applying  the  language  of  that  instrument  to  the  negro 
race,  and  yet  held  a  portion  of  that  race  in  slavery?  Would  he  not 
at  once  have  freed  them? 


UNCOLX  AT   ~^±LZ  ■:  1     :-.  T  30 

I  odH- hsve  to  lemaik  iqMn  this  port  of  Uie  Jodge'a  apeecb  ^ad  Act 

too.  very brirfv. fori  Aaflzi:-  '  -   :z  jnyaeif .  ck" y:  :    :     i   'ii-      izi' 
for  «iy  gress  k'r~i.  : :  lin-     -j.i-.  i  bdieve  iIh  ^  :    i^ 

wffltJd, finom '&T     :"-  ":'"i    ^         "i":'"  ':':*:"-'  _  ~  '_j: 

three  years  age.  z_-  -  _:  1t-  Ji    \._^  :.;  :^.        "ir^        - 

fmn  one  singie  m j^   : ^  j. "  "  i    l  r:* :  ~  '^  ~  : "   "     _         jl  '  _ t  _  -  .  ^:  _ - 
tJGOof  Isd-rT-^ziT- :r   I  :_j,^  Iii^.       -7...    I       ,  :--;  -i-^^- 


r :  -  1-  poiiey  ot  the  Z    ^     ::-      71^77.  m  rr^ird  to  a 
'i.     z"    1  .T  affinnatic-       T:  i_  1  "     Azidl 

Judge  L    -z'is  and  ^^i:  l >r  ^_-  ^^_     '!:    '----^ 

cs-T^T  : "  -       t5.  as  Til-  _;-  "I'^i^    .i-fr-  :    r 


:i-;  —It.  ever  uUeiec  -   :ti.'_^_-i'   ^'.  9JI  akrn  xo  thAt  c:       r 
[Great  apfdanse  and  cries  ::      ?!  -  ^^:    ._  .z  :  :    ^     i- 

"Hic  next  thing  to  whirfi  I  ^i-:ll  i~k  y:  -'  l    - 

rtf>mTTM»nt.ar~-  -  '-  '~  •--  ~-  ---^        -~  -      ;.        -      .:i:i    " 

poWic  mee-i^^r  a-  ?  -   :^  ,      :^1  i~  ^--   :i     -  T 

Coantv  as  ii-T  ::    M  -      1 

He  iii5-:.7.^^-  ^r-.---,    ;--•■--       ,    .-;-;:_3:    -1-:-   '^  _,  Tr__    _I  ^^J 
Jehu  ?        :  :--;=_-"_    --_^Tr  if 


he  57  \£f  iJiTTf.  be 

"^  i"r±*  TOO  <rf  this:     .I:_—--f  appiaiif-f  ici  roars  of  lan^toerj 

:  n   -h?rr  is  azKr^'"  :    1^ ^       -^ich  I  -    :  -  isk  tke  Jodlge's 


-.-           -_r-^^.     -      ,         -    -  -  :' .:.:i.^  _  :_        ...         bat" 

- ..--._. :  tTt  :   ~  .           jij  :^r  tse    >it::z- 

:.:   r.n^-naey,-  Judge  D:    :  -                     -       .^   ^    _  :   -;:    ::-f 

PiftQg^ta-.]    nkeyvoolc  1  -  -  1 


348  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

laughter  and  cheers.]  They  would  understand  that  it  was  a  call  for 
those  hateful  postmasters  whom  he  talks  about,  [Uproarious 
laughter.] 

Now  a  few  words  in  regard  to  these  extracts  from  speeches  of  mine 
which  Judge  Douglas  has  read  to  you,  and  which  he  supposes  are  in 
very  great  contrast  to  each  other.  Those  speeches  have  been  before 
the  public  for  a  considerable  time,  and  if  they  have  any  inconsistency 
in  them,  if  there  is  any  conflict  in  them,  the  public  have  been  able  to 
detect  it.  When  the  Judge  says,  in  speaking  on  this  subject,  that  I 
make  speeches  of  one  sort  for  the  people  of  the  northern  end  of  the 
State,  and  of  a  different  sort  for  the  southern  people,  he  assumes  that 
I  do  not  understand  that  my  speeches  will  be  put  in  print  and  read 
north  and  south.  I  knew  all  the  while  that  the  speech  that  I  made  at 
Chicago,  and  the  one  I  made  at  Jonesboro,  and  the  one  at  Charleston, 
would  all  be  put  in  print,  and  all  the  reading  and  intelligent  men  in 
the  community  would  see  them  and  know  all  about  my  opinions. 
And  I  have  not  supposed,  and  do  not  now  suppose,  that  there  is  any 
conflict  whatever  between  them.  ["They  are  good  speeches;" 
"  Hurrah  for  Lincoln. "] 

But  the  Judge  will  have  it  that  if  we  do  not  confess  that  there  is  a 
sort  of  inequality  between  the  white  and  the  black  races  which  justifies 
us  in  making  them  slaves,  we  must  then  insist  that  there  is  a  degree  of 
equality  that  requires  us  to  make  them  our  wives.  [Loud  applause 
and  cries  of  "Give  it  to  him;"  "Hit  him  again."]  Now,  I  have  all 
the  while  taken  a  broad  distinction  in  regard  to  that  matter;  and  that 
is  all  there  is  in  these  different  speeches  which  he  arrays  here ;  and  the 
entire  reading  of  either  of  the  speeches  will  show  that  that  distinction 
was  made.  Perhaps  by  taking  two  parts  of  the  same  speech  he  could 
have  got  up  as  much  of  a  conflict  as  the  one  he  has  found.  I  have  all 
the  while  maintained  that  in  so  far  as  it  should  be  insisted  that  there 
was  an  equality  between  the  white  and  black  races  that  should  pro- 
duce a  perfect  social  and  political  equality,  it  was  an  impossibility. 
This  you  have  seen  in  my  printed  speeches,  and  with  it  I  have  said 
that  in  their  right  to  "  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, "  as 
proclaimed  in  that  old  Declaration,  the  inferior  races  are  our  equals. 
[Long-continued  cheering.]  And  these  declarations  I  have  constantly 
made  in  reference  to  the  abstract  moral  question,  to  contemplate  and 
consider  when  we  are  legislating  about  any  new  country  which  is  not 
already  cursed  with  the  actual  presence  of  the  evil, — slavery. 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  349 

I  have  never  manifested  any  impatience  with  the  necessities  that 
spring  from  the  actual  presence  of  black  people  amongst  us,  and  the 
actual  existence  of  slavery  amongst  us  where  it  does  already  exist ;  but 
I  have  insisted  that,  in  legislating  for  new  countries  where  it  does  not 
exist,  there  is  no  just  rule  other  than  that  of  moral  and  abstract  right! 
With  reference  to  those  new  countries,  those  maxims  as  to  the  right  of 
people  to,  "life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness"  were  the  just 
rules  to  be  constantly  referred  to.  There  is  no  misunderstanding  this, 
except  by  men  interested  to  misunderstand  it.  [Applause.]  I  take  it 
that  I  have  to  address  an  intelligent  and  reading  community,  who  will 
peruse  what  I  say,  weigh  it,  and  then  judge  whether  I  advance  im- 
proper or  unsound  views,  or  whether  I  advance  hypocritical,  and 
deceptive,  and  contrary  views  in  different  portions  of  the  country.  I 
believe  myself  to  be  guilty  of  no  such  thing  as  the  latter,  though,  of 
course,  I  cannot  claim  that  I  am  entirely  free  from  all  error  in  the 
opinions  I  advance. 

The  Judge  has  also  detained  us  a  while  in  regard  to  the  distinction 
between  his  party  and  our  party.  His  he  assumes  to  be  a  national 
party, — ours  a  sectional  one.  He  does  this  in  asking  the  question 
whether  this  country  has  any  interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the  Re- 
publican party?  He  assumes  that  our  party  is  altogether  sectional, — 
that  the  party  to  which  he  adheres  is  national;  and  the  argument  is, 
that  no  party  can  be  a  rightful  party — can  be  based  upon  rightful 
principles — unless  it  can  announce  its  principles  everywhere.  I  pre- 
sume that  Judge  Douglas  could  not  go  into  Russia  and  announce  the 
doctrine  of  our  national  Democracy;  he  could  not  denounce  the 
doctrine  of  kings  and  emperors  and  monarchies  in  Russia;  and  it  may 
be  true  of  this  country  that  in  some  places  we  may  not  be  able  to 
proclaim  a  doctrine  as  clearly^  as  the  truth  of  Democracy,  because 
there  is  a  section  so  directly  opposed  to  it  that  they  will  not  tolerate 
us  in  doing  so.  Is  it  the  true  test  of  the  soundness  of  a  doctrine  that 
in  some  places  people  won't  let  you  proclaim  it?  [''No,  no,  no."] 
Is  that  the  way  to  test  the  truth  of  any  doctrine?  ["No,  no,  no."] 
Why,  I  understood  that  at  one  time  the  people  of  Chicago  would  not 
let  Judge  Douglas  preach  a  certain  favorite  doctrine  of  his.  [Laughter 
and  cheers.]  I  commend  to  his  consideration  the  question,  whether 
he  takes  that  as  a  test  of  the  unsoundness  of  what  he  wanted  to 
preach?     [Loud  cheers.] 

^Inserts  "true"  after  "clearly  ." 


350  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

There  is  another  thing  to  which  I  wish  to  ask  attention  for  a  little 
while  on  this  occasion.  What  has  always  been  the  evidence  brought 
forward  to  prove  that  the  Republican  party  is  a  sectional  party?  The 
main  one  was  that  in  the  Southern  portion  of  the  Union  the  people  did 
not  let  the  Republicans  proclaim  their  doctrines  amongst  them.  That 
has  been  the  main  evidence  brought  forward, — that  they  had  no  sup- 
porters, or  substantially  none,  in  the  Slave  States.  The  South  have 
not  taken  hold  of  our  principles  as  we  announce  them;  nor  does  Judge 
Douglas  now  grapple  with  those  principles. 

We  have  a  Republican  State  Platform,  laid  down  in  Springfield  in 
June  last,  stating  our  position  all  the  way  through  the  questions  before 
the  country.  We  are  now  far  advanced  in  this  canvass.  Judge 
Douglas  and  I  have  made  perhaps  forty  speeches  apiece,  and  we  have 
now  for  the  fifth  time  met  face  to  face  in  debate,  and  up  to  this  day  I 
have  not  found  either  Judge  Douglas  or  any  friend  of  his  taking  hold  of 
the  Republican  platform,  or  laying  his  finger  upon  anything  in  it  that 
is  wrong.  [Cheers.]  I  ask  you^  to  recollect  that  Judge  Douglas  turns 
away  from  the  platform  of  principles  to  the  fact  that  he  can  find 
people  somewhere  who  will  not  allow  us  to  announce  those  principles. 
[Applause.]  If  he  had  great  confidence  that  our  principles  were 
wrong,  he  would  take  hold  of  them  and  demonstrate  them  to  be  wrong. 
But  he  does  not  do  so.  The  only  evidence  he  has  of  their  being  wrong 
is  in  the  fact  that  there  are  people  who  won't  allow  us  to  preach  them. 
I  ask  again,  is  that  the  way  to  test  the  soundness  of  a  doctrine? 
ICries  of  ''  No,  no. "] 

1  ask  his  attention  also  to  the  fact  that  by  the  rule  of  nationality  he 
Is  himself  fast  becoming  sectional.  [Great  cheers  and  laughter.]  I  ask 
his  attention  to  the  fact  that  his  speeches  would  not  go  as  current  now 
south  of  the  Ohio  River  as  they  have  formerly  gone  there.  [Loud 
cheers.]  I  ask  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  felicitates  himself  to- 
day that  all  the  Democrats  of  the  Free  States  are  agreeing  with  him, 
[applause]  while  he  omits  to  tell  us  that  the  Democrats  of  any  Slave 
State  agree  with  him.  If  he  has  not  thought  of  this,  I  commend  to 
his  consideration  the  evidence  in  his  own  declaration,  on  this  day,  of 
his  becoming  sectional  too.  [Immense  cheering.]  I  see  it  rapidly 
approaching.  Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  this  ephemeral  contest 
between  Judge  Douglas  and  myself,  I  see  the  day  rapidly  approaching 
when  his  pill  of  sectionalism,  which  he  has  been  thrusting  down  the 

^Inserts  "all"  after  "you." 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  351 

throats  of  Republicans  for  years  past,  will  be  crowded  down  his  own 
throat.     [Tremendous  applause.] 

Now,  in  regard  to  what  Judge  Douglas  said  (in  the  beginning  of  his 
speech)  about  the  Compromise  of  1850  containing  the  principle  of  the 
Nebraska  bill,  although  I  have  often  presented  my  views  upon  that 
subject,  yet  as  I  have  not  done  so  in  this  canvass,  I  will,  if  you  please, 
detain  you  a  little  with  them.  I  have  always  maintained,  so  far  as  I 
was  able,  that  there  was  nothing  of  the  principle  of  the  Nebraska  bill 
in  the  Compromise  of  1850  at  all, — nothing  whatever.  Where  can 
you  find  the  principle  of  the  Nebraska  bill  in  that  Compromise?  If 
anywhere,  in  the  two  pieces  of  the  Compromise  organizing  the  Terri- 
tories of  New  Mexico  and  Utah.  It  was  expressly  provided  in  these 
two  Acts  that  when  they  came  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  they 
should  be  admitted  with  or  without  slavery,  as  they  should  choose,  by 
their  own  constitutions.  Nothing  was  said  in  either  of  these  Acts  as 
to  what  was  to  be  done  in  relation  to  slavery  during  the  Territorial 
existence  of  those  Territories,  while  Henry  Clay  constantly  made  the 
declaration  (Judge  Douglas  recognizing  him  as  a  leader)  that,  in  his 
opinion,  the  old  Mexican  laws  would  control  that  question  during  the 
Territorial  existence,  and  that  these  old  Mexican  laws  excluded 
slavery. 

How  can  that  be  used  as  a  principle  for  declaring  that  during  the 
Territorial  existence  as  well  as  at  the  time  of  framing  the  constitution, 
the  people,  if  you  please,  might  have  slaves  if  they  wanted  them?  I 
am  not  discussing  the  question  whether  it  is  right  or  wrong;  but  how 
are  the  New  Mexican  and  Utah  laws  patterns  for  the  Nebraska  bill? 
I  maintain  that  the  organization  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico  did  not 
establish  a  general  principle  at  all.  It  had  no  feature  of  establishing 
a  general  principle.  The  Acts  to  which  I  have  referred  were  a  part  of 
a  general  system  of  Compromises.  They  did  not  lay  down  what  was 
proposed  as  a  regular  policy  for  the  Territories,  only  an  agreement  in 
this  particular  case  to  do  in  that  way,  because  other  things  were  done 
that  were  to  be  a  compensation  for  it.  They  were  allowed  to  come  in 
in  that  shape,  because  in  another  way  it  was  paid  for, — considering 
that  as  a  part  of  that  system  of  measures  called  the  Compromise  of 
1850,  which  finally  included  half-a-dozen  Acts.  It  included  the 
admission  of  California  as  a  Free  State,  which  was  kept  out  of  the 
Union  for  half  a  year  because  it  had  formed  a  free  constitution.  It 
included  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  of  Texas,  which  had  been 


352  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

undefined  before,  which  was  in  itself  a  slavery  question;  for  if  you 
pushed  the  line  farther  west,  you  made  Texas  larger,  and  made  more 
slave  territory;  while,  if  you  drew  the  line  toward  the  east,  you  nar- 
rowed the  boundary  and  diminished  the  domain  of  slavery,  and  by  so 
much  increased  free  territory.  It  included  the  abolition  of  the  slave 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  It  included  the  passage  of  a  new 
Fugitive-Slave  law. 

All  these  things  were  put  together,  and  though  passed  in  separate 
Acts,  were,  nevertheless,  in  legislation  (as  the  speeches  of  the  time  will 
show)  made  to  depend  upon  each  other.  Each  got  votes,  with  the 
understanding  that  the  other  measures  were  to  pass,  and  by  this  sys- 
tem of  Compromise,  in  that  series  of  measures,  those  two  bills — the 
New  Mexico  and  Utah  bills — were  passed:  and  I  say  for  that  reason 
they  could  not  be  taken  as  models,  framed  upon  their  own  intrinsic 
principle,  for  all  future  Territories.  And  I  have  the  evidence  of  this 
in  the  fact  that  Judge  Douglas,  a  year  afterward,  or  more  than  a  year 
afterward,  perhaps,  when  he  first  introduced  bills  for  the  purpose  of 
framing  new  Territories,  did  not  attempt  to  follow  these  bills  of  New 
Mexico  and  Utah;  and  even  when  he  introduced  this  Nebraska  bill  I 
think  you  will  discover  that  he  did  not  exactly  follow  them.  But  I 
do  not  wish  to  dwell  at  great  length  upon  this  branch  of  the  discussion. 
My  own  opinion  is,  that  a  thorough  investigation  will  show  most 
plainly  that  the  New  Mexico  and  Utah  bills  were  part  of  a  system  of 
compromise,  and  not  designed  as  patterns  for  future  Territorial  legis- 
lation; and  that  this  Nebraska  bill  did  not  follow  them  as  a  pattern 
at  all. 

The  Judge  tells  us,i  in  proceeding,  that  he  is  opposed  to  making  any 
odious  distinction  between  Free  and  Slave  States.  I  am  altogether 
unaware  that  the  Republicans  are  in  favor  of  making  any  odious  dis- 
tinctions between  the  Free  and  Slave  States.  But  there  is  still  a  differ- 
ence, I  think,  between  Judge  Douglas  and  the  Republicans  in  this. 
I  suppose  that  the  real  difference  between  Judge  Douglas  and  his 
friends,  and  the  Republicans  on  the  contrary  is,  that  the  Judge  is  not 
in  favor  of  making  any  difference  between  slavery  and  liberty,  that  he 
is  in  favor  of  eradicating,  of  pressing  out  of  view,  the  questions  of  pref- 
erence in  this  country  for  free  or^-  slave  institutions ;  and  consequently 
every  sentiment  he  utters  discards  the  idea  that  there  is  any  wrong  in 
slavery.     Everything  that  emanates  from  him  or  his  coadjutors  in 

iOmits  "us."  »Reads:  "over"  for  "or." 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  353 

their  course  of  policy  carefully  excludes  the  thought  that  there  is  any- 
thing wrong  in  slavery.  All  their  arguments,  if  you  will  consider 
them,  will  be  seen  to  exclude  the  thought  that  there  is  anything 
whatever  wrong  in  slavery  If  you  will  take  the  Judge's  speeches,  and 
select  the  short  and  pointed  sentences  expressed  by  him, — as  his 
declaration  that  he  "  don't  care  whether  slavery  is  voted  up  or  down, " 
you  wiU  see  at  once  that  this  is  perfectly  logical,  if  you  do  not  admit 
that  slavery  is  wrong.  If  you  do  admit  that  it  is  worng,  Judge 
Douglas  cannot  logically  sayi-  he  don't  care  whether  a  wrong  is  voted 
up  or  down.'^ 

Judge  Douglas  declares  that  if  any  community  want  slavery,  they 
have  a  right  to  have  it.  He  can  say  that  logically,  if  he  says  that  there 
is  no  wrong  in  slavery;  but  if  you  admit  that  there  is  a  wrong  in  it,  he 
cannot  logically  say  that  anybody  has  a  right  to  do  wrong.  He  insists 
that,  upon  the  score  of  equality,  the  owners  of  slaves  and  owners  of 
property — of  horses  and  every  other  sort  of  property — should  be  alike, 
and  hold  them  alike  in  a  new  Territory.  That  is  perfectly  logical  if 
the  two  species  of  property  are  alike  and  are  equally  founded  in  right. 
But  if  you  admit  that  one  of  them  is  wrong,  you  cannot  institute  any 
equality  between  right  and  wrong.  And  from  this  difference  of  senti- 
ment,— the  belief  on  the  part  of  one  that  the  institution  is  wrong,  and 
a  policy  springing  from  that  belief  which  looks  to  the  arrest  of  the  en- 
largement of  that  wrong;  and  this  other  sentiment,  that  it  is  no  wrong, 
and  a  policy  sprung  from  that  sentiment,  which  will  tolerate  no  idea  of 
preventing  the  wrong  from  growing  larger,  and  looks  to  there  never 
being  an  end  of  it  through  all  the  existence  of  things, — arises  the  real 
difference  between  Judge  Douglas  and  his  friends  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  Republicans  on  the  other. 

Now,  I  confess  myself  as  belonging  to  that  class  in  the  country  who 
contemplate  slavery  as  a  moral,  social,  and  political  evil,  having  due 
regard  for  its  actual  existence  amongst  us  and  the  difficulties  of  getting 
rid  of  it  in  any  satisfactory  way,  and  to  all  the  constitutional  obliga- 
tions which  have  been  thrown  about  it;  but,  nevertheless,  desire  a 
policy  that  looks  to  the  prevention  of  it  as  a  wrong,  and  looks  hopefully 
to  the  time  when  as  a  wrong  it  may  come  to  an  end.    [Great  applause.] 

Judge  Douglas  has  again,  for,  I  believe,  the  fifth  time,  if  not  the 
seventh,  in  my  presence,  reiterated  his  charge  of  a  conspiracy  or  com- 
bination between  the  National  Democrats  and  Republicans.     What 

■■Inserts  "that"  after  "say."  ^Inserts  "voted"  before  "down." 


354  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

evidence  Judge  Douglas  has  upon  this  subject  I  know  not,  inasmuch 
as  he  never  favors  us  with  any.     [Laughter  and  cheers.] 

I  have  said  upon  a  former  occasion,  and  I  do  not  choose  to  suppress 
it  now,  that  I  have  no  objection  to  the  division  in  the  Judge's  party. 
[Cheers.]  He  got  it  up  himself.  It  was  all  his  and  their  work.  He 
had,  I  think,  a  great  deal  more  to  do  with  the  steps  that  led  to  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  than  Mr.  Buchanan  had;  [applause]  though 
at  last,  when  they  reached  it,  they  quarreled  over  it,  and  their  friends 
divided  upon  it.  [Applause.]  I  am  very  free  to  confess  to  Judge 
Douglas  that  I  have  no  objection  to  the  division;  [loud  applause  and 
laughter]  but  I  defy  the  Judge  to  show  any  evidence  that  I  have  in  any 
way  promoted  that  division,  unless  he  insists  on  being  a  witness  him- 
self in  merely  saying  so.  [Laughter.]  I  can  give  all  fair  friends  of  Judge 
Douglas  here  to  understand  exactly  the  view  that  Republicans  take  in 
regard  to  that  division.  Don't  you  remember  how  two  years  ago  the 
opponents  of  the  Democratic  party  were  divided  between  Fremont  and 
Fillmore?  I  guess  you  do.  ["Yes,  Sir,  we  remember  it  mighty  well."] 
Any  Democrat  who  remembers  that  division  will  remember  also  that 
he  was  at  the  time  very  glad  of  it,  [laughter]  and  then  he  will  be  able  to 
see  all  there  is  between  the  National  Democrats  and  the  Republicans. 
What  we  now  think  of  the  two  divisions  of  Democrats,  you  then 
thought  of  the  Fremont  and  Fillmore  divisions.  [Great  cheers.]  That 
is  all  there  is  of  it. 

But  if  the  Judge  continues  to  put  forward  the  declaration  that  there 
is  an  unholy  and  unnatural  alliance  between  the  Republican^-  and  the 
National  Democrats,  I  now  want  to  enter  my  protest  against  receiving 
him  as  an  entirely  competent  witness  upon  that  subject.  [Loud  cheers.] 
I  want  to  call  to  the  Judge's  attention  an  attack  he  made  upon  me  in 
the  first  one  of  these  debates,  at  Ottawa,  on  the  21st  of  August.  In 
order  to  fix  extreme  Abolitionism  upon  me,  Judge  Douglas  read  a  set 
of  resolutions  which  he  declared  had  been  passed  by  a  Republican  State 
Convention,  in  October,  1854,  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  and  he  declared 
I  had  taken  part  in  that  Convention.  It  turned  out  that  although  a 
few  men  calling  themselves  an  anti-Nebraska  State  Convention  had 
sat  at  Springfield  about  that  time,  yet  neither  did  I  take  any  part  in 
it,  nor  did  it  pass  the  resolutions  or  any  such  resolutions  as  Judge 
Douglas  read.  [Great  applause.]  So  apparent  had  it  become  that 
the  resolutions  which  he  read  had  not  been  passed  at  Springfield  at  all, 

iReads:  "Republicans"  for  "Republican." 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  355 

nor  by  a  State  Convention  in  which  I  had  taken  part,  that  seven  days 
aftei-ward,  at  Freeport,  Judge  Douglas  declared  that  he  had  been  mis- 
led by  Charles  H.  Lanphier,  editor  of  the  State  Register,  and  Thomas 
L.  Harris,  member  of  Congress  in  that  District,  and  he  promised  in 
that  speech  that  when  he  went  to  Springfield  he  would  investigate  the 
matter.  Since  then  Judge  Douglas  has  been  to  Springfield,  and  I  pre- 
sume has  made  the  investigation;  but  a  month  has  passed  since  he  has 
been  there,  and,  so  far  as  I  know,  he  has  made  no  report  of  the  result 
of  his  investigation.  [Great  applause.]  I  have  waited  as  I  think  a 
sufficient  time  for  the  report  of  that  investigation,  and  I  have  some 
curiosity  to  see  and  hear  it.  [Applause.]  A  fraud,  an  absolute  for- 
gery was  committed,  and  the  perpetration  of  it  was  traced  to  the  three, 
— Lanphier,  Harris,  and  Douglas.  [Applause  and  laughter.]  Whether 
it  can  be  narrowed  in  any  way  so  as  to  exonerate  any  one  of  them,  is 
what  Judge  Douglas's  report  would  probably  show.  [Applause  and 
laughter.] 

It  is  true  that  the  set  of  resolutions  read  by  Judge  Douglas  were 
published  in  the  Illinois  State  Register  on  the  16th  of  October,  1854,  as 
being  the  resolutions  of  an  anti-Nebraska  Convention  which  had  sat 
in  that  same  month  of  October,  at  Springfield.  But  it  is  also  true  that 
the  publication  in  the  Register  was  a  forgery  then,  [cheers]  and  the 
question  is  still  behind,  which  of  the  three,  if  not  all  of  them,  commit- 
ted that  forgery?  The  idea  that  it  was  done  by  mistake,  is  absurd. 
The  article  in  the  Illinois  State  Register  contains  part  of  the  real  pro- 
ceedings of  that  Springfield  Convention,  showing  that  the  writer  of 
the  article  had  the  real  proceedings  before  him,  and  purposely  threw 
out  the  genuine  resolutions  passed  by  the  Convention,  and  fraudu- 
lently substituted  the  others.  Lanphier  then,  as  now,  was  the  editor 
of  the  Register,  so  that  there  seems  to  be  but  little  room  for  his  excape. 
But  then  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  Lanphier  had  less  interest  in 
the  object  of  that  forgery  than  either  of  the  other  two.  [Cheers.] 
The  main  object  of  that  forgery  at  that  time  was  to  beat  Yates  and 
elect  Harris  to  Congress,  and  that  object  was  known  to  be  exceedingly 
dear  to  Judge  Douglas  at  that  time.  [Laughter.]  Harris  and  Douglas 
were  both  in  Springfield  when  the  convention  was  in  session,  and 
although  they  both  left  before  the  fraud  appeared  in  the  Register, 
subsequent  events  show  that  they  have  both  had  their  eyes  fixed  upon 
that  Convention. 

The  fraud  having  been  apparently  successful  upon  the  occasion, 


356  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

both  Harris  and  Douglas  have  more  than  once  since  then  been  attempt- 
ing to  put  it  to  new  uses.  As  the  fisherman's  wife,  whose  drowned 
husband^  was  brought  home  with  his  body 2-  full  of  eels,  said  when  she 
was  asked,  "What  was  to  be  done  with  him? "  "  Take  the  eels  out  and 
set  him  again, "  [great  laughter]  so  Harris  and  Douglas  have  shown  a 
disposition  to  take  the  eels  out  of  that  stale  fraud  by  which  they 
gained  Harris's  election,  and  set  the  fraud  again  more  than  once. 
[Tremendous  cheers  and  laughter.]  On  the  9th  of  July,  1856,  Doug- 
las attempted  a  repetition  of  it  upon  Trumbull  on  the  floor  of  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  as  will  appear  from  the  Appendix  to  the 
Congressional  Globe  of  that  date. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  Harris  attempted  it  again  upon  Norton  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  as  will  appear  by  the  same  document, — the 
Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe  of  that  date.  On  the  21st  of 
August  last,^  all  three — Lanphier,  Douglas  and  Harris — reattempted 
it  upon  me  at  Ottawa.  [Tremendous  applause.]  It  has  been  clung 
to  and  played  out  again  and  again  as  an  exceedingly  high  trump  by 
this  blessed  trio.  [Roars  of  laughter  and  tremendous  applause. 
"  Give  it  to  him, "  etc.]  And  now  that  it  has  been  discovered  publicly 
to  be  a  fraud,  we  find  that  Judge  Douglas  manifests  no  surprise  at  it 
at  all.  [Laughter.  "  That's  it,  hit  him  again.  "]  He  makes  no  com- 
plaint of  Lanphier,  who  must  have  known  it  to  be  a  fraud  from  the 
beginning.  He,*  Lanphier,  and  Harris  are  just  as  cozy  now,  and  just 
as  active  in  the  concoction  of  new  schemes  as  they  were  before  the 
general  discovery  of  this  fraud.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Now,  all 
this  is  very  natural  if  they  are  all  alike  guilty  in  that  fraud,  and  it  is 
very  unnatural  if  any  one  of  them  is  innocent.  [Great  laughter. 
"  Hit  him  again, "  "  Hurrah  for  Lincoln. "]  Lanphier  perhaps  insists 
that  the  rule  of  honor  among  thieves  does  not  quite  require  him  to 
take  all  upon  himself,  [laughter]  and  consequently  my  friend  Judge 
Douglas  finds  it  difficult  to  make  a  satisfactory  report  upon  his 
investigation.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  But  meanwhile  the  three 
are  agreed  that  each  is  "  a  most  honorable  man. "  [Cheers  and  explo- 
sions  of   laughter.] 

Judge  Douglas  requires  an  indorsement  of  his  truth  and  honor  by  a 
re-election  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  he  makes  and  reports 
against  me  and  against  Judge  Trumbull,  day  after  day,  charges  which 
we  know  to  be  utterly  untrue,  without  for  a  moment  seeming  to  think 

'ueads:  "husband's  body"  for  "husband."  ^Omits  "last." 

=* Reads:  "the  pockets"  for  "his  body."  "Reads:  "Both"  for  "He." 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  357 

that  this  one  unexplained  fraud,  which  he  promises  to  investigate, 
will  be  the  least  drawback  to  his  claim  to  belief.  Harris  ditto.  He 
asks  re-election  to  the  Lower  House  of  Congress  without  seeming  to 
remember  at  all  that  he  is  involved  in  this  dishonorable  fraud.  The 
Illinois  State  Register,  edited  by  Lanphier,  then,  as  now,  the  central 
organ  of  both  Harris  and  Douglas,  continues  to  din  the  public  ear 
with  these  assertions,^  without  seeming  to  suspect  that  they^  are  at 
all  lacking  in  title  to  belief. 

After  all,  the  question  still  recurs  upon  us,  How  did  that  fraud 
originally  get  into  the  State  Register?  Lanphier  then,  as  now,  was  the 
editor  of  that  paper.  Lanphier  knows.  Lanphier  cannot  be  ignorant 
of  how  and  by  whom  it  was  originally  concocted.  Can  he  be  induced 
to  tell,  or,  if  he  has  told,  can  Judge  Douglas  be  induced  to  tell  how  it 
originally  was  concocted?  It  may  be  true  that  Lanphier  insists  that 
the  two  men  for  whose  benefit  it  was  originally  devised,  shall  at  least 
bear  their  share  of  it!  How  that  is,  I  do  not  know,  and  while  it 
remains  unexplained,  I  hope  to  be  pardoned  if  I  insist  that  the  mere 
fact  of  Judge  Douglas  making  charges  against  Trumbull  and  myself 
is  not  quite  sufficient  evidence  to  establish  them!  [Great  cheering. 
"Hit  him  again;"  "Give  it  to  him,"  etc.] 

While  we  were  at  Freeport,  in  one  of  these  joint  discussions,  I  an- 
swered certain  interrogatories  which  Judge  Douglas  had  propounded 
to  me,  and  then  in  turn  propounded  some  to  him,  which  he  in  a  sort  of 
way  answered.  The  third  one  of  these  interrogatories  I  have  with  me, 
and  wish  now  to  make  some  comments  upon  it.  It  was  in  these  words 
"If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  shall  decide  that  States ^ 
cannot  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  are  you  in  favor  of  acquies- 
cing in,  adopting,*  and  following  such  decision  as  a  rule  of  political 
action?" 

To  this  interrogatory  Judge  Douglas  made  no  answer  in  any  just 
sense  of  the  word.  He  contented  himself  with  sneering  at  the  thought 
that  it  was  possible  for  the  Supreme  Court  ever  to  make  such  a  deci- 
sion. He  sneered  at  me  for  propounding  the  interrogatory.  I  had 
not  propounded  it  without  some  reflection,  and  I  wish  now  to  address 
to  this  audience  some  remarks  upon  it. 

In  the  second  clause  of  the  sixth  article,  I  believe  it  is,  of  the  Con- 

iReads:  "tliis  assertion"  for  "these  assertions." 
SReads:  "these  assertions"  for  "they". 
^Inserts  "the"  before  "States." 
■•Reads:  "adhering  to"  for  "adopting." 


358  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

stitution  of  the  United  States,  we  find  the  following  language :  "  This 
Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made  in 
pursuance  thereof;  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made, 
under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land;  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any- 
thing in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary,  not- 
withstanding. " 

The  essence  of  the  Dred  Scott  case  is  compressed^  into  the  sentence 
which  I  will  now  read:  "Now,  as  we  have  already  said  in  an  earlier 
part  of  this  opinion,  upon  a  different  point,  the  right  of  property  in 
a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution. " 
I  repeat  it,  "  The  right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly 
affirmed  in  the  Constitution." 

What  is  it  to  be^^  "  affirmed  "  in  the  Constitution?  Made  firm  in  the 
Constitution, — so  made  that  it  cannot  be  separated  from  the  Con- 
stitution without  breaking  the  Constitution;  durable  as  the  Consti- 
tution, and  part  of  the  Constitution.  Now,  remembering  the  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  which  I  have  read;  affirming  that  that 
instrument  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land;  that  the  Judges  of  every 
State  shall  be  bound  by  it,  any  law  or  constitution  of  any  State  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding;  that  the  right  of  property  in  a  slave 
is  affirmed  in  that  Constitution,  is  made,  formed  into,  and  cannot  be 
separated  from  it  without  breaking  it;  durable  as  the  instrument; 
part  of  the  instrument; — what  follows  as  a  short  and  even  syllogistic 
argument  from  it?  I  think  it  follows,  and  I  submit  to  the  considera- 
tion of  men  capable  of  arguing,  whether  as  I  state  it,  in  syllogistic 
form,  the  argument  has  any  fault  in  it? 

Nothing  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  can  destroy  a 
right  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

The  right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly 
afl&rmed  in  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Therefore,  nothing  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  can 
destroy  the  right  of  property  in  a  slave. 

I  believe  that  no  fault  can  be  pointed  out  in  that  argument;  assum- 
ing the  truth  of  the  premises,  the  conclusion,  so  far  as  I  have  capacity 
at  all  to  understand  it,  follows  inevitably.  There  is  a  fault  in  it  as 
I  think,  but  the  fault  is  not  in  the  reasoning:  the^  falsehood  in  fact  is 
a  fault  in*   the  premises. 

iRcads:  "comprised"  for  "compressed."  'Inserts  "but"  before  "the." 

aOmits  "it  to  be."  ^Reads:  "of"  for  "in." 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  359 

I  believe  that  the  right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  not  distinctly  and 
expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution,  and  Judge  Douglas  thinks  it 
is.  I  believe  that  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  advocates  of  that  deci- 
sion may  search  in  vain  for  the  place  in  the  Constitution  where  the 
right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed.  I  say, 
therefore,  that  I  think  one  of  the  premises  is  not  true  in  fact.  But  it 
is  true  with  Judge  Douglas.  It  is  true  with  the  Supreme  Court  who 
pronounced  it.  They  are  estopped  from  denying  it,  and  being  stopped 
from  denying  it  the  conclusion  follows  that,  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  being  the  supreme  law,  no  constitution  or  law  can  inter- 
fere with  it.  It  being  affirmed  in  the  decision  that  the  right  of  prop- 
erty in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution, 
the  conclusion  inevitably  follows  that  no  State  law  or  constitution 
can  destroy  that  right. 

I  then  say  to  Judge  Douglas  and  to  all  others,  that  I  think  it  will  take 
a  better  answer  than  a  sneer  to  show  that  those  who  have  said  that  the 
right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  the 
Constitution,  are  not  prepared  to  show  that  no  constitution  or  law  can 
destroy  that  right.  I  say  I  believe  it  will  take  a  far  better  argument 
than  a  mere  sneer  to  show  to  the  minds  of  intelligent  men  that  who- 
ever has  so  said,  is  not  prepared,  whenever  public  sentiment  is  so  far 
advanced  as  to  justify  it,  to  say  the  other.  ["That's  so."]  This  is 
but  an  opinion,  and  the  opinion  of  one  very  humble  man;  but  it 
is  my  opinion  that  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  as  it  is,  never  would 
have  been  made  in  its  present  form  if  the  party  that  made  it  had  not 
been  sustained  previously  by  the  elections.  My  own  opinion  is,  that 
the  new  Dred  Scott  decision,  deciding  against  the  right  of  the  people 
of  the  States  to  exclude  slavery  will  never  be  made,  if  that  party  is  not 
sustained  by  the  elections.  [Cries  of  "Yes,"  "Yes."]  I  believe, 
further,  that  it  is  just  as  sure  to  be  made  as  to-morrow  is  to  come,  if 
that  party  shall  be  sustained.  ["We  won't  sustain  it;"  "Never;" 
"Never."] 

I  have  said,  upon  a  former  occasion,  and  I  repeat  it  now,  that  the 
course  of  argument  that  Judge  Douglas  makes  use  of  upon  this  sub- 
ject (I  charge  not  his  motives  in  this) ,  is  preparing  the  public  mind  for 
that  new  Dred  Scott  decision.  I  have  asked  him  again  to  point  out 
to  me  the  reasons  for  his  first  adherence  to  the  Dred  Scott  decision  as 
it  is.  I  have  turned  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  General  Jackson 
differed  with  him  in  regard  to  the  political  obligation  of  a  Supreme 


360  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Court  decision.  I  have  asked  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  Jefferson 
differed  with  him  in  regard  to  the  political  obligation  of  a  Supreme 
Court  decision.  Jefferson  said  that  "Judges  are  as  honest  as  other 
men,  and  not  more  so. "  And  he  said,  substantially,  that  "  whenever 
a  free  people  should  give  up  in  absolute  submission  to  any  department 
of  government,  retaining  for  themselves  no  appeal  from  it,  their 
liberties  were  gone. "  I  have  asked  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
Cincinnati  platform  upon  which  he  says  he  stands,  disregards  a  time- 
honored  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in  denying  the  power  of  Con- 
gress to  establish  a  National  Bank.  I  have  asked  his  attention  to 
the  fact  that  he  himself  was  one  of  the  most  active  instruments  at  one 
time  in  breaking!-  down  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
because  it  had  made  a  decision  distasteful  to  him, — a  struggle  ending 
in  the  remarkable  circumstance  of  his  sitting  down  as  one  of  the  new 
Judges  who  were  to  overslaugh  that  decision;  [loud  applause]  getting 
his  title  of  Judge  in  that  very  way.  [Tremendous  applause  and 
laughter.] 

So  far  in  this  controversy  I  can  get  no  answer  at  all  from  Judge 
Douglas  upon  these  subjects.  Not  one  can  I  get  from  him,  except 
that  he  swells  himself  up  and  says,  "All  of  us  who  stand  by  the  decis- 
ion of  the  Supreme  Court  are  the  friends  of  the  Constitution ;  all  you 
fellows  that  dare  question  it  in  any  way,  are  the  enemies  of  the  Con- 
stitution."  [Continued  laughter  and  cheers.]  Now,  in  this  very 
devoted  adherence  to  this  decision,  in  opposition  to  all  the  great 
political  leaders  whom  he  has  recognized  as  leaders,  in  opposition  to 
his  former  self  and  history,  there  is  something  very  marked.  And 
the  manner  in  which  he  adheres  to  it, — not  as  being  right  upon  the 
merits,  as  he  conceives  (because  he  did  not  discuss  that  at  all),  but 
as  being  absolutely  obligatory  upon  every  one,  simply  because  of  the 
source  from  whence  it  comes, — as  that  which  no  man  can  gainsay, 
whatever  it  may  be;  this  is  another  marked  feature  of  his  adherence 
to  that  decision.  It  marks  it  in  this  respect  that  it  commits  him  to 
the  next  decision  whenever  it  comes,  as  being  as  obligatory  as  this 
one,  since  he  does  not  investigate  it,  and  won't  inquire  whether  this 
opinion  is  right  or  wrong.  So  he  takes  the  next  one  without  inquir- 
ing whether  it  is  right  or  wrong.  [Applause.]  He  teaches  men  this 
doctrine,  and  in  so  doing  prepares  the  public  mind  to  take  the  next 
decision  when  it  comes,  without  any  inquiry. 

■"■Reads:  "backing"  for  "breaking." 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  361 

In  this  I  think  I  argue  fairly  (without  questioning  motives  at  all) 
that  Judge  Douglas  is  most  ingeniously  and  powerfully  preparing  the 
public  mind  to  take  that  decision  when  it  comes;  and  not  only  so,  but 
he  is  doing  it  in  various  other  ways.  In  these  general  maxims  about 
liberty,  in  his  assertions  that  he  "  don't  care  whether  slavery  is  voted 
up  or  voted  down; "  that  "whoever  wants  slavery  has  a  right  to  have 
it; "  that  "  upon  principles  of  equality  it  should  be  allowed  to  go  every- 
where ; "  that  "  there  is  no  inconsistency  between  free  and  slave  institu- 
tions. "  In  this  he  is  also  preparing  (whether  purposely  or  not)  the 
way  for  making  the  institution  of  slavery  national!  [Cries  of  "Yes, 
yes;"  ''That's  so."]  I  repeat  again,  for  I  wish  no  misunderstanding, 
that  I  do  not  charge  that  he  means  it  so ;  but  I  call  upon  your  minds  to 
inquire,  if  you  were  going  to  get  the  best  instrument  you  could,  and 
then  set  it  to  work  in  the  most  ingenious  way,  to  prepare  the  public 
mind  for  this  movement,  operating  in  the  Free  States,  where  there  is 
now  an  abhorrence  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  could  you  find  an  in- 
strument so  capable  of  doing  it  as  Judge  Douglas,  or  one  employed  in 
so  apt  a  way  to  do  it?  [Great  cheering.  Cries  of  "Hit  him  again;" 
"That's  the  doctrine."] 

I  have  said  once  before,  and  I  will  repeat  it  now,  that  Mr.  Clay,  when 
he  was  once  answering  an  objection  to  the  Colonization  Society,  that  it 
had  a  tendency  to  the  ultimate  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  said  that 
"  those  who  would  repress  all  tendencies  to  liberty  and  ultimate  eman- 
cipation must  do  more  than  put  down  the  benevolent  efforts  of  the  Col- 
onization Society, — they  must  go  back  to  the  era  of  our  liberty  and 
independence,  and  muzzle  the  cannon  that  thunders  its  annual  joyous 
return;  they  must  blot  out  the  moral  lights  around  us;  they  must  pene- 
trate the  human  soul,  and  eradicate  the  light  of  reason  and  the  love  of 
liberty ! "  And  I  do  think — I  repeat,  though  I  said  it  on  a  former  occa- 
sion— that  Judge  Douglas  and  whoever,  like  him,  teaches  that  the 
negro  has  no  share,  humble  -though  it  may  be,  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  is  going  back  to  the  era  of  our  liberty  and  independ- 
ence, and,  so  far  as  in  him  lies,  muzzling  the  cannon  that  thunders  its 
annual  joyous  return;  [" That's  so.  "]  that  he  is  blowing^-  out  the  moral 
lights  around  us,  when  he  contends  that  whoever  wants  slaves  has  a 
right  to  hold  them ;  that  he  is  penetrating,  so  far  as  lies  in  his  power, 
the  human  soul,  and  eradicating  the  light  of  reason  and  the  love  of 
liberty,  when  he  is  in  every  possible  way  preparing  the  public  mind,  by 

iReads:  "blotting"  for  "blowing." 


362  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

his  vast  influence,  for  making  the  institution  of  slavery  perpetual  and 
national.  [Great  applause  and  cries  of  "  Hurrah  for  Lincoln ; "  'That's 
the  true  doctrine. "] 

There  is,  my  friends,  only  one  other  point  to  which  I  will  call  your 
attention  for  the  remaining  time  that  I  have  left  me,  and  perhaps  I 
shall  not  occupy  the  entire  time  that  I  have,  as  that  one  point  may  not 
take  me  clear  through  it. 

Among  the  interrogatories  that  Judge  Douglas  propounded  to  me  at 
Freeport,  there  was  one  in  about  this  language : ''  Are  you  opposed  to 
the  acquisition  of  any  further  territory  to  the  United  States,  unless 
slavery  shall  first  be  prohibited  therein?"  I  answered,  as  I  thought, 
in  this  way,  that  I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  ad- 
ditional territory,  and  that  I  would  support  a  proposition  for  the  ac- 
quisition of  additional  territory  according  as  my  supporting  it  was  or 
was  not  calculated  to  aggravate  this  slavery  question  amongst  us.  I 
then  proposed  to  Judge  Douglas  another  interrogatory,  which  was 
correlative  to  that;  "  Are  you  in  favor  of  acquiring  additional  territory, 
in  disregard  of  how  it  may  affect  us  upon  the  slavery  question?  "  Judge 
Douglas  answered, — that  is,  in  his  own  way  he  answered  it.  [Laugh- 
ter.] I  believe  that,  although  he  took  a  good  many  words  to  answer  it, 
it  was  a  little  more  fully  answered  than  any  other.  The  substance  of 
his  answer  was,  that  this  country  would  continue  to  expand;  that  it 
would  need  additional  territory ;  that  it  was  as  absurd  to  suppose  that 
we  could  continue  upon  our  present  territory,  enlarging  in  population 
as  we  are,  as  it  would  be  to  hoop  a  boy  twelve  years  of  age,  and  expect 
him  to  grow  to  man's  size  without  bursting  the  hoops.  [Laughter.] 
I  believe  it  was  something  like  that.  Consequently,  he  was  in  favor 
of  the  acquisition  of  further  territory  as  fast  as  we  might  need  it,  in 
disregard  of  how  it  might  affect  the  slavery  question. 

I  do  not  say  this  as  giving  his  exact  language,  but  he  said  so  sub- 
stantially ;  and  he  would  leave  the  question  of  slavery  where  the  terri- 
tory was  acquired,  to  be  settled  by  the  people  of  the  acquired  territory. 
["That's  the  doctrine.  "]  May  be  it  is;  let  us  consider  that  for  a  while. 
This  will  probably,  in  the  run  of  things,  become  one  of  the  concrete 
manifestations  of  this  slavery  question.  If  Judge  Douglas's  policy 
upon  this  question  succeeds,  and  gets  fairly  settled  down,  until  all  op- 
position is  crushed  out,  the  next  thing  will  be  a  grab  for  the  territory  of 
poor  Mexico,  an  invasion  of  the  rich  lands  of  South  America,  then  the 
adjoining  islands  will  follow,  each  one  of  which  promises  additional 


LINCOLN  AT  GALESBURG  .      363 

slave-fields.  And  this  question  is  to  be  left  to  the  people  of  those  coun- 
tries for  settlement.  When  we  shall  get  Mexico,  I  don't  know  whether 
the  Judge  will  be  in  favor  of  the  Mexican  people  that  we  get  with  it  set- 
tling that  question  for  themselves  and  all  others ;  because  we  know  the 
Judge  has  a  great  horror  for  mongrels,  [laughter]  and  I  understand 
that  the  people  of  Mexico  are  most  decidedly  a  race  of  mongrels.  [Re- 
newed laughter.]  I  understand  that  there  is  not  more  than  one  person 
there  out  of  eight  who  is  pure  white,  and  I  suppose  from  the  Judge's 
previous  declaration  that  when  we  get  Mexico  or  any  considerable  por- 
tion of  it,^  he  will  be  in  favor  of  these  mongrels  settling  the  question, 
which  would  bring  him  somewhat  into  collision  with  his  horror  of  an 
inferior  race. 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  though,  that  this  power  of  acquiring  addi- 
tional territory  is  a  power  confided  to  the  President  and  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  a  power  not  under  the  control  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people  any  further  than  they,  the  President  and  the  Senate, 
can  be  considered  the  representatives  of  the  people.  Let  me  illustrate 
that  by  a  case  we  have  in  our  history.  When  we  acquired  the  terri- 
tory from  Mexico  in  the  Mexican  war,  the  House  of  Representatives, 
composed  of  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people,  all  the  time 
insisted  that  the  territory  thus  to  be  acquired  should  be  brought  in 
upon  condition  that  slavery  should  be  forever  prohibited  therein,  upon 
the  terms  and  in  the  language  that  slavery  had  been  prohibited  from 
coming  into  this  country.  That  was  insisted  upon  constantly  and  never 
failed  to  call  forth  an  assurance  that  any  territory  thus  acquired  should 
have  that  prohibition  in  it,  so  far  as  the  House  of  Representatives  was 
concerned.  But  at  last  the  President  and  Senate  acquired  the  terri- 
tory without  asking  the  House  of  Representatives  anything' about  it, 
and  took  it  without  that  prohibition.  They  have  the  power  of  acquir- 
ing territory  without  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people  being 
called  upon  to  say  anything  about  it,  and  thus  furnishing  a  very  apt 
and  powerful  means  of  bringing  new  territory  into^the  Union,  and 
when  it  is  once  brought  into  the  country,  involving  us  anew  in  this 
slavery  agitation. 

It  is,  therefore,  as  I  think,  a  very  important  question  for  the  consid- 
eration of  the  American  people,  whether  the  policy  of  bringing  in  addi- 
tional territory,  without  considering  at  all  how  it  will  operate  upon  the 
safety  of  the  Union  in  reference  to  this  one  great  disturbing  element  in 

ilnserts  "that"  after  "it." 


364  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

our  national  politics,  shall  be  adopted  as  the  policy  of  the  country.  You 
will  bear  in  mind  that  it  is  to  be  acquired,  according  to  the  Judge's 
view,  as  fast  as  it  is  needed,  and  the  indefinite  part  of  this  proposition 
is  that  we  have  only  Judge  Douglas  and  his  class  of  men  to  decide  how 
fast  it  is  needed.  We  have  no  clear  and  certain  way  of  determining  or 
demonstrating  how  fast  territory  is  needed  by  the  necessities  of  the 
country.  Whoever  wants  to  go  out  filibustering,  then,  thinks  that 
more  territory  is  needed.  Whoever  wants  wider  slave-fields,  feels  sure 
that  some  additional  territory  is  needed  as  slave-territory.  Then  it  is 
as  easy  to  show  the  necessity  of  additional  slave-territory  as  it  is  to  as- 
sert anything  that  is  incapable  of  absolute  demonstration.  Whatever 
motive  a  man  or  a  set  of  men  may  have  for  making  annexation  of 
property  or  territory,  it  is  very  easy  to  assert,  but  much  less  easy  to 
disprove,  that  it  is  necessary  for  the  wants  of  the  country. 

And  now  it  only  remains  for  me  to  say  that  I  think  it  is  a  very  grave 
question  for  the  people  of  this  Union  to  consider,  whether,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  this  slavery  question  has  been  the  only  one  that  has  ever 
endangered  our  Republican  institutions,  the  only  one  that  has  ever 
threatened  or  menaced  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  that  has  ever  dis- 
turbed us  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  us  fear  for  the  perpetuity  of  our 
liberty, — in  view  of  these  facts,  I  think  it  is  an  exceedingly  interesting 
and  important  question  for  this  people  to  consider  whether  we  shall 
engage  in  the  policy  of  acquiring  additional  territory,  discarding  alto- 
gether from  our  consideration,  while  obtaining  new  territory,  the  ques- 
tion how  it  may  affect  us  in  regard  to  this,  the  only  endangering  ele- 
ment to  our  liberties  and  national  greatness. 

The  Judge's  view  has  been  expressed.  I,  in  my  answer  to  his  ques- 
tion, have  expressed  mine.  I  think  it  will  become  an  important  and 
practical  question.  Our  views  are  before  the  public.  I  am  willing  and 
anxious  that  they  should  consider  them  fully ;  that  they  should  turn  it 
about  and  consider  the  importance  of  the  question,  and  arrive  at  a  just 
conclusion  as  to  whether  it  is  or  notK  wise  in  the  people  of  this  Union,  in 
the  acquisition  of  new  territory,  to  consider  whether  it  will  add  to  the 
disturbance  that  is  existing  amongst  us, — whether  it  will  add  to  the  one 
only  danger  that  has  ever  threatened  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union  or  our 
own  liberties.  I  think  it  is  extremely  important  that  they  shall  decide 
and  rightly  decide,  that  question  before  entering  upon  that  policy. 

And  now,  my  friends,  having  said  the  little  I  wish  to^say  upon  this 

^Inserts  "is"  before  "not." 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  365 

head,  whether  I  have  occupied  the  whole  of  the  remnant  of  my  time  or 
not,  I  beHeve  I  could  not  enter  upon  any  new  topic  so  as  to  treat  it 
fully,  without  transcending  my  time,  which  I  would  not  for  a  moment 
think  of  doing.     I  give  way  to  Judge  Douglas. 

Three  tremendous  cheers  for  Lincoln  from  the  whole  vast  audience 
were  given  with  great  enthusiasm,  as  their  favorite  retired. 


Mr.  Doiig-las's  Rejoinder 

When  Senator  Douglas  arose  to  reply  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  six  cheers  were 
called  for  in  the  crowd  and  given  with  great  spirit.  He  said,  quieting 
the  applause : 

Gentlemen:  The  highest  compliment  you  can  pay  me  during  the 
brief  half -hour  that  I  have  to  conclude  is  by  observing  a  strict  silence. 
I  desire  to  be  heard  rather  than  to  be  applauded.     ["  Good. "] 

The  first  criticism  that  Mr.  Lincoln  makes  on  my  speech  was  that  it 
was  in  substance  what  I  have  said  everywhere  else  in  the  State  where"  I 
have  addressed  the  people.  I  wish  I  could  only  say  the  same  of  his 
speech.  ["  Good;  you  have  him, "  and  applause.]  Why,  the  reason  I 
complain  of  him  is  because  he  makes  one  speech  north,  and  another 
south.  ["That's  so.  "]  Because  he  has  one  set  of  sentiments  for  the 
Abolition  counties,  and  another  set  for  the  counties  opposed  to  Aboli- 
tionism. ["  Hit  him  over  the  knuckles. "]  My  point  of  complaint 
against  him  is  that  I  cannot  induce  him  to  hold  up  the  same  standard, 
to  carry  the  same  flag,  in  all  parts  of  the  State.  He  does  not  pretend, 
and  no  other  man  will,  that  I  have  one  set  of  principles  for  Galesburg, 
and  another  for  Charleston.  ["No,  no."]  He  does  not  pretend  that  I 
hold  to  one  doctrine  in  Chicago,  and  an  opposite  one  in  Jonesboro.  I 
have  proved  that  he  has  a  different  set  of  principles  for  each  of  these 
localities.  All  I  asked  of  him  was  that  he  should  deliver  the  speech 
that  he  has  made  here  to-day  in  Coles  County  instead  of  in  old  Knox. 
It  would  have  settled  the  question  between  us  in  that  doubtful  county. 
Here  I  understand  him  to  reaffirm  the  doctrine  of  negro  equality,  and 
to  assert  that  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence  the  negro  is  declared 
equal  to  the  white  man.  He  tells  you  today  that  the  negro  was  in- 
cluded in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  when  it  is  asserted  that  all 
men  were  created  equal.  ["  We  believe  it. "]  Very  well.  [Here  an 
uproar  arose;  persons  in  various  parts  of  the  crowd  indulging  in  cat 
calls,  groans,  cheers,  and  other  noises,  preventing  the  speaker  from 
proceeding.] 


366  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL' COLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Douglas. — Gentlemen,  I  ask  you  to  remember  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  listened  to  respectfully,  and  I  have  the  right  to  insist  that  I  shall 
not  be  interrupted  during  my  reply. 

Mr.  Lincoln. — I  hope  that  silence  will  be  preserved. 

Mr.  Douglas. — Mr.  Lincoln  asserts  to-day,  as  he  did  in  Chicago,  that 
the  negro  was  included  in  that  clause  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence which  says  that  all  men  were  created  equal,  and  endowed  by  the 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  ["Ain't  that  so?"]  If  the  negro  was 
made  his  equal  and  mine,  if  that  equality  was  established  by  divine 
law,  and  was  the  negro's  inalienable  right,  how  came  he  to  say  at 
Charleston  to  the  Kentuckians  residing  in  that  section  of  our  State 
that  the  negro  was  physically  inferior  to  the  white  man,  belonged  to 
an  inferior  race,  and  he  was  for  keeping  him  always  in  that  inferior 
condition?  ["  Good. "]  I  wish  you  to  bear  these  things  in  mind.  At 
Charleston  he  said  that  the  negro  belonged  to  an  inferior  race,  and 
that  he  was  for  keeping  him  in  that  inferior  condition.  There  he  gave 
the  people  to  understand  that  there  was  no  moral  question  involved, 
because,  the  inferiority,  being  established,  it  was  only  a  question  of 
degree,  and  not  a  question  of  right;  here,  to-day,  instead  of  making  it 
a  question  of  degree,  he  makes  it  a  moral  question,  says  that  it  is  a 
great  crime  to  hold  the  negro  in  that  inferior  condition.  ["He's 
right.  "]  Is  he  right  now,  or  was  he  right  in  Charleston?  ["  Both.  "] 
He  is  right,  then,  sir,  in  your  estimation,  not  because  he  is  consistent, 
but  because  he  can  trim  his  principles  any  way,  in  any  section,  so  as 
to  secure  votes.  All  I  desire  of  him  is  that  he  will  declare  the  same 
principles  in  the  south  that  he  does  in  the  north. 

But  did  you  notice  how  he  answered  my  position  that  a  man  should 
hold  the  same  doctrines  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  Re- 
public? He  said,  "Would  Judge  Douglas  go  to  Russia  and  proclaim 
the  same  principles  he  does  here?  "  I  would  remind  him  that  Russia 
is  not  under  the  American  Constitution.  ["  Good, "  and  laughter.]  If 
Russia  was  a  part  of  the  American  Republic,  under  our  Federal  Con- 
stitution, and  I  was  sworn  to  support  the^  Constitution,  I  would  main- 
tain the  same  doctrine  in  Russia  that  I  do  in  Illinois.  [Cheers.]  The 
slave-holding  States  are  governed  by  the  same  Federal  Constitution 
as  ourselves,  and  hence  a  man's  principles,  in  order  to  be  in  harmony 
with  the  Constitution,  must  be  the  same  in  the  South  as  they  are  in 

i Reads:  "that"  for  "the." 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  367 

the  North,  the  same  in  the  Free  States  as  they  are  in  the  Slave  States. 
Whenever  a  man  advocates  one  set  of  principles  in  one  section,  and 
another  set  in  another  section,  his  opinions  are  in  violation  of  the  spirit 
of  the  Constitution  which  he  was  sworn  to  support.  ["That's  so."] 
When  Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  Congress  in  1847,  and,  laying  his  hand  upon 
the  Holy  Evangelists,  made  a  solem  vow,  in  the  presence  of  high 
Heaven,  that  he  would  be  faithful  to  the  Constitution,  what  did  he 
mean, — the  Constitution  as  he  expounds  it  in  Galesburg,  or  the  Con- 
stitution as  he  expounds  it  in  Charleston?     [Cheers.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  devoted  considerable  time  to  the  circumstance-*-  that 
at  Ottawa  I  read  a  series  of  resolutions  as  having  been  adopted  at 
Springfield,  in  this  State,  on  the  4th  or  5th  of  October,  1854,  which 
happened  not  to  have  been  adopted  there.  He  has  used  hard  names; 
has  dared  to  talk  about  fraud,  [laughter]  about  forgery,  and  has  insin- 
uated that  there  was  a  conspiracy  between  Mr.  Lanphier,  Mr.  Harris, 
and  myself  to  perpetrate  a  forgery.  [Renewed  laughter.]  Now,  bear 
in  mind  that  he  does  not  deny  that  these  resolutions  were  adopted  in  a 
majority  of  all  the  Republican  counties  of  this  State  in  that  year;  he 
does  not  deny  that  they  were  declared  to  be  the  platform  of  this  Re- 
publican party  in  the  first  Congressional  District,  in  the  second,  in  the 
third,  and  in  many  counties  of  the  fourth,  and  that  they  thus  became 
the  platform  of  his  party  in  a  majoritj^  of  the  counties  upon  which  he 
now  relies  for  support;  he  does  not  deny  the  truthfulness  of  the  resolu- 
tions, but  takes  exception  to  the  spot  on  which  they  were  adopted.  He 
takes  to  himself  great  merit  because  he  thinks  they  were  not  adopted 
on  the  right  spot  for  me  to  use  them  against  him,  just  as  he  was  very 
severe  in  Congress  upon  the  Government  of  his  country  when  he 
thought  that  he  had  discovered  that  the  Mexican  war  was  not  begun 
in  the  right  spot,  and  was  therefore  unjust.  ["That's  so. "]  He  tries 
very  hard  to  make  out  that  there  is  something  very  extraordinary  in 
the  place  where  the  thing  was  done,  and  not  in  the  thing  itself. 

I  never  believed  before  that  Abraham  Lincoln  would  be  guilty  of 
what  has  been  done  this  day  in  regard  to  those  resolutions.  In  the 
first  place,  the  moment  it  was  intimated  to  me  that  they  had  been 
adopted  at  Aurora  and  Rockford  instead  of  Springfield,  I  did  not  wait 
for  him  to  call  my  attention  to  the  fact,  but  led  off,  and  explained  in 
my  first  meeting  after  the  Ottawa  debate  what  the  mistake  was,  and 
how  it  had  been.     ["  That's  so. "]     I  supposed  that  for  an  honest  man, 

■'Reads:  "circumstances"  for  "circumstance." 


368  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

conscious  of  his  own  rectitude,  that  explanation  would  be  sufficient.  I 
did  not  wait  for  him,  after  the  mistake  was  made,  to  call  my  attention 
to  it,  but  frankly  explained  it  at  once  as  an  honest  man  would.  [Cheers.] 
I  also  gave  the  authority  on  which  I  had  stated  that  these  resolutions 
were  adopted  by  the  Springfield  Republican  Convention;  that  I  had 
seen  them  quoted  by  Major  Harris  in  a  debate  in  Congress,  as  having 
been  adopted  by  the  first  Republican  State  Convention  in  Illinois,  and 
that  I  had  written  to  him  and  asked  him  for  the  authority  as  to  the 
time  and  place  of  their  adoption;  that,  Major  Harris  being  extremely 
ill,  Charles  H.  Lanphier  had  written  to  me,  for  him,  that  they  were 
adopted  at  Springfield  on  the  5th  of  October,  1854,  and  had  sent  me  a 
copy  of  the  Springfield  paper  containing  them.  I  read  them  from  the 
newspaper  just  as  Mr.  Lincoln  reads  the  proceedings  of  meetings  held 
years  ago  from  the  newspapers.  After  giving  that  explanation,  I  did 
not  think  there  was  an  honest  man  in  the  State  of  Illinois  who  doubted 
that  I  had  been  led  into  the  error,  if  it  was  such,  innocently,  in  the  way 
I  detailed ;  and  I  will  now  say  that  I  do  not  now  believe  that  there  is  an 
honest  man  on  the  face  of  the  globe  who  will  not  regard  with  abhor- 
rence and  disgust  Mr.  Lincoln's  insinuations  of  my  complicity  in  that 
forgery,  if  it  was  a  forgery.  [Cheers.]  Does  Mr.  Lincoln  wish  to  push 
these  things  to  the  point  of  personal  difficulties  here?  I  commenced 
this  contest  by  treating  him  courteously  and  kindly ;  I  always  spoke  of 
him  in  words  of  respect;  and  in  return  he  has  sought,  and  is  now  seek- 
ing to  divert  public  attention  from  the  enormity  of  his  revolutionary 
principles  by  impeaching  men's  sincerety  and  integrity,  and  inviting 
personal  quarrels.     ["  Give  it  to  him, "  and  cheers.] 

I  desired  to  conduct  this  contest  with  him  like  a  gentleman;  but  I 
spurn  the  insinuation  of  complicity  and  fraud  made  upon  the  simple 
circumstance  of  an  editor  of  a  newspaper  having  made  a  mistake  as  to 
the  place  where  a  thing  was  done,  but  not  as  to  the  thing  itself.  These 
resolutions  were  the  platform  of  this  Republican  party  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
of  that  year.  They  were  adopted  in  a  majority  of  the  Republican 
counties  in  the  State ;  and  when  I  asked  him  at  Ottawa  whether  they 
formed  the  platform  upon  which  he  stood  he  did  not  answer,  and  I 
could  not  get  an  answer  out  of  him.  He  then  thought,  as  I  thought, 
that  those  resolutions  were  adopted  at  the  Springfield  Convention,  but 
excused  himself  by  saying  that  he  was  not  there  when  they  were 
adopted,  but  had  gone  to  Tazewell  court  in  order  to  avoid  being 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  369 

present  at  the  Convention.  He  saw  them  published  as  having  been 
adopted  at  Springfield,  and  so  did  I,  and  he  knew  that  if  there  was  a 
mistake  in  regard  to  them,  that  I  had  nothing  under  heaven  to  do  with 
it.  Besides,  you  find  that  in  all  these  northern  counties  where  the 
Republican  candidates  are  iTinning  pledged  to  him,  that  the  Conven- 
tion which  nominated  them  adopted  that  identical  platform. 

One  cardinal  point  in  that  platform  which  he  shrinks  from  is  this: 
that  there  shall  be  no  more  Slave  States  admitted  into  the  Union,  even 
if  the  people  want  them.  Lovejoy  stands  pledged  against  the  admis- 
sion of  any  more  Slave  States.  ["  Right,  so  do  we. "]  So  do  you,  you 
say.  Farnsworth  stands  pledged  against  the  admission  of  any  more 
Slave  States.  Washburne  stands  pledged  the  same  way.  ["Most 
right. "  "  Good,  good. "]  The  candidate  for  the  Legislature  who  is 
running  on  Lincoln's  ticket  in  Henderson  and  Warren,  stands  com- 
mitted by  his  vote  in  the  Legislature  to  the  same  thing;  and  I  am 
Informed,  but  do  not  know  of  the  fact,  that  your  candidate  here  is 
also  so  pledged.     ["Hurrah  for  him!  good!"] 

Now,  you  Republicans  all  hurrah  for  him,  and  for  the  doctrine  of 
"  no  more  Slave  States, "  and  yet  Lincoln  tells  you  that  his  conscience 
will  not  permit  him  to  sanction  that  doctrine,  [immense  applause]  and 
complains  because  the  resolutions  I  read  at  Ottawa  made  him,  as  a 
member  of  the  party,  responsible  for  sanctioning  the  doctrine  of  no 
more  Slave  States.  You  are  one  way,  you  confess,  and  he  is,  or  pre- 
tends to  be,  the  other;  and  yet  you  are  both  governed  by  principle  in 
supporting  one  another.  If  it  be  true,  as  I  have  shown  it  is,  that  the 
whole  Republican  party  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State  stands  com- 
mitted to  the  doctrine  of  no  more  Slave  States,  and  that  this  same 
doctrine  is  repudiated  by  the  Republicans  in  the  other  part  of  the 
State,  I  wonder  whether  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  party  do  not  present  the 
case  which  he  cited  from  the  Scriptures,  of  a  house  divided  against 
itself  which  cannot  stand!     [Tremendous  shouts  of  applause.] 

I  desire  to  know  what  are  Mr.  Lincoln's  principles  and  the  principles 
of  his  party?  I  hold,  and  the  party  with  which  I  am  identified  holds, 
that  the  people  of  each  State,  old  and  new,  have  the  right  to  decide  the 
slavery  question  for  themselves;  ["That's  it, "  "  Right, "  and  immense 
applause.]  and  when  I  used  the  remark  that  I  did  not  care  whether 
slavery  was  voted  up  or  down,  I  used  it  in  the  connection  that  I  was  for 
allowing  Kansas  to  do  just  as  she  pleased  on  the  slavery  question.  I 
said  that  I  did  not  care  whether  they  voted  slavery  up   or  down, 


370  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

because  they  had  the  right  to  do  as  they  pleased  on  the  question,  and 
therefore  my  action  would  not  be  controlled  by  any  such  consideration. 
["That's  the  doctrine."]  Why  cannot  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the 
party  with  which  he  acts,  speak  out  their  principles  so  that  they  may 
be  understood?  Why  do  they  claim  to  be  one  thing  in  one  part  of 
the  State,  and  another  in  the  other  part?  Whenever  I  allude  to  the 
Abolition  doctrines,  which  he  considers  a  slander  to  be  charged  with 
being  in  favor  of,  you  all  endorse  them,  and  hurrah  for  them,  not 
knowing  that  your  candidate  is  ashamed  to  acknowledge  them.  ["You 
have  them;"  and  cheers.] 

I  have  a  few  words  to  say  upon  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  has 
troubled  the  brain  of  Mr.  Lincoln  so  much.  [Laughter.]  He  insists 
that  that  decision  would  carry  slavery  into  the  Free  States,  notwith- 
standing that  the  decision  says  directly  the  opposite,  and  goes  into  a 
long  argument  to  make  you  believe  that  I  am  in  favor,  of  and  would 
sanction,  the  doctrine  that  would  allow  slaves  to  be  brought  here  and 
held  as  slaves  contrary  to  our  Constitution  and  laws.  Mr.  Lincoln 
knew  better  when  he  asserted  this;  he  knew  that  one  newspaper,  and, 
so  far  as  is  within  my  knowledge,  but  one,  ever  asserted  that  doctrine, 
and  that  I  was  the  first  man  in  either  House  of  Congress  that  read  that 
article  in  debate,  and  denounced  it  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  as  Rev- 
olutionary. When  the  Washington  Union,  on  the  17th  of  last  No- 
vember, published  an  article  to  that  effect,  I  branded  it  at  once,  and 
denounced  it;  and  hence  the  Union  has  been  pursuing  me  ever  since. 
Mr.  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  replied  to  me,  and  said  that  there  was  not  a 
man  in  any  of  the  Slave  States  south  of  the  Potomac  River  that  held 
any  such  doctrine. 

Mr.  Lincoln  knows  that  there  is  not  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court 
who  holds  that  doctrine;  he  knows  that  every  one  of  them,  as  shown  by 
their  opinions,  holds  the  reverse.  Why  this  attempt  then  to  bring  the 
Supreme  Court  into  disrepute  among  the  people?  It  looks  as  if  there 
was  an  effort  being  made  to  destroy  public  confidence  in  the  highest 
judicial  tribunal  on  earth.  Suppose  he  succeeds  in  destroying  public 
confidence  in  the  court,  so  that  the  people  will  not  respect  its  decisions 
but  will  feel  at  liberty  to  disregard  them  and  resist  the  laws  of  the  land, 
what  will  he  have  gained?  He  will  have  changed  the  Government 
from  one  of  laws  into  that  of  a  mob,  in  which  the  strong  arm  of  vio- 
lence will  be  substituted  for  the  decisions  of  the  courts  of  justice. 
["That's .so. "]     He  complains  because  I  did  not  go  into  an  argument 


DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG  371 

reviewing  Chief  Justice  Taney's  opinion,  and  the  other  opinions  of  the 
different  judges,  to  determine  whether  their  reasoning  is  right  or 
wrong  on  the  questions  of  law.     What  use  would  that  be? 

He  wants  to  take  an  appeal  from  the  Supreme  Court  to  this  meeting, 
to  determine  whether  the  questions  of  law  were  decided  properly.  He 
is  going  to  appeal  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to 
every  town  meeting,  in  the  hope  that  he  can  excite  a  prejudice  against 
that  court,  and  on  the  wave  of  that  prejudice  ride  into  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  when  he  could  not  get  there  on  his  own  principles 
or  his  own  merits.  [Laughter  and  cheers;  "Hit  him  again."]  Sup- 
pose he  should  succeed  in  getting  into  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
what  then  will  he  have  to  do  with  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
in  the  Dred  Scott  case?  Can  he  reverse  that  decision  when  he  gets 
there?  Can  he  act  upon  it?  Has  the  Senate  any  right  to  reverse  it 
or  revise  it?  He  will  not  pretend  that  it  has.  Then  why  drag  the 
matter  into  this  contest,  unless  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  false  issue, 
by  which  he  can  direct  public  attention  from  the  real  issue. 

He  has  cited  General  Jackson  in  justification  of  the  war  he  is  making 
on  the  decision  of  the  court.  Mr.  Lincoln  misunderstands  the  history 
of  the  country  if  he  believes  there  is  any  parallel  in  the  two  cases.  It  is 
true  that  the  Supreme  Court  once  decided  that  if  a  Bank  of  the  United 
States  was  a  necessary  fiscal  agent  of  the  Government,  it  was  consti- 
tutional, and  if  not,  that  it  was  unconstitutional,  and  also,  that 
whether  or  not  it  was  necessary  for  that  purpose,  was  a  political  ques- 
tion for  Congress,  and  not  a  judicial  one  for  the  courts  to  determine. 
Hence  the  court  would  not  determine  the  bank  unconstitutional. 
Jackson  respected  the  decision,  obeyed  the  law,  executed  it,  and  car- 
ried it  into  effect  during  its  existence;  [''That's  so."]  but  after  the 
charter  of  the  bank  expired  and  a  proposition  was  made  to  create  a 
new  bank.  General  Jackson  said, ''  It  is  unnecessary  and  improper,  and 
therefore  I  am  against  it  on  constitutional  grounds  as  well  as  those  of 
expediency. "  Is  Congress  bound  to  pass  every  Act  that  is  Constitu- 
tional? Why,  there  are  a  thousand  things  that  are  constitutional,  but 
yet  are  inexpedient  and  unnecessary,  and  you  surely  would  not  vote 
for  them  merely  because  you  had  the  right  to?  And  because  General 
Jackson  would  not  do  a  thing  which  he  had  a  right  to  do,  but  did  not 
deem  expedient  or  proper,  Mr.  Lincoln  is  going  to  justify  himself  in 
doing  that  which  he  has  no  right  to  do.    [Laughter.] 


372  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  ask  him  whether  he  is  not  bound  to  respect  and  obey  the  decisions 
of  the  Supreme  Court  as  well  as  I?i-  The  Constitution  has  created  that 
court  to  decide  all  constitutional  questions  in  the  last  resort;  and  when 
such  decisions  have  been  made,  they  become  the  law  of  the  land, 
[''That's  so."]  and  you,  and  he,  and  myself,  and  every  other  good 
citizen,  are  bound  by  them.  Yet  he  argues  that  I  am  bound  by  their 
decisions,  and  he  is  not.  He  says  that  their  decisions  are  binding  on 
Democrats,  but  not  on  RepubUcans.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Are 
not  Republicans  bound  by  the  laws  of  the  land  as  well  as  Democrats? 
And  when  the  court  has  fixed  the  construction  of  the  Constitution  on 
the  validity  of  a  given  law,  is  not  their  decision  binding  upon  Republi- 
cans as  well  as  upon  Democrats?  ["  It  ought  to  be. "]  Is  it  possible 
that  you  Republicans  have  the  right  to  raise  your  mobs  and  oppose  the 
laws  of  the  land  and  the  constituted  authorities  ,  and  yet  hold  us  Dem- 
ocrats bound  to  obey  them? 

My  time  is  within  half  a  minute  of  expiring,  and  all  I  have  to  say  is, 
that  I  stand  by  the  laws  of  the  land.  ["That's  it;  hurrah  for  Doug- 
las. "]  I  stand  by  the  Constitution  as  our  fathers  made  it,  by  the  laws 
as  they  are  enacted,  and  by  the  decisions  of  the  courts,  upon  all  points 
within  their  jurisdiction  as  they  are  pronounced  by  the  highest  tribu- 
nal on  earth;  and  any  man  who  resists  these  must  resort  to  mob  law 
and  violence  to  overturn  the  government  of  laws. 

When  Senator  Douglas  concluded  the  applause  was  perfectly  furi- 
ous and  overwhelming. 

[Galesburg,  III.,  Democrat,  October  9,  1858] 

GALESBUHG  DEBATE 


Great  Outpouring-  of  the  People!— 20,000  Persons  Present 

The  expectations  of  all  parties  were  far  surpassed  in  the  results  of 
Thursday.  The  crowd  was  immense  notwithstanding  the  remarkably 
heavy  rains  of  the  day  previous,  and  the  sudden  change  during  the 
night  to  a  fircely  blowing,  cutting  wind  which  lasted  during  the 
whole  day,  ripping  and  tearing  banners  and  sending  signs  pell  mell 
all  over  town. 

At  early  dawn  our  gunners  announced  the  opening  day  and  at  an 
early  hour  the  people  began  to  pour  in  from  every  direction  in  wagons, 
on  horseback  and  on  foot. 

i-Reads:"me"for  "I." 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  373 

At  about  ten  o'clock  the  Burlington  train  arrived  with  Mr.  Douglas 
and  a  large  delegation  of  both  Douglas  and  Lincoln  men  from  the 
West. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  escorted  to  the  Bancroft  House,  when  a  portion  of 
the  students  of  Lombard  University  presented  him  with  a  beautiful 
banner.  A  well  prepared  but  somewhat  fulsome  address  was  made  on 
its  delivery  by  Geo.  Elwell,  who  was  followed  by  two  young  ladies, 
each  with  a  symbolic  address,  the  whole  of  which  we  could  not  catch. 

Mr.  Douglas  responded  with  great  felicity  and  his  friends  were  well 
satisfied  with  their  part  of  the  performance.  The  banner  was  a  "  true 
circle"  of  silk,  with  a  beautifully  embroidered  wreath  within  which 
was  inscribed  "  Presented  to  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  by  the  students  of 
Lombard  University. "  The  speaker  said  the  "  circle  "  was  emblem- 
atic of  Mr.  Douglas's  course.  So  it  was  in  a  different  sense  from  that 
meant  by  them. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  then  escorted  to  the  Bonney  House,  where  a  large 
multitude  of  all  parties  gathered  to  see  and  shake  hands  with  him. 

At  12  o'clock  the  Republicans  with  the  military  went  to  meet  Mr. 
Lincoln,  who  was  to  come  in  with  the  Knoxville  delegation. — Hard  by 
two  they  reached  the  place  of  rendezvous;  when  the  delegation  came 
along  "  mammoth  "  would  not  describe  it.  It  was  like  one  of  Cobb's 
tales,  of  monstrous  length  and  to  he  continued. 

Lincoln  was  escorted  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Henry  R.  Sanderson,  when 
a  reception  speech  was  made  by  T.  G.  Frost,  Esq.,  and  the  most  beauti- 
ful banner  of  the  day  prepared  by  the  ladies  of  Galesburg  was  pre- 
sented by  Miss  Ada  Hurd.  It  was  an  American  Shield  handsomely 
embroidered.  Upon  one  side  was  the  inscription,  "Presented  to 
THE  Hon.  a.  Lincoln  by  the  Republican  Ladies  of  Galesburg, 
Oct.  7,  1858."  On  the  reverse  was  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
upon  a  scroll,  executed  with  a  pen  by  a  Mr.  Clark  of  Peoria.  Miss 
Hurd,  who  is  of  a  queenly  appearance,  rode  up  at  the  head  of  the 
troop  of  equestrians  and  receiving  the  banner  from  the  attendant 
presented  it  in  a  very  neat  and  well  spoken  address.  Mr.  Lincoln's 
remarks  in  reply  were  very  happy.  It  was  the  most  beautiful  cere- 
mony of  the  day. 

A  banner  was  also  presented  to  Mr.  Lincoln  from  the  students  of 
Lombard  University. 

By  this  time  the  delegations  of  both  parties  began  to  come  in  strong. 

—13 


374  ILLINOIS  SHITORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Mercer  Co.  turned  out  a  large  delegation  for  Douglas  as  well  as  a  large 
one  for  Lincoln;  but  Wataga,  Henderson  and  the  adjoining  villages 
bore  off  the  palm  for  numbers,  their  delegation  alone  being  over  half 
a  mile  in  length. 

Monmouth  sent  up  a  rousing  delegation  for  Lincoln.  Somebody 
down  there  is  great  on  crayon  sketches,  as  the  banners  of  this  delega- 
tion were  of  the  most  amusing  kind. 

First — came  one  inscribed  the  "  Monmouth  Glee  Club.  " 

Second — A  crayon  sketch  of  Douglas  and  Toombs  "modifying,"  in 
which  Douglas  with  pen  in  hand  is  erasing  the  clause  referring  the 
Kansas  Constitution  back  to  the  people. 

Third — A  representation  of  Jim  Davidson  with  his  head  just 
stricken  from  his  shoulders.  In  a  scroll  Jim  learns  that  it  is  184  miles 
to  Monmouth. 

Fourth — "Dug  at  Freeport,"  ''my  platform,"  in  which  Douglas 
stands  "reversed"  upon  the  Dred  Scott  platform,  one  leg  of  which  is 
giving  way  beneath. 

Fifth — "  Coming  from  Egypt, "  in  which  Douglas  roaring  with  rage, 
is  being  punched  up  with  Lincoln's  cane. 

Other  banners  in  that  delegation  we  have  not  time  to  notice. 

Of  the  notable  banners  in  the  procession,  we  observed  the  following: 

A  representation  of  the  Capitol,  and  over  the  Senate  room  door 
Douglas'  complaint,  "  He's  got  my  place.  "  Douglas  is  turning  away 
while  Lincoln  is  coming  in. 

A  representation  of  a  two  donky  act,  or  Douglas  attempting  to  ride 
Popular  Sovereignty  and  Dred  Scott.  His  straddle  is  remarkable  but 
not  equal  to  the  task  as  both  animals  kicking  up  their  heels  send  him 
sprawling. 

"Knox  College  Goes  for  Lincoln,"  stretched  across  the  south 
front  and  north  end  of  the  College  building. 

"We  Will  Subdue  You"  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

"  Abe  Lincoln  the  Champion  of  Freedom.  "  Upon  this  banner 
was  also  a  portrait  of  '  Long  Abe. ' 

Three  figures,  one  taking  a  chair  from  beneath  Mr.  Douglas  and 
dropping  him  plump  upon  the  floor,  at  which  he  exclaims,  "  Oh  my 
place!"  Mr.  Lincoln  standing  by  blandly  remarks,  "The  people  say 
it."  The  "place"  Mr.  Douglas  referred  to  was  doubtless  the  portion 
which  came  in  contact  with  the  floor. 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  375 

Upon  a  four  sided  banner  the  following :  "  Macomb  Lincoln  Club.  " 
"  We  honor  the  man  who  brands  the  Traitor  and  Nullifier.  "  "  Small- 
fisted  Farmers,  Mud  Sills  of  Society,  Greasy  Mechanics,  for  A.  Lin- 
coln. "  "  The  dose  of  milk  Abe  gave  Dug  down  in  Egypt  made  him 
very  sick. " 

A  well  painted  banner  with  a  terrible  Lion  on  one  side  and  ditto  Dog 
on  the  other,  with  the  inscriptions  "  Douglas  the  dead  Lion, "  "  Lin- 
coln the  living  Dog. "  If  we  are  not  mistaken  this  came  upon  the 
cars  from  the  west  with  Douglas. 

The  best  banner  upon  the  ground  was  a  painting  of  the  locomotive 
''  Freedom  "  with  a  long  train  of  Free  State  cars  rushing  round  a  curve, 
with  the  warning,  "  Clear  the  track  for  Freedom, "  while  sticking  upon 
the  track  a  little  in  advance  of  the  train  was  Douglas'  ox  cart  laden 
with  cotton.  His  negro  driver  had  just  taken  the  alarm  and  spring- 
ing up  in  terror  exclaims,  "  Fore  God,  Massa,  I  bleves  we's  in  danger!" 

Another  ludicrous  banner  had  a  representation  upon  one  side  of 
Douglas  going  down  to  Egypt,  pail  in  hand,  to  bring  Abe  to  his  milk. 
On  the  other,  "  How  he  succeeded. " — Like  Mr.  Sniggs,  in  his  first 
effort  at  milking  a  cow,  he  gave  the  customary  command  to  "histe" 
the  foot.  Abe  histed,  and  Douglas  and  his  pail  are  seen  "laying 
around   loose. " 

Star  spangled  banners  were  numberless. 

The  principal  banner  on  the  Douglas  side  was  a  large  blue  one  with 
an  inscription  in  favor  of  Douglas  and  Popular  Sovereignty.  Litho- 
graphs of  Douglas  abounded. 

Knox  College,  by  the  east  end  of  which  the  stand  was  erected,  was 
gaily  decorated  with  flags  and  streamers.  Immediately  over  the 
stand  was  one  bearing  the  inscription,  ''  Knox  College  for  Lincoln. " 

At  noon  the  people  began  to  collect  and  for  an  hour  before  the 
appointed  time  more  than  ten  thousand  people  stood  waiting  the 
arrival  of  the  speakers,  and  in  the  meantime  the  crowd  was  addressed 
by  Mr.  Reed  of  the  Aledo  Record,  in  a  spicy  and  humorous  speech,  so 
the  Lincoln  friends  thought. 

At  2  o'clock  Lincoln  and  Douglas  in  two  four  horse  carriages  driven 
abreast,  were  escorted  to  the  grounds  by  the  military  and  a  large  body 
of  citizens  on  horseback  and  on  foot. 

Hon.  James  Knox,  of  Knoxville,  acted  as  chairman,  and  as  soon  as 
order  could  be  obtained  he  introduced  Mr.   Douglas  who  by  the 


376  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

arrangement  was  to  occupy  one  hour,  then  Mr.  Lincohi  an  hour  and 
a  half  and  Mr.  Douglas  a  half  hour  in  conclusion. 

[Galesburg,  III.,  Democrat,  October  9,  1858] 
The  Monmouth  Republican  Glee  Club  enlivened  the  evening  with 
some  of  the  most  laughable  songs,  ground  out  by  one  of  their  number, 
who  gets  them  up  to  "suit  the  times.  One  was  written  after  the 
speeches  of  the  day  were  over  and  portrayed  the  manner  in  which 
Lincoln  shaved  Douglas,  in  the  most  side  splitting  style.  The  Club 
is  said  to  be  making  more  Republicans  in  Warren  county  than  all 
the  stumpers  put  together. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  October  11,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


Joint   Discussion    at    Galesburg-.— Doug-las    "Concludes"    on    Lincoln, 

and  Talies  Him  between  Wind  and  Water.— Twenty 

Thousand  People  Present 

Tremont  House,  Chicago 
October  8,  1857 

Editor  Missouri  Republican:  1  have  just  returned  from  the  chief 
city  of  the  Abolitionists  of  this  State,  where  I  was  attending  the  fifth 
debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln.  I  have  come  back  with  plenty 
of  interesting  notes,  which  I  purpose  to  empty  into  your  sheet  for  the 
edification  of  your  many  readers. 

The  Abolitionists,  by  their  committee  of  arrangements,  had  pub- 
lished a  secret  circular  to  call  upon  their  followers  to  make  a  great 
show  of  numbers  and  banners  for  this  occasion,  which,  I  take  it, 
indicates  the  fact  that  they  are  badly  weakened  about  the  knees.  * 
They  know  that  the  battle  has  been  already  won  by  Douglas,  and  it 
is  only  by  the  most  extraordinary  exertions  that  they  can  whip  in 
their  crestfallen  men.  Without  any  such  claptrap,  the  Democrats 
turned  out  "  formidable  as  an  army  with  banners. "  You  could  not 
only  discover  the  proportion  of  each,  as  they  entered  the  city  in  long 
processions,  by  the  badges  they  wore,  or  by  the  shouts  they  gave, 
but  you  could  more  signally  "spot"  them  by  noting  that  the  Abo- 
litionists, obeying  the  behests  of  their  leading  men,  paraded  dirty 
designs  and  beastly  caricatures,  indicating  their  vexation  at  the  way 
things  are  working,  while  the  Democrats,  having  some  respect  for 
the  feelings  of  their  neighbors,  bore  no  banners  but  such  as  served 
to  decorate  the  procession,  and  such  as  no  living  man  could  take 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  377 

exception  to  unless  it  be  some  very  radical  Abolitionist,  who  might 
object  to  the  number  of  stars  which  flaunted  on  the  American  ensign. 

Senator  Douglas  had  spent  the  day  prior  to  the  discussion  at  Mon- 
mouth whence  he  came  by  morning  train,  which,  though  it  had  to  it 
eleven  cars,  could  not  afford  sitting  room,  and  barely  standing  room 
for  its  passengers.  At  every  station,  large  and  small,  between  the 
two  places  fresh  accessions  were  made,  and  this,  too,  although  an  hour 
or  two  later  an  excursion  train  ran  over  the  same  track.  It  was 
likewise  filled  to  overflow. 

Lincoln  came  from  some  place,  to  this  deponent  unknown. 

During  the  entire  morning  the  delegations  were  coming  in  from  all 
quarters,  and  as  the  Senator's  face  was  seen  in  the  window  of  an  upper 
room  at  the  hotel,  thousands  stopped  and  cheered  him,  and  wished 
him  God  speed.  The  old  men  were  out  with  their  growing  and  grown 
sons,  and  the  old  women  were  along — indeed  it  would  be  harder  to 
describe  who  all  were  present  than  to  say  who  of  the  adjoining  counties 
were  not. 

When  Mr.  Douglas  arrived  he  was  received  by  a  well  ordered  pro- 
cession, led  by  a  band,  and  headed  by  three  military  companies,  the 
Light  Guards,  the  Scandinavians  (a  Swiss  company) ,  and  the  artillery. 
Placed  in  a  four  horse  barouche,  he  was  conducted  to  the  stand,  where 
a  short  reception  address  was  made  to  him  by  Mr.  J.  B.  Boggs.  When 
Mr.  D.  had,  in  a  few  words,  replied,  a  young  man  named  Ellewood,  a 
student  in  Lombard  University,  stepped  forward  and  presented  the 
Senator  with  a  satin  banner,  the  gift  of  his  co-laborers  in  study. 
Another  banner  was  then  paraded  on  which  was  the  following  in- 
scription— "And  Stephen,  full  of  faith  and  power,  did  great  wonders 
among  the  people.  They  set  up  false  witnesses  which  said  this  man 
ceaseth  not  to  speak  blasphemous  words  against  the  law,  but  they 
were  not  able  to  resist  the  wisdom  with  which  he  spoke. " 

Escorted  then  to  his  hotel  he  was  constantly  aroused  by  the  arrival 
of  delegations  from  out  of  town  and  by  the  noise  of  their  enthusiastic 
cheering.  Hickory  poles  were  plenty  in  these  several  Democratic  pro- 
cessions, and  among  other  things  were  two  sets  of  ladies,  each  repre- 
senting a  State  till  the  duplicate  of  States  was  complete. 

When  all  was  ready  for  the  speaking  a  joint  procession  was  made 
and  Lincoln  and  his  suite,  and  Douglas  and  his  drove  side  by  side  as 
near  to  the  stand  as  the  presence  of  twenty  thousand  people,  probably 
two  thirds  being  Democrats,  around  it  would  permit.     Through  this 


378  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

compact  mass  of  human  bodies,  these  several  parties  had  to  force  their 
way  to  the  stand  which,  when  attained,  afforded  a  rehef  from  the 
pushing  and  squeezing  which  can  be  appreciated  but  not  described. 
I  observed  in  the  crowd  what  Lincohi  remarked  would  be  a  good 
likeness  of  him  but  it  was  too  red  in  the  face.  I  thought  so  too,  but 
it  was  after  a  debate  when  Douglas  gets  at  him  in  style,  I  guess,  for 
the  face  was  a  little  longer  than  a  horse's  collar  and  the  eyes  looked 
woefully  like  weeping. 

B.  B. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  9,   1858] 

GREAT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT 

GALESBUBG 


Sixteen  to  Eig"liteen  Thousand  Persons  Present.— Largest  Procession 
of  the  Campaig-n  for  Old  Abe.— New  and  Powerful  Argument  by 
Mr.  Lincoln.— Doug-las  Tells  the  Same  Old  Story.— Verbatim  Re- 
port of  the  Speeches 

An  Artie  frost,  accompanied  by  a  sour  north-west  wind,  invaded  the 
city  of  Galesburg  and  county  of  Knox,  on  Thursday,  and  sent  Repub- 
licans and  Democrats  shivering  indoors.  The  preceding  day  and 
night  had  brought  a  semi-deluge  of  rain.  The  elements  seemed  to 
have  conspired  to  dampen  and  congeal  all  political  ardor,  but  the 
attendance  upon  the  public  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  was 
some  two  or  three  thousand  larger  than  the  largest  of  its  predecessors. 

Until  ten  o'clock  the  streets  gave  no  evidence  of  anything  unusual 
about  to  transpire.  The  weather,  notwithstanding  the  sun  shone 
bright  and  clear,  was  too  tedious  for  anything  but  the  most  explosive 
enthusiasm.  Shortly  after  ten,  Mr.  Douglas  arrived  on  a  train  of  cars 
from  the  west,  and  was  escorted  from  the  depot  by  a  respectable  pro- 
cession. Mr.  Lincoln's  approach  to  the  city  was  heralded  by  a  long 
procession  of  citizens  of  Galesburg,  the  most  noticeable  feature  of 
which  was  a  cavalcade  of  one  hundred  ladies  and  gentlemen  on  horse- 
back. This  escort  moved  out  of  town  on  the  Knoxville  road  about 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  direction  Mr.  Lincoln  was  expected  to  come. 
Half  an  hour  afterwards  The  Great  Procession  of  the  Campaign 
entered  the  city  from  the  East.  It  was  about  long  enough,  taken 
altogether,  to  reach  around  the  town  and  tie  in  a  bow  knot.  It 
marched  through  the  principle  streets  of  the  city  from  east  of  the 


1 

1 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  379 

public  square,  thence  south  two  squares,  thence  north  and  east  two 
squares,  crossing  its  own  track.  At  this  point  the  rear  end  of  the 
procession  had  not  yet  entered  town.  Banners  and  devices  of  every 
description  fluttered  in  the  wind.  One  of  them,  which  elicited  shouts 
of  laughter,  was  a  painting  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  over  which 
were  the  words  ''March  4,  1S59."  The  Little  giant  was  observed 
blubbering  at  the  door  "  Lincoln  has  got  my  'place. " 

The  ceremonies  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Sanderson,  w^here  Mr.  Lincoln 
alighted,  were  of  unusually  pleasant  character.  In  addition  to  the 
customary  welcoming  speech,  the  students  of  Lombard  University 
presented  Mr.  Lincoln  a  fine  banner;  after  which  one  of  the  ladies  of 
the  cavalcade.  Miss  Hurd,  of  Galesburg,  rode  forward,  and  presented 
a  beautiful  shield  and  coat  of  arms,  worked  in  silk  of  the  "  red,  white 
and  blue."     On  one  side  was  the  inscription: 

PRESENTED  TO  HON.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

BY    THE 

REPUBLICAN    LADIES    OF    GALESBURG 
Oct.  7,  1858 

On  the  other  was  the  whole  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in 
fine  and  beautiful  handwriting.  I  cannot  help  adding  that  Miss 
Kurd's  part  in  this  ceremony  was  performed  with  peculiar  grace  and 
dignity. 

Several  other  processions  came  during  the  morning — a  decided 
preponderance  of  which  carried  banners  for  "  Lincoln  and  Kellogg. " 
Several  long  special  trains  came  also — that  from  Chicago  and  the  inter- 
mediate stations  consisting  of  eleven  cars.  A  special  train  from  Peoria 
consisting  of  twenty-two  cars  and  over  two  thousand  -persons,  did  not 
arrive  until  nearly  five  o'clock — the  engine  having  given  out  with  the 
unexpected  enormous  load,  some  miles  east  of  the  city. 

The  speaking  commenced  at  half  past  two  in  the  college  grounds — 
the  platform  having  been  erected  on  the  east  side  of  the  fine  college 
building.  The  crowd  was  unprecedented.  The  number  on  the  ground 
during  the  afternoon  must  have  exceeded  the  audience  at  the  Freeport 
debate  by  3000.  The  weather  continued  cold  and  raw  all  day,  but  very 
few  left  the  grounds  until  the  speaking  was  concluded  at  half  past 
five. 


380  ILLINOIS, HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Chicago  Times,  October  9,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN.-DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT  GALES- 
BURG 


Immense  Concourse  of  People  Present.— Upwards  of  20,000  on  the 
Ground.  Great  Revolution  in  Popular  Sentiment  in  Knox  County. 
— Blacli  Republicanism  Beaten  in  Its  Strong"hold  and  Out-numbered 
by  the  Democracy.— Splendid  Reception  of  Senator  Doug-las.— In- 
teresting* Debate.— Lincoln  Ag"ain  Defeated  before  the  People 

SPEECHES,    INCIDENTS,    ETC.,    ETC. 

The  fifth  joint  debate  between  Senator  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
took  place  at  Galesburg  on  Thursday  last.  A  larger  number  of  people 
than  have  been  present  on  any  former  occasion  were  in  attendance, 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  thousand  being  on  the  ground.  The  Black 
Republicans  had  made  every  effort  to  bring  out  a  large  crowd,  sparing 
neither  money  or  pains  to  induce  their  friends  to  come  out.  As  early 
as  the  13th  of  September  their  committee  addressed  private  letters 
to  the  leading  Republicans  in  various  sections  of  the  surrounding 
country,  begging  them  to  bring  their  people  to  Galesburg  in  delega- 
tions with  flags  and  banners;  but  notwithstanding  all  this  drumming, 
the  Democrats  outnumbered  them  always  two  to  one,  and  made  a 
much  finer  demonstration. 

Senator  Douglas  arrived  in  Galesburg  at  10  o'clock,  and  was  re- 
ceived by  the  Galesburg  Light  Guards,  the  Scandinavians,  a  corps 
composed  of  our  foreign -born  citizens,  the  artillery  company  of  Gales- 
burg, and  the  Democracy.  J.  Boggs,  esq.,  welcomed  him  in  the 
following  speech : 

Senator  Douglas  made  an  appropriate  response,  after  which  the 
ceremony  of  presentation  to  him  of  a  magnificent  banner,  beautifully 
worked  by  the  young  women  of  the  Lombard  University,  took  place. 
The  presentation  was  made  on  behalf  of  the  young  ladies  by  G.  W. 
Elwell,  esq.,  and,  in  the  course  of  it,  two  of  the  young  ladies  united 
their  voices  with  his  in  complimenting  their  illustrious  visitor.  We 
give  their  remarks  entire. 

Senator  Douglas  responded  with  much  feeling.  The  banner  was 
composed  of  white  satin,  trimmed  with  blue,  upon  which  was  worked 
a  splendid  wreath  of  flowers.  It  bore  the  inscription,  "From  the 
Democracy  of  Lombard  University  to  Stephen  A.  Douglas. "     After 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  381 

these  interesting  ceremonies,  Senator  Douglas  was  escorted  to  the 
Bonney  House  which  from  the  time  of  his  arrival,  was  thronged  with 
an  immense  crowd  of  people,  whilst  the  street  in  front  was  crowded 
with  processions  passing  and  repassing,  filling  the  air  with  shouts  for 
Douglas. 

Lincoln  arrived  about  12  o'clock,  and  was  escorted  into  town  by  the 
Republican  procession,  which  numbered  about  one-third  the  strength 
of  ours,  and  was  a  poor  one  so  far  as  the  display  of  flags,  and  banners 
and  decorations  were  concerned.  If  a  cheer  was  proposed  for  Lin- 
coln, the  faint  response  it  called  forth  was  instantly  drowned  in  the 
overwhelming  shout  that  the  Democracy  would  send  up  for  Douglas, 
and  the  Republicans  were  forced  to  admit  that  they  were  outnumbered 
and  beaten.  In  1854  it  was  as  much  as  a  man's  life  was  worth,  in 
Galesburg,  to  advocate  Democratic  principles;  but  now  owing  to  the 
wonderful  change  in  popular  sentiment  within  the  past  year  or  two, 
Democracy  has  hosts  of  friends  and  supporters  in  this  abolition 
stronghold,  and  on  Thursday  last  had  possession  of  the  town.  The 
debate  was  a  most  interesting  one,  and  we  commend  it  to  the  careful 
attention  of  our  readers.  Mr.  Lincoln  experienced  one  of  the  most 
complete  defeats  which  he  has  made  during  the  campaign.  His 
argument  was  lamentably  weak,  and  as  usual  he  confined  himself 
to  petty  personal  charges  and  insinuations  against  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  refusing  to  meet  Senator  Doug- 
las upon  any  of  the  great  principles  advocated  by  him.  He  attempted 
to  pander  to  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  his  abolition  friends  by 
again  declaring  his  predilection  for  negro  equahty,  and  in  his  rejoinder 
Senator  Douglas  took  occasion  to  expose  his  inconsistencies  by  com- 
paring these  declarations  with  Lincoln's  denunciations  of  negro 
equality,  and  negro  citizenship  at  Jonesboro  and  Charleston. 

The  day  was  a  most  unpleasant  one  for  speaking  in  the  open  air. 
A  strong  northwest  wind  was  blowing,  which  rendered  talking  difficult  ; 
and  although  the  stand  was  built  on  the  east  side  of  Knox  College 
(the  meeting  being  held  in  the  college  grounds),  the  current  of  air 
which  swept  around  the  building  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  speak- 
ers at  times  to  make  themselves  heard  at  all.  Besides  this,  the  cold 
was  intense.  Mr.  Lincoln,  when  he  mounted  the  stand,  was  nervous 
and  trembling;  whether  from  cold,  or  through  fear  of  what  was  in 
store  for  him,  we  are  unable  to  say;  but  before  the  close  of  the  debate, 


382  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

he  was  the  most  abject  picture  of  wretchedness  we  have  ever  witnessed. 
His  knees  knocked  together,  and  the  chattering  of  his  teeth  could  be 
heard  all  over  the  stand.  When  Senator  Douglas  replied  to  his 
charge  that  he  had  forced  a  set  of  resolutions  at  Ottawa,  he  looked 
pitiful  beyond  expression,  and  curled  himself  up  in  a  corner  to  avoid 
facing  the  bitter  denunciation  of  the  Senator  and  the  scorn  and  deri- 
sion with  which  he  was  treated  by  the  crowd.  The  speeches  will 
repay  persual,  and  we  earnestly  hope  that  they  will  be  carefully  read 
by  both  our  friends  and  opponents.  We  now  proceed  to  give  a  cor- 
rect and  faithful  report  of  both  parties: 

When  Senator  Douglas  concluded,  the  applause  was  perfectly 
furious  and  overwhelming,  he  was  surrounded  by  an  immense  mass  of 
people  who  accompanied  him  to  his  hotel,  which,  during  the  whole 
evening  was  thronged  with  people  going  and  coming  to  congratulate 
him  upon  his  great  success;  whilst  Lincoln  entirely  forgotten,  was 
taken  care  of  by  a  few  friends,  who  wrapped  him  in  flannels  and  tried 
to  restore  the  circulation  of  blood  in  his  almost  inanimate  body. 
Poor  Lincoln!  He  was  not  even  visible  to  the  friends  who  came  to 
weep  with  him. 

[Chicago  Times,  October  12,  1858] 
Editor's  Correspondence 

VIVID  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  (lALESBURG  MEETING 

Galesburg,  III.,  October  7,  1858 
Messrs.  Editors:  To-day  is  a  great  day  for  Galesburg — great  for 
Illinois.  The  fifth  discussion  between  the  Hon.  S.  A.  Douglas  and 
Abraham  Lincoln  which  was  set  for  to-day,  came  off,  and  the  events 
of  the  day  signal  one  of  the  most  thorough  and  complete  triumphs 
that  the  great  Democratic  party  has  experienced.  I  say  this,  because 
it  happened  right  here  in  what  is  notoriously  known  to  be  the  very 
hot-bed  of  abolitionism  in  Illinois. 

At  the  early  dawn  of  day,  our  citizens  were  aroused  from  their  slum- 
bers by  the  continued  booming  of  cannon  which  made  the  welkin  ring 
with  its  echoing  reports.  The  weather  was  chilly,  cold,  an  autumn 
wind  prevailed,  and  only  for  that,  it  would  have  been  one  of  the  most 
pleasant  of  days;  however,  this  was  nothing,  great  events  were  in  store 
for  the  people.  At  about  10  o'clock  a.  m.  an  immense  crowd  gathered 
at  the  depot  where  our  several  military  companies  assembled  antici- 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  383 

pating  the  arrival  of  the  Burlington  train  in  which  was  the  Little 
Giant.  Presently  it  arrived — there  were  12  or  14  cars  added  to  the 
train,  and  all  crowded  to  overflowing  with  Democrats  from  the  west- 
ern part  of  this  count}'',  and  a  very  few  abolitionists — in  the  midst  of 
the  great  crowd  which  immediately  surrounded  the  Senator,  I  was 
standing,  waiting  the  time  when  the  welcoming  speech  should  be 
delivered.  The  crowd  moved  to  the  steps  of  the  Bancroft  House, 
where  the  Hon.  J.  B.  Boggs  welcomed  the  Senator  to  Knox  county  in 
a  short  speech,  to  which  a  most  happy  reply  was  given.  Immediately 
a  delegation  from  Lombard  University  approached  where  the 
Senator  was  standing,  and  through  their  chairman,  Mr.  G.  W.  Elwell, 
a  young  gentleman  of  promising  attainments,  presented  him  with  a 
beautiful  banner  which  was  made  by  the  young  ladies  of  that  insti- 
tution. The  banner  was  emblematical  of  the  Senator's  public  career 
— one  continued  round  of  consistencies — wreathed  with  flowers,  and 
encircled  by  white  and  blue  ribbons  which  spoke  of  the  virtue  of  his 
life,  and  his  unimpeachable  fidelity  to  party  and  principle.  The 
banner  had  written  on  its  folds  the  inscription :  "  The  Democracy  of 
Lombard  University  to  Stepheji  A.  Douglas." 

The  Senator  entered  a  carriage,  drawn  by  six  beautifully  caparis- 
oned horses,  and  the  mass  formed  into  procession,  proceeding  to  the 
Bonney  House.  We  need  say  nothing  of  the  great  length  of  the 
cortege,  nor  of  the  many  enthusiastic  shouts  which  rent  the  air  as 
the  Senator  passed  by  the  thousands  of  individuals  who  thronged  the 
sidewalks.  Main  street  was  full  as  it  could  possibly  be;  it  seemed 
that  everybody  gathered — and  brought  all  their  relations.  A  "vast 
sea  of  human  faces"  met  my  vision  which  ever  way  I  looked;  before 
me,  beside  me  and  behind  me,  thousands  of  men  looked  eagerly 
toward  the  carriage  which  contained  the  Hon.  Senator,  and  the  eager 
aspects  of  the  crowd  proved  the  interest  his  presence  excited.  Dele- 
gations from  all  the  surrounding  country  began  making  themselves 
visible.  From  the  flourishing  city  of  Abingdon,  in  this  county,  a 
delegation  of  some  500  men  arrived,  with  many  banners  flying  to  the 
breeze,  and  filled  the  air  with  loud  shouts  of  approbation  for  the 
course  of  the  great  expounder  of  the  doctrine  of  our  party.  At  the 
hour  of  one,  the  various  delegations  formed  into  one  large  common 
procession  which  was  several  miles  in  length,  each  vehicle  containing 
from  10  to  20  persons,  and  holding  aloft  banners  with  appropriate 
inscriptions.     Large  cars,  containing  each  35  young  ladies,  dressed 


384  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

in  white,  with  banners  representing  the  States  of  the  Union  and  the 
territories,  these  last  having  the  words,  "Popular  Sovereignty" 
written  on  their  banners.     It  was  an  imposing  spectacle. 

At  half  past  1  p.  m.,  the  hosts  commenced  gathering  at  the  large  and 
spacious  park — which  adds  so  much  to  the  comeliness  of  our  city — 
where  a  stand  was  erected — where  the  speakers  were  to  hold  forth, 
and  where  thousands  had  assembled. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  followed  in  the  debate  by  that  scare-crow  looking 
individual,  "  Old  Abe, "  or,  as  the  numerous  ejaculations  of  the  specta- 
tors indicated — "  Spot.  " 

If  he  had  any  dignity — if  in  the  course  of  the  previous  discussions 
he  entered  into  the  polemic  with  dignity,  he  lost  it  all  here  to-day.  He 
descended  to  the  level  of  the  street  blackguard,  and  vilified  Judge 
Douglas  in  a  most  ungentlemanly  manner.  Many  a  Republican  had 
his  cheek  to  blanch  with  shame  at  the  unmanly  attacks  that  this  man 
Lincoln  made  upon  Judge  Douglas.  Republicans  told  me  that  Lin- 
coln over-stepped  the  rules  of  gentlemanly  conduct  when  he  plead  his 
case,  by  wilfully,  maliciously,  and  falsely  charging  Senator  Douglas 
with  fraud  and  forgery! 

In  the  course  of  his  harangue  he  remembered  that  Judge  Douglas' 
speech  was  identical  with  those  he  had  delivered  in  the  previous 
debates.  He  repented  that  candid  and  truthful  acknowledgment 
when  the  Judge  said :  "  Would  to  Heaven  he  could  say  the  same  for 
Lincoln, "  for  he  (Abe)  delivered  himself  of  speeches  suited  to  locali- 
ties— as  the  reports  would  demonstrate. 

Whilst  the  Judge  was  fastening  him  to  a  very  awkward  position, 
with  the  most  unequivocal  truths — telling  of  the  loathing  and  scorn 
he  felt  for  such  charges,  Abe  gazed  at  him  with  a  blank  stare,  as  if 
fascinated,  and  looked  a  humiliating  askance  of  pity,  which  plainly 
told  how  simply  he  repented  him  of  his  false  charges.       Democrat 

[Daily  Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  9,  1858] 

LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBURG 


12,000   to    15,000    People    Present!    Four-Fifths    Republicans!— "Old 

Abe"  Skins  the   "Little  Giant!" 

Thursday  last  was  the  day  appointed  for  a  joint  discussion  at  Gales- 
burg,  between  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Judge  Douglas. 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  385 

We  arrived  on  the  ground  about  half  past  12  o'clock,  and  at  that 
time  a  dense  crowd  surrounded  the  stand,  while  the  streets  of  the 
city,  and  the  roads  leading  to  the  city,  were  alive  with  people. 

About  3  o'clock,  Judge  Douglas  was  introduced  to  the  audience 
by  Hon.  Jos.  Knox,  and  was  received  with  such  a  faint  cheer  by  his 
few  friends  in  attendance,  that  it  caused  universal  laughter.  He 
spoke  for  one  hour;  and  in  the  spirit  of  a  man  who  was  suffering 
martyrdom. 

Douglas  actually  foamed  at  the  mouth,  during  his  speech.  It  may 
have  been  the  milk  that  he  imbibed  while  sojourning  in  Egypt;  but 
the  general  belief  was  that  it  was  foam.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind 
that  hydrophobia  is  not  confined  to  the  dog-days.  We  don't  wish  to 
lull  the  people  here  into  any  false  security,  by  stating  that  it  was  milk 
that  whitened  the  corners  of  Douglas'  mouth,  when  it  might  actually 
be  the  saliva  of  incipient  madness.     Forewarned  is  to  be  forearmed. 

When  Douglas  concluded,  "Old  Abe"  mounted  to  the  stand,  and 
was  received  with  three  such  tremendous  cheers  as  made  the  welkin 
ring  again.  His  happy,  good-humored  countenance — in  such  marked 
contrast  with  that  of  Douglas,  which  is  black  and  repulsive  enough  to 
turn  all  the  milk  in  Egypt  sour — at  once  cheered  and  animated 
the  immense  crowd.  They  pressed  forward  to  the  stand;  but,  when 
he  commenced,  the  struggle  ceased,  for  so  clear,  ringing,  and  distinct 
was  every  word  he  uttered,  that  he  could  be  heard  by  every  man  in 
the  crowd.  He  met,  and  successfully  refuted,  every  argument  made 
by  Judge  Douglas. 

[Chicago  Democrat,  October  9,  1858] 

LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  AT  GALESBUEG 

Eleven  carloads  of  people  came  on  the  Chicago  train,  and  from  other 
directions,  large  delegations  arrived  during  the  day  with  flags,  banners 
and  other  devices,  nearly  all  of  which  were  for  Lincoln. 

Unfortunately,  a  very  large  excursion  train  from  Peoria,  consisting 
of  22  cars,  all  filled  with  people  who  were  coming  to  the  debate,  met 
with  an  accident  on  the  Peoria  and  Oquawka  Railroad,  and  was  de- 
layed so  that  they  did  not  arrive  until  4  o'clock,  just  as  the  debate  was 
closing,  which  was  a  great  disappointment. 


386  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Peoria  Transcript,  October  8,  1858] 

THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE 

The  fourth  great  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  came  off  at 
Galesburg  yesterday.  Mr.  Douglas  having  the  opening  and  closing 
speech.  It  is  estimated  that  between  sixteen  and  eighteen  thousand 
persons  were  present — much  the  largest  crowd  that  has  yet  been  called 
together  during  the  campaign. 

Of  the  debate  we  are  unable  to  give  any  account,  the  train  from  this 
city,  consisting  of  twenty-four  cars  loaded  with  two  thousand  passen- 
gers, having,  by  an  unfortunate  combination  of  circumstances,  been 
delayed  on  its  way  until  near  the  close  of  the  discussion.  We  shall 
print  the  report  of  the  speeches  in  full  as  soon  as  they  come  to  hand 
and  shall  relate  the  sad  experience  of  the  Peoria  delegation  as  soon 
as  we  have  slept  off  our  disappointment  and  fatigue — having  arrived 
home  at  a  late  hour  last  night. 

[Chicago  Times,  October  13,  1858] 

A  MOTTLED  CANDIDATE 

The  next  appearance  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  at  Galesburg,  the  center  of 
abolitiondom  in  this  state.  He  had  damaged  himself  extensively  in 
the  estimation  of  the  abolitionists  by  his  Jonesboro  and  Charleston 
speeches,  and  they  insisted  that  he  should  decamp,  and  put  on  the 
black  garb  of  negro  equality  once  more.  He  did  so,  and  behold  the 
white  man  of  Jonesboro  and  the  Dred  Scottite  of  Charleston  came  forth 
at  Galesburg  clothed  in  the  habiliments  of  Uncle  Tom,  praying  the 
admission  of  his  colored  brethren  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  white 
men.  He  speaks  at  Quincy  today,  and  at  Alton  on  Friday,  and  the 
regalia  of  the  "negro's  friend"  will  be  thrown  aside,  and  he  will 
clamor  again  against  the  negro  race,  and  the  ridiculous  idea  of  their 
ever  becoming  citizens. 

Such,  men  of  Illinois,  is  the  candidate  before  you  asking  for  your 
suffrages.  He  belongs  to  the  white  men's  party  at  one  place,  and 
anon!  he  becomes  the  most  piteous  complainant  for  the  poor  race 
which  Douglas  would  make  "  inferior. "  At  Charleston  he  declares 
negroes  to  be  inferior  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  man,  and  should  be 
treated  as  their  Creator  intended  they  should  be  treated — as  "  infer- 
iors " — men  outside  of  the  political  party — and  at  Galesburg  he  asserts 
that  God  created  them  the^'political  equals  of  the  white  race,  and  that 
it  is  inhuman  and  anti-Christian  to  deny  them  that  equality.     tSuch 


THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE  387 

is  the  mottled  candidate.  Such  are  the  mottled  principles,  and  such 
the  mottled  exhibition  presented  to  the  people  of  Illinois  in  the  person 
of  Abraham  Lincoln, 

[Illinois  State  Register,  October  12,  1858] 

THE  GALESBURG  DEBATE 

Nearly  all  of  our  available  space  to-day  is  occupied  with  a  report  of 
the  speeches  of  Douglas  and  Lincoln  at  Galesburg — The  meeting  was 
very  large — much  the  largest  of  the  campaign.  The  republicans  had 
spared  neither  money  nor  pains  to  have  a  large  crowd,  and  letters  had 
been  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  country  begging  their  people  to  be  present. 
Notwithstanding  all  their  efforts,  the  democrats  outnumbered  them 
two  to  one,  and  made  a  much  finer  and  more  imposing  demonstration. 
A  wonderful  change  seems  to  have  been  effected  in  that  place  for  the 
democracy  during  the  last  year  or  two. 

Lincoln  confined  himself  to  his  old  hobby — that  of  making  war  upon 
the  supreme  court,  and  an  attempt  to  pander  to  the  prejudices  of  the 
abolitionists.  He  avowed  himself  in  favor  of  negro  equality,  simply 
because  he  was  in  an  abolition  district.  In  his  reply  Senator  Douglas 
showed  him  up  in  his  true  colors,  by  referring  to  his  denunciations  of 
the  negro  at  Jonesboro  and  Charleston.  The  arguments  of  Lincoln 
were  miserably  weak,  and  all  candid  persons  must,  after  a  careful 
persual  of  the  speeches,  admit  that  he  was  badly  worsted  by  Douglas. 

We  trust  that  the  speeches  will  be  carefully  read  by  men  of  all 
parties,  as  they  will  amply  repay  for  the  time  thus  employed. 

The  republicans  are  fast  becoming  disheartened,  and  are  daily  losing 
ground.  Their  "spotty"  principles  are  not  adapted  to  the  tastes  of 
any  person  claiming  to  be  in  favor  of  the  Union,  the  constitution  and 
the  laws. 

The  conclusion  of  the  debate  will  appear  tomorrow. 

[Chicago  Journal,  October  8,  1858] 

THE  FIFTH  JOINT  DEBATE  BETWEEN   LINCOLN  AND 

DOUGLAS 

Galesburg,  Oct.  7,  1858 
The  fifth  joint  debate  between  the  champion  of  bogus  ''Popular 
Sovereignty"  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  his  formidable  Free  Laborer  opponent, 
took  place  here  this  afternoon  in  the  presence  of  enthusiastic  thous- 
ands.    It  is  estimated  that  there  were  not  less  than  10,000  people 


388  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

present,  and  after  a  diligent  circulation  among  the  crowd,  we  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  great  multitude  of 
voters  were  Lincoln  men. 

Eleven  car-loads  of  people  came  on  the  Chicago  train,  and  from 
other  directions  large  delegations  arrived  during  the  day,  with  flags, 
banners  and  other  devices,  nearly  all  of  which  were  for  Lincoln. 

Unfortunately  a  very  large  excursion  train  from  Peoria,  consisting 
of  twenty-two  cars,  all  filled  with  people  who  were  coming  to  the 
debate,  met  with  an  accident  on  the  Peoria  and  Oquawka  railroad, 
and  was  delayed  so  that  it  did  not  arrive  until  4  o'clock,  just  as  the 
debate  was  closing.  It  was  a  sore  disappointment.  Your  corres- 
pondent was  in  this  train,  and  it  is  therefore  impossible  for  him,  not 
having  heard  the  debate,  to  give  you  an  account  of  what  was  said  by 
the  speakers;  but  the  opinions  of  those  who  did  hear  the  speeches,  as 
far  as  I  can  ascertain,  coincide  pretty  generally  that  Lincoln  com- 
pletely used  up  the  Little  Giant. — The  Lincoln  men  here  are  full  of 
enthusiasm,  and  feel  that  our  noted  champion  of  freedom.  Free 
Soil  and  Free  Labor  has  achieved  one  more  great  and  telling  triumph 
over  the  shifting,  time-serving  and  Slavery-worshipping  Douglas. 

Yours  in  the  good  cause.  W. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  QUINCY  DEBATE 

[Herald,^ Qnincy,  III.,  September  29,  1858]  ^ 

MlSSOUm  COMING  TO  HEAR  DOUGLAS 

LiNEUs,  Linn  Co.,  Mo.,  Sept.  25 
Austin  Brooks — Dear  Sir:    The  people  in  northern  Missouri  are 
taking  a  Hvely  interest  in  the  canvass  in  Illinois  between  Judge  Dou- 
glas and  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  Democrats  are  wishing  success  to  the 
"Little  Giant." 

Although  Lineus  is  120  miles  from  Quincy,  there  are  many  here 
making  preparations  to  go  to  Quincy,  and  be  there  on  the  13th  of  next 
month,  at  the  speaking.  It  is  a  long  way  to  travel  to  hear  a  man 
speak,  where  we  have  to  stage  it  nearly  half  the  way,  but  such  is  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  people,  and  their  curiosity  to  hear  the  exponent  of 
popular  sovereignty,  that  from  5,000  to  10,000  will  go  from  Missouri 

to  be  there  on  the  occasion. 

Otselic 

[Gate  City,  Keokuk,  Iowa,  October  5,  1858] 

HO,  FOR  QUINCY 

The  Republicans  will  meet  at  the  Gate  City  Reading  Room  at  10 
o'clock  today,  to  consult  as  to  going  to  Quincy  on  the  13th  to  hear  the 
discussion  between   Lincoln   and   Douglas. 

[Whig,  Quincy,  III.,  October  7,  1858] 

THE  FRIENDS  OF  HON.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

The  city  and  country  are  invited  to  rally  in  their  strength,  at 
Quincy  on  Wednesday,  Oct.  13th.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Judge 
Douglas  will  address  the  masses  then  assembled.  Mr.  Lincoln  is 
expected  to  arrive  at  Quincy  on  a  special  train,  from  the  north,  on 
the  morning  of  the  13th,  at  half-past  9  o'clock,  at  which  time  the 
Republicans  from  the  city  and  country,  under  the  charge  of  the 
Marshal  of  the  day,  will  proceed  in  procession,  to  receive  our  cham- 
pion at  the  depot,  and  conduct  him  to  the  Court  House.  It  is  hoped 
our  country  friends  will  be  in  the  city  in  time  to  co-operate  with  the 

389 


390  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Republicans  of  the  city.     The  programme  and  order  of  procession 
will  be  published  by  the  Marshal  in  a  day  or  two. 

All  who  desire  to  hear  the  true  principles  of  the  Republican  party 
expounded,  and  the  unsound  doctrines  of  the  Douglas  Democracy 
exposed,  are  invited  to  attend. 

By  order  of  the  Republican  Committee  of  Arrangements, 

A.  Jonas,  Ch'n. 

[Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  11,  1858] 

DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

Great  preparations  are  being  made  for  the  Grand  debate  to  come 
off  in  this  city  on  Wednesday  next,  the  13th.  inst.  It  is  expected  that 
one  of  the  largest  crowds  that  ever  assembled  in  Quincy,  will  be  pres- 
ent.   Our  friends,  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  promise  to  be  on  hand. 

Again  we  urge  upon  Republicans  to  come,  and  hear  the  great  cham- 
pion of  Freedom, 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  11,  1858] 

A  DOUGLAS  CROWD  ENGAGED 

(Correspondence  of  the  Press  and  Tribune) 

Galesburg,  Oct.  7,  1858 
A  great  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  comes  off  at 
Quincy  on  the  13th  of  October,  and  I  have  a  word  or  two  to  say  to  j^ou 
about  it.  I  am  living  down  in  Pike  County,  Illinois,  and  day  before 
yesterday,  on  my  way  up  here,  I  had  occasion  to  go  over  into  Missouri, 
and  there  I  found  large  handbills  up  calling  on  the  Democrats  of  the 
State  to  turn  out  at  Quincy.  Several  steamers  have  been  engaged  by 
the  Missourians  to  convey  them  up  the  river.  I  was  told  by  several  of 
them  that  they  intended  to  make  Lincoln  "dry  up."  What  they 
meant  by  it  I  do  not  know.  Douglas'  friends  in  Quincy  are  looking  to 
that  State  for  their  crowd  on  the  13th.  Now  I  write  you  this  for  the 
purpose  of  having  you  urge  the  Republicans  to  turn  out  their  strength, 
and  sustain  and  cheer  our  noble  champion  by  their  presence. 

Old  Pike 

[Gate  City,  Keokuk,  Iowa,  October  11,  1858] 

The  Committee,  appointed  to  make  arrangements  for  the  excursion 
to  Quincy  on  the  13th  to  hear  the  Discussion  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas,  recommend  the  Keokuk  and  St.  Louis  Packet  and  have 
made  arrangements  as  follows:     The  Packet  will  leave  here  on  the 


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THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  391 

13th  at  0^  o'clock,  carrying  passengers  to  the  discussion  and  back, 
leaving  Quincy  at  6  o'clock.  Fare  $1.50  for  the  round  trip  including 
supper.  Republican  Committee 


[Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  11,  1858] 

THE  LADIES,  GOD  BLESS  THEM! 

We  understand  that  a  number  of  our  Republican  ladies  intend  to 
unite  in  the  Lincoln  demonstration  on  the  13th.  inst.,  and  that  a  large 
number  of  private  carriages,  loaded  with  the  fair  freight,  will  be  in  the 
procession.  We  are  requested  by  the  Marshal  of  the  Day  to  state  that 
the  ladies  generally  are  invited  to  attend,  and  a  selected  location  in  the 
procession  will  be  reserved  for  carriages  containing  ladies.  We  hope 
our  fair  friends  will  grace  the  proceedings  with  their  presence.  Such 
has  been  the  case  at  all  points  at  which  Lincoln,  the  champion  of  Free 
Labor  and  Free  Territory,  has  spoken. 

[Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  October  11,  1858] 

WELCOME  DOUGLAS! 


Order  of  Procession 

On  Wednesday  morning,  13th.  inst.,  at  9^  o'clock,  a  procession  will 
be  formed  at  the  court  house,  in  this  city,  in  which  every  person  who 
prefers  the  election  of  S.  A.  Douglas,  to  Abe  Lincoln,  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  is  invited  to  participate.  The  procession  will  leave  the 
court  house  at  9^  o'clock,  precisely,  and  proceed  to  Broadway,  up 
Broadway  to  12th  street,  throwing  right  of  procession  to  12th  and 
front  south,  where  the  delegations  from  the  northern  part  of  the  county 
will  be  attached;  thence  to  Maine,  throwing  right  of  procession  to 
Maine  and  attach  all  the  delegations  from  the  east  and  south  of  the 
county;  thence  proceed  down  Maine  to  3rd,  up  3rd  to  the  Virginia 
House,  where  the  river  delegations  will  be  attached,  and  will  there 
take  the  right  of  the  procession,  which  will  then  proceed  to  Vermont, 
up  Vermont  to  7th,  down  7th  to  Hampshire,  down  Hampshire  to  4th, 
and  around  the  public  square  to  the  south-east  corner,  where  the  pro- 
cession will  enter  and  surround  the  stand,  whereupon  Judge  Douglas 
will  make  his  appearance,  and  in  a  few  remarks,  adjourn  the  crowd 


392  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

until  half -past  2  o'clock  p.  m.,  when  the  discussion  between  himself 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  will  commence. 
Whig  and  Republican  please  copy. 

I.    T.    Wilson,    Chief  Marshal 

[Whig,  Quiney,  111.,  October  12,  1858] 

PROGRAMME 


Reception  of  Lincoln 

On  Wednesday,  the  13th.  inst.,  at  9  a.  m.,  precisely,  the  Republican 
procession  will  be  formed,  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  the  Rail 
Road  Depot,  to  receive  the  Hon.  A.  Lincoln. 

The  line  of  procession  will  be  formed  on  Broadway,  the  right  resting 
on   Sixth   street. 

The  Republican  Clubs  and  citizens  on  foot  will  assemble  and  form 
in  order,  in  Jefferson  Square,  and  form  the  head  of  the  procession. 
Clubs,  and  citizens  in  carriages  and  wagons,  will  form  immediately 
in  the  rear  of  those  on  foot.     The  order  of  procession  will  be  as  follows : 

Marshal  and  Aids. 

Steig's  Brass  Band. 

Quiney  and  other  Republican  Clubs,  on  foot. 

Carriages,  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Committee  of  Reception,  and 
distinguished  strangers. 

Private  carriages,  with  ladies. 

Delegations  in  carriages  and  wagons. 

Delegations  and  citizens  on  horseback. 


Route  of  the  Procession 

The  procession  on  foot  will  advance  to  Front  street. 

The  carriages,  wagons,  and  citizens  on  horseback,  will  remain  and 
rest  at  Third  street. 

The  carriages  for  Mr.  Lincoln  and  strangers,  will  receive  them  at  the 
Depot,  and  Delegations  and  others  arriving  by  the  train,  will  be  formed 
on  foot,  under  the  directions  of  Assistant  Marshals. 

The  foot  procession,  and  carriages  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  strangers, 
will  then  countermarch  up  Broadway,  and  the  entire  procession  will 
proceed  down  Third  to  Jerse}'^  street,  up  Jersey  to  Eighth,  up  Eighth 
to  Hampshire,  down  Hampshire  to  Fourth,  down  Fourth  to  Maine 
up  Maine  to  Fifth^  up  Fifth  to  the  front  of  the  Court  House,  where  Mr. 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  393 

Lincoln  will  be  received  and  welcomed  by  the  Committee  of  Reception. 

The  procession  will  then  be  dismissed,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  taken  by  the 

Committee  of  Reception  to  the  residence  of  0.  H.  Browning,  Esq. 

Speaking  will  commence  at  the  stand  in  Washington  Square,  at 

2  o'clock  p.  M. 

E.   K.  Stone,  Marshal 

[Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  October  12,  1858] 

JUDGE  DOUGLAS  COMING  TONIGHT 


Grand  Torcliligrht  Procession 

The  friends  of  Judge  Douglas  will  meet  at  The  Court  House, 
THIS  EVENING  AT  8  O'CLOCK 
where  a  grand  procession  with  transparencies,  torchlights,  music,  and 
live  Democrats,  will  be  formed  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Wilson, 
Chief  Marshal,  and  marched  to  the  railroad  depot,  where  Judge  Doug- 
las wiU  arrive  by  the  nine  o'clock  train. 

Let  every  Democrat  in  the  city  be  on  hand  at  the  hour — the  pro- 
cession will  move  at  precisely  half  past  8  o'clock — to  extend  to  our 
distinguished  Senator  a  hearty  and  enthusiastic  welcome. 

[Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  12,  1858] 

TORCH-LIGHT    PROCESSION! 

On  Wednesday  night,  the  Republicans  intend  to  have  a  grand  torch- 
light procession.  The  most  extensive  preparations  are  being  made. 
Let  there  be  a  general  turn  out. 

PREPAEATIONS 

Messrs.  Bond  and  Holton  have  been  appointed  by  the  respective 
Committees  of  the  Republican  and  Douglas  parties,  to  attend  to  the 
erection  of  a  stand  and  seats  for  tomorrow.  Mr.  N.  Pinkham  has  very 
kindly  and  generously  furnished  the  seats  for  the  occasion,  which  are 
to  be  reserved  entirely  for  the  ladies — 800  of  whom  can  thus  be  accom- 
modated. 

At  the  request  of  Dr.  I.  T.  Wilson,  Marshal  for  the  Douglas  pro- 
cession, we  publish  the  programme  in  to-day's  paper. 


394  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

LINCOLN  BADGES 

Messrs.  Laage  &  Barnum  are  prepared  to  furnish  persons  with  any 
number  of  Lincoln  Badges.  We  hope  our  RepubHcan  friends  will  not 
fail  to  get  one,  and  turn  out  with  the  procession  tomorrow. 

[Whig,  Oct.  16,  1858] 

THE  DOUGLAS  PICTURES 

The  agent  who  sells  photographic  likenesses  of  Judge  Douglas  was 
in  the  city  on  Wednesday,  hawking  them  through  the  crowd  during 
the  speeches.  While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  closing  the  debate,  a  gentleman 
asked  him  if  he  was  not  willing  to  sell  his  pictures  at  a  discount  now? 
He  said  that  he  was — that  the  price  was  75  cents  when  Douglas  was 
speaking — that  they  had  been  reduced  to  60  cents,  and  that  he 
thought  he  would  be  compelled  to  reduce  them  to  25  cents  before 
Lincoln  got  through! 

We  don't  believe  there  was  a  Douglasite  in  Quincy  who  had  the 
remotest  desire  to  buy  a  picture  when  Lincoln  had  concluded  his  half 
hour's  speech. 

[Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  October  16,  1858] 

JUDGE  DOUGLAS  RECEPTION 


The  Torch-Lig-ht  Procession 

The  most  magnificent  display  that  has  ever  been  made  in  this  city, 
was  made  by  the  Democracy  on  Tuesday  last,  on  the  occasion  of  the 
reception  of  Judge  Douglas.  Our  distinguished  Senator  was  received 
at  half  past  nine  o'clock,  at  the  railroad  depot,  amid  the  booming  of 
cannon,  and  a  most  splendid  display  of  torch  lights  and  transparencies, 
accompanied  by  the  welcoming,  enthusiastic  shouts  of  not  less  than 
three  thousand  live  Democrats. — Four  hundred  blazing  torches,  and 
beautiful  transparencies  in  proportion,  with  bands  of  music  and  a  pro- 
cession more  than  half  a  mile  in  length, — and  the  streets  of  the  city 
literally  thronged  with  people,  in  honor  of  the  great  statesman  of  the 
day,  was  a  sight  that  did  the  hearts  of  the  Democracy  good  to  witness, 
while  it  struck  terror  to  the  hearts  of  their  black  republican  foes.  Judge 
Douglas  was  escorted  by  the  procession  to  the  Quincy  House,  where, 
with  three  times  three  hearty  and  enthusiastic  cheers,  the  Democracy 
left  him  for  the  night,  repairing,  however,  to  the  public  square,  where 


e9 


03 
X! 

•o 


•a 
a 

03 

CO 


Eh    0) 


3 
O 

a 


o 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  395 

they  were  addressed  in  a  most  able,  entertaining  and  unanswerable 
manner  by  Dr.  Bane,  after  which,  the  demonstrations  of  the  evening 
were  brought  to  a  close.  The  black  republicans  themselves  admit 
that  nothing  equal  to  this  demonstration  made  by  the  friends  of 
Judge  Douglas,  on  Tuesday  evening  last,  has  ever  been  seen  in  Quincy. 

[Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  16,  1858] 

THE  TWO  PEOCESSIONS 

A  gentleman  informed  us  that  he  timed  the  two  processions  of  Wed- 
nesday, as  they  passed  his  place  of  business.  The  Republican  pro- 
cession was  19^  minutes  in  passing,  without  any  stoppages,  while  the 
Douglas  procession  was  12^  minutes,  including  a  brief  stoppage.  This 
would  indicate  that  the  Republican  procession  was  the  largest  by 
from  500  to  600. 

SIXTH  JOINT  DEBATE 

Quincy,  October  13,  1858 


Mr.  Lincoln's  Speech 

At  precisely  half  past  two  o'clock  Mr.  Lincoln  was  introduced  to  the 
audience  and  having  been  received  by  two  cheers,  he  proceeded: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  I  have  had  no  immediate  conference  with 
Judge  Douglas,  but  I  will  venture  to  say  that^  he  and  I  will  perfectly 
agree  that  your  entire  silence,  both  when  I  speak  and  when  he  speaks, 
will  be  most  agreeable  to  us. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1856,  the  elements  in  the  State  of  Illinois, 
which  have  since  been  consolidated  into  the  Republican  party,  as- 
sembled together  in  a  State  Convention  at  Bloomington.  They  adopted 
at  that  time  what,  in  political  language,  is  called  a  platform.  In  June 
of  the  same  year  the  elements  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  nation 
assembled  together  in  a  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia.  They 
adopted  what  is  called  the  National  Platform.  In  June,  1858 — the 
present  year, — the  Republicans  of  Illinois  reassembled  at  Springfield, 
in  State  Convention,  and  adopted  again  their  platform,  as  I  suppose 
not  differing  in  any  essential  particular  from  either  of  the  former  ones, 
but  perhaps  adding  something  in  relation  to  the  new  developments  of 
political  progress  in  the  country. 

The  Convention  that  assembled  in  June  last  did  me  the  honor,  if  it 

1  Omits  "that." 


396  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

be  one,  and  I  esteem  it  such,  to  nominate  me  as  their  candidate  for  the 
United  States  Senate.  I  have  supposed  that,  in  entering  upon  this 
canvass,  I  stood  generally  upon  these  platforms.  We  are  now  met 
together  on  the  13th  of  October  of  the  same  year,  only  four  months 
from  the  adoption  of  the  last  platform,  and  I  am  unaware  that  in  this 
canvass,  from  the  beginning  until  to-day,  any  one  of  our  adversaries 
has  taken  hold  of  our  platforms,  or  laid  his  finger  upon  anything  that 
he  calls  wrong  in  them. 

In  the  very  first  one  of  these  joint  discussions  between  Senator 
Douglas  and  myself.  Senator  Douglas,  without  alluding  at  all  to  these 
platforms,  or  any  one  of  them,  of  which  I  have  spoken,  attempted  to 
hold  me  responsible  for  a  set  of  resolutions  passed  long  before  the  meet- 
ing of  either  one  of  these  Conventions  of  which  I  have  spoken.  And  as 
a  ground  for  holding  me  responsible  for  these  resolutions,  he  assumed 
that  they  had  been  passed  at  a  State  Convention  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  that  I  took  part  in  that  Convention.  It  was  discovered 
afterward  that  this  was  erroneous,  that  the  resolutions  which  he  en- 
deavored to  hold  me  responsible  for  had  not  been  passed  by  any  State 
Convention  anywhere, — had  not  been  passed  at  Springfield,  where  he 
supposed  they  had,  or  assumed  that  they  had;  and  that  they  had  been 
passed  in  no  Convention  in  which  I  had  taken  part. 

The  Judge,  nevertheless,  was  not  willing  to  give  up  the  point  that  he 
was  endeavoring  to  make  upon  me,  and  he  therefore  thought  to  still 
hold  me  to  the  point  that  he  was  endeavoring  to  make,  by  showing 
that  the  resolutions  that  he  read  had  been  passed  at  a  local  Convention 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  State,  although  it  was  not  a  local  Conven- 
tion that  embraced  my  residence  at  all,  nor  one  that  reached,  as  I  sup- 
pose, nearer  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  miles  of  where 
I  was  when  it  met,  nor  one  in  which  I  took  any  part  at  all.  He  also 
introduced  other  resolutions,  passed  at  other  meetings,  and  by  com- 
bining the  whole,  although  they  were  all  antecedent  to  the  two  State 
Conventions  and  the  one  National  Convention  I  have  mentioned,  still 
he  insisted,  and  now  insists,  as  I  understand,  that  I  am  in  some  way 
responsible  for  them. 

At  Jonesboro,  on  our  third  meeting,  I  insisted  to  the  Judge  that  I 
was  in  no  way  rightfully  held  responsible  for  the  proceedings  of  this 
local  meeting  or  Convention,  in  which  I  had  taken  no  part,  and  in 
which  I  was  in  no  way  embraced ;  but  I  insisted  to  him  that  if  he 
thought  I  was  responsible  for  every  man  or  every  set  of  men  every 


LIXCOLX  AT  QUrSXY  397 

where,  who  happen  to  be  my  friends,  the  rule  ought  to  work  both  ways, 
and  he  ought  to  be  responsible  for  the  acts  and  resolutions  of  all  men 
or  sets  of  men  who  were  or  are  now  his  supporters  and  friends;  ["  Good, 
good. "]  and  gave  him  a  pretty  long  string  of  resolutions,  passed  by- 
men  who  are  now  his  friends,  and  announcing  doctrines  for  which  he 
does  not  desire  to  be  held  responsible. 

This  still  does  not  satisfy  Judge  Douglas.  He  still  adheres  to  his 
proposition,  that  I  am  responsible  for  what  some  of  my  friends  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  State  have  done,  but  that  he  is  not  responsible  for 
what  his  have  done.  At  least,  so  I  understand  him.  But  in  addition 
to  that,  the  Judge,  at  our  meeting  in  Galesburg,  last  week,  undertakes 
to  establish  that  I  am  guilty  of  a  species  of  double  dealing  with  the 
public ;  that  I  make  speeches  of  a  certain  sort  in  the  north,  among  the 
Abolitionists,  which  I  would  not  make  in  the  south,  and  that  I  make 
speeches  of  a  certain  sort  in  the  south  which  I  would  not  make  in  the 
north.  I  apprehend,  in  the  course  I  have  marked  out  for  myself,  that 
I  shall  not  have  to  dwell  at  xery  great  length  upon  this  subject. 

As  this  was  done  in  the  Judge's  opening  speech  at  Galesburg,  I  had 
an  opportunity,  as  I  had  the  middle  speech  then,  of  saying  something 
in  answer  to  it.  He  brought  forward  a  quotation  or  two  from  a  speech 
of  mine  delivered  at  Chicago,  and  then,  to  contrast  with  it,  he  brought 
forward  an  extract  from  a  speech  of  mine  at  Charleston,  in  which  he 
insisted  that  I  was  greatly  inconsistent,  and  insisted,  that  his  conclu- 
sion followed,  that  I  was  playing  a  double  part,  and  speaking  in  one 
region  one  way,  and  in  another  region  another  way.  I  have  not  time 
now  to  dwell  on  this  as  long  as  I  would  like,  and  wish^  only  now  to 
requote  that  portion  of  my  speech  at  Charleston  which  the  Judge 
quoted,  and  then  make  some  comments  upon  it.  This  he  quotes  from 
me  as  being  delivered  at  Charleston,  and  I  believe  correctly: — 

"  I  will  say.  then,  that  I  am  not,  nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of  bringing 
about  in  any  way  the  social  and  poUtical  equaUty  of  the  white  and  black  races : 
that  I  am  not,  nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of  making  voters  or  jurors  of  ne- 
groes, nor  of  qualifying  them  to  hold  ofl&ee,  nor  to  intermarry*  with  white 
people;  and  I  will  say,  in  addition  to  this,  that  there  is  a  physical  difference 
between  the  white  and  black  races  which  will  ever  forbid  the  two  races  li\'ing 
together  on  terms  of  social  and  poUtieal  equaUty.  And  inasmuch  as  they  can- 
not so  Uve,  while  they  do  remain  together  there  must  be  the  position  of  supe- 

ilnserts  "I"  before  "wish." 
*Reads:  "mingling"  for  "marry." 


398  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

rior  and  inferior,  ^  and  I,  as  much  as  any  other  man,  am  in  favor  of  having  the 
superior  position  assigned  to  the  white  race. "  ['  'Good,  good, ' '  and  loud  cheers . ] 

This,  I  believe,  is  the  entire  quotation  from  the  Charleston  speech, 
as  Judge  Douglas  made  it.     His  comments  are  as  follows: — 

"  Yes,  here  you  find  men  who  hurrah  for  Lincoln,  and  say  he  is  right  when  he 
discards  all  distinction  between  races,  or  when  he  declares  that  he  discards  the 
doctrine  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  superior  and  inferior  race;  and  Aboli- 
tionists are  required  and  expected  to  vote  for  Mr.  Lincoln  because  he  goes  for 
the  equality  of  races,  holding  that  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  the  white 
man  and  negro  were  declared  equal,  and  endowed  by  divine  law  with  equality. 
And  down  South,  the  Old  Line  Whigs,  with  the  Kentuckians,  the  Virginians, 
and  the  Tennesseans,  he  tells  you  that  there  is  a  physical  diiference  between 
the  races,  making  the  one  the  superior,  the  other  inferior,  and  he  is  in  favor 
of  maintaining  the  superiority  of  the  white  race  over  the  negro. " 

Those  are  the  Judge's  comments.  Now,  I  wish  to  show  you  that 
a  month,  or  only  lacking  three  clays  of  a  month,  before  I  made  the 
speech  at  Charleston,  which  the  Judge  quotes  from,  he  had  himself 
heard  me  say  substantially  the  same  thing.  It  was  in  our  first  meet- 
ing at  Ottawa — and  I  will  say  a  word  about  where  it  was,  and  the  at- 
mosphere it  was  in,  after  while — but  at  our  first  meeting,  at  Ottawa,  I 
read  an  extract  from  an  old  speech  of  mine,  made  nearly  four  years 
ago,  not  merely  to  show  my  sentiments,  but  to  show  that  my  senti- 
ments were  long  entertained  and  openly  expressed ;  in  which  extract  I 
expressly  declared  that  my  own  feelings  would  not  admit  a  social  and 
political  equality  between  the  white  and  black  races,  and  that  even  if 
my  own  feelings  would  admit  of  it,  I  still  knew  that  the  public  senti- 
ment of  the  country  would  not,  and  that  such  a  thing  was  an  utter 
impossibility,  or  substantially  that.  That  extract  from  my  old  speech 
the  reporters,  by  some  sort  of  accident  passed  over,  and  it  was  not 
reported.  I  lay  no  blame  upon  anybody.  I  suppose  they  thought 
that  I  would  hand  it  over  to  them,  and  dropped  reporting  while  I 
was  reading  it,  but  afterward  went  away  without  getting  it  from  me.^ 
At  the  end  of  that  quotation  from  my  old  speech,  which  I  read  at 
Ottawa,  I  made  the  comments  which  were  reported  at  that  time,  and 
which  I  will  now  read,  and  ask  you  to  notice  how  very  nearly  they  are 
the  same  as  Judge  Douglas  says  were  delivered  by  me,  down  in  Egypt. 
After  reading,  I  added  these  words: — 

-^Omits  "and  inferior." 

^The  extract  has  been  printed  In  full  in  all  subsequent  editions  of  the  debates. 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  399 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  I  don't  want  to  read  at  any  greater  length;  but  this  is  the 
true  complexion^  of  all  I  have  ever  said  in  regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery 
or  the  black  race,  and  this  is  the  whole  of  it :  anything  that  argues  me  into  his 
idea  of  perfect  social  and  political  equality  with  the  negro,  is  but  a  specious 
and  2  fantastical  arrangement  of  words  by  which  a  man  can  prove  a  horse- 
chestnut  to  be  a  chestnut  horse.  I  will  say  here,  while  upon  this  subject,  that 
I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of 
slaveiy^^  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful*  right  to  do 
so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so.  I  have  no  purpose  to  introduce  politi- 
cal and  social  equality  between  the  white  and  black  races.  There  is  a  physical 
diflference  between  the  two  which,  in  my  judgment,  will  probably  forever  for- 
bid their  living  together  on  the  footing  of  perfect  equality ;  and  inasmuch  as  it 
becomes  a  necessity  that  there  must  be  a  difference,  I,  as  well  as  Judge  Doug- 
las, am  in  favor  of  the  race  to  which  I  belong,  having  the  superior  position. 
[Cheers;  "That's  the  doctrine.  "]  I  have  never  said  anything  to  the  contrary, 
but  I  hold  that  notwithstanding  all  this,  there  is  no  reason  in  the  world  whj^ 
the  negro  is  not  entitled  to  all  the  rights  enumerated  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence, — the  right  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  I  hold 
that  he  is  as  much  entitled  to  these  as  the  white  man.  I  agree  with  Judge 
Douglas  that  he  is  not  my  equal  in  many  respects,  certainly  not  in  color,  per- 
haps not  in  intellectual  and  moral  endowments;  but  in  the  right  to  eat  the 
bread,  without  the  leave  of  anybody  else,  which  his  own  hand  earns,  he  is  my 
equal,  and  the  equal  of  Judge  Douglas,  and  the  equal  of  every  living ^  man. " 

I  have  chiefly  introduced  this  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  the  Judge's 
charge  that  the  quotation  he  took  from  my  Charleston  speech  was 
what  I  would  say  down  South  among  the  Kentuckians,  the  Virginians, 
etc.,  but  would  not  say  in  the  regions  in  which  was  supposed  to  be  more 
of  the  Abolition  element.  I  now  make  this  comment :  That  speech 
from  which  I  have  now  read  the  quotation,  and  which  is  there  given 
correctly — perhaps  too  much  so  for  good  taste — was  made  away  up 
North  in  the  Abolition  District  of  this  State  par  excellence,  in  the 
Lovejoy  District, — in  the  personal  presence  of  Lovejoy,  for  he  was  on 
the  stand  with  us  when  I  made®  it.  It  had  been  made  and  put  in 
print  in  that  region  only  three  days  less  than  a  month  before  the  speech 
made  at  Charleston,  the  like  of  which  Judge  Douglas  thinks  I  would 
not  make  where  there  was  any  abolition  element.  I  only  refer  to  this 
matter  to  say  that  I  am  altogether  unconscious  of  having  attempted 
any  double-dealing  anywhere,  that  upon  one  occasion  I  may  say  one 
thing,  and  leave  other  things  unsaid,  and  vice  versa;  but  that  I  have 
said  anything  on  one  occasion  that  is  inconsistent  with  what  I  have 

iReads:  "application"  for  "complexion."  'Omits  "lawful." 

2Reads:  "species  of"  for  "specious  and."  sReads:  "any  other"  for  "every  living." 

aOmits,  "of  slavery."  «Reads:  "read"  for  "made." 


400  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

said  elsewhere,  I  deny, — at  least  I  deny  it  so  far  as  the  intention  is 
concerned.  I  find  that  I  have  devoted  to  this  topic  a  larger  portion 
of  my  time  than  I  had  intended.  I  wished  to  show,  but  I  will  pass  it 
upon  this  occasion,  that  in  the  sentiment  I  have  occasionally  advanced 
upon  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  I  am  entirely  borne  out  by  the 
sentiments  advanced  by  our  old  Whig  leader,  Henry  Clay,  and  I  have 
the  book  here  to  show  it  from;  but  because  I  have  already  occupied 
more  time  than  I  intended  to  do  on  that  topic,  I  pass  over  it. 

At  Galesburg,  I  tried  to  show  that  by  the  Dred  Scott  decision, 
pushed  to  its  legitimate  consequences,  slavery  would  be  established  in 
all  the  States  as  well  as  in  the  Territories.  I  did  this  because,  upon  a 
former  occasion,  I  had  asked  Judge  Douglas  whether,  if  the  Supreme 
Court  should  make  a  decision  declaring  that  the  States  had  not  the 
power  to  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  he  would  adopt  and  follow 
'that  decision  as  a  rule  of  political  action;  and  because  he  had  not  di- 
rectly answered  that  question,  but  had  merely  contented  himself  with 
sneering  at  it,  I  again  introduced  it,  and  tried  to  show  that  the  con- 
clusion that  I  stated  followed  inevitably  and  logically  from  the  propo- 
sition already  decided  by  the  court.  Judge  Douglas  had  the  privilege 
of  replying  to  me  at  Galesburg,  and  again  he  gave  me  no  direct  answer 
as  to  whether  he  would  or  would  not  sustain  such  a  decision  if  made. 
I  give^-  him  his  third  chance  to  say  yes  or  no.  He  is  not  obliged  to  do 
either, — probably  he  will  not  do  either;  [laughter]  but  I  give  him  the 
third  chance.  I  tried  to  show  then  that  this  result,  this  conclusion, 
inevitably  followed  from  the  point  already  decided  by  the  court.  The 
Judge,  in  his  reply,  again  sneers  at  the  thought  of  the  court  making  any 
such  decision,  and  in  the  course  of  his  remarks  upon  this  subject  uses 
the  language  which  I  will  now  read.  Speaking  of  me,  the  Judge  says : 
"He  goes  on  and  insists  that  the  Dred  Scott  decision  would  carry 
slavery  into  the  Free  States,  notwithstanding  the  decision  itself  says 
the  contrary. "  And  he  adds:  "Mr.  Lincoln  knows  that  there  is  no 
member  of  the  Supreme  Court  that  holds  that  doctrine.  He  knows 
that  every  one  of  them  in  their  opinions  held  the  reverse. " 

I  especially  introduce  this  subject  again,  for  the  purpose  of  saying 
that  I  have  the  Dred  Scott  decision  here,  and  I  will  thank  Judge  Doug- 
las to  lay  his  finger  upon  the  place  in  the  entire  opinions  of  the  court 
where  any  one  of  them  "  says  the  contrary. "  It  is  very  hard  to  affirm 
a  negative  with  entire  confidence.     I  say,  however,  that  I  have  ex- 

*Reads:  "gave"  for  "give." 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  401 

amined  that  decision  with  a  good  deal  of  care,  as  a  lawyer  examines  a 
decision,  and,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  do  so,  the  court  has  nowhere 
in  its  opinions  said  that  the  States  have  the  power  to  exclude  slavery, 
nor  have  they  used  other  language  substantially  that.  I  also  say,  so 
far  as  I  can  find,  not  one  of  the  concurring  Judges  has  said  that  the 
States  can  exclude  slavery,  nor  said  anything  that  was  substantially 
that.  The  nearest  approach  that  any  one  of  them  has  made  to  it,  so 
far  as  I  can  find,  was  by  Judge  Nelson,  and  the  approach  he  made  to  it 
was  exactly,  in  substance,  the  Nebraska  bill, — that  the  States  had  the 
exclusive  power  over  the  question  of  slavery,  so  far  as  they  are  not 
limited  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  I  asked  the  ques- 
tion, therefore,  if  the  non-concurring  Judges,  McLean  or  Curtis,  had 
asked  to  get  an  express  declaration  that  the  States  could  absolutely 
exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  what  reason  have  we  to  believe  that 
it  would  not  have  been  voted  down  by  the  majority  of  the  Judges,  just 
as  Chase's  amendment  was  voted  down  by  Judge  Douglas  and  his 
compeers  when  it  was  offered  to  the  Nebraska  bill.     [Cheers.] 

Also,  at  Galesburg,  I  said  something  in  regard  to  those  Springfield 
resolutions  that  Judge  Douglas  had  attempted  to  use  upon  me  at  Ot- 
tawa, and  commented  at  some  length  upon  the  fact  that  they  were,  as 
presented,  not  genuine.  Judge  Douglas  in  his  reply  to  me  seemed  to 
be  somewhat  exasperated.  He  said  he  never  would  have  believed 
that  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  he  kindly  called  me,  would  have  attempted 
such  a  thing  as  I  had  attempted  upon  that  occasion;  and  among  other 
expressions  which  he  used  toward  me,  was  that  I  dared  to  say  forgery, 
— that  I  had  dared  to  say  forgery  [turning  to  Judge  Douglas.]  Yes, 
Judge,  I  did  dare  to  say  forgery.  [Loud  applause.]  But  in  this  poli- 
tical canvass,  the  Judge  ought  to  remember  that  I  was  not  the  first 
who  dared  to  say  forgery.  At  Jacksonville,  Judge  Douglas  made  a 
speech  in  answer  to  something  said  by  Judge  Trumbull,  and  at  the 
close  of  what  he  said  upon  that  subject,  he  dared  to  say  that  Trumbull 
had  forged  his  evidence.  He  said,  too,  that  he  should  not  concern 
himself  with  Trumbull  any  more,  but  thereafter  he  should  hold  Lin- 
coln responsible  for  the  slanders  upon  him.  [Laughter.]  When  I 
met  him  at  Charleston  after  that,  although  I  think  that  I  should  not 
have  noticed  the  subject  if  he  had  not  said  he  would  hold  me  responsi- 
ble for  it,  I  spread  out  before  him  the  statements  of  the  evidence  that 
Judge  Trumbull  had  used,  and  I  asked  Judge  Douglas,  piece  by  piece 
to  put  his  finger  upon  one  piece  of  all  that  evidence  that  he  would  say 


402  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

was  a  forgery!  When  I  went  through  with  each  and  every  piece, 
Judge  Douglas  did  not  dai-e  then  to  say  that  any  piece  of  it  was  a 
forgery.  [Laughter  and  cries  of  "Good,  good."]  So  it  seems  that 
there  are  some  things  that  Judge  Douglas  dares  to  do,  and  some  that 
he  dares  not  to  do.     [Great  applause  and  laughter.] 

A  Voice. — It's  the  same  thing  with  you. 

Mr.  Lincoln. — Yes,  sir,  it's  the  same  thing  with  me.  I  do  dare  to 
say  forgery  when  it's  true,  and  don't^  dare  to  say  forger}^  when  it's 
false.  [Thunders  of  applause.  Cries  of  "  Hit  him  again.  Give  it  to 
him,  Lincoln. "]  Now  I  will  say  here  to  this  audience  and  to  Judge 
Douglas,  I  have  not  dared  to  say  he  committed  a  forgery,  and  I  never 
shall  until  I  know  it;  but  I  did  dare  to  say — just  to  suggest  to  the 
Judge — that  a  forgery  had  been  committed,  which  by  his  own  showing 
had  been  traced  to  him  and  two  of  his  friends.  [Roars  of  laughter  and 
loud  cheers.]  I  dared  to  suggest  to  him  that  he  had  expressly  prom- 
ised in  one  of  his  public  speeches  to  investigate  that  matter,  and  I 
dared  to  suggest  to  him  that  there  was  an  implied  promise  that  when 
he  investigated  it  he  would  make  known  the  result.  I  dared  to  sug- 
gest to  the  Judge  that  he  could  not  expect  to  be  quite  clear  of  suspicion 
of  that  fraud,  for  since  the  time  that  promise  was  made  he  had  been 
with  those  friends,  and  had  not  kept  his  promise  in  regard  to  the  in- 
vestigation and  the  report  upon  it.  [Loud  laughter.  Cries  of  "  Hit 
him  hard; "  "  Good,  good.  "]  I  am  not  a  veiy  daring  man,  [laughter] 
but  I  dared  that  much,  Judge,  and  I  am  not  much  scared  about  it 
yet.     [Uproarious  laughter  and  applause.] 

When  the  Judge  says  he  wouldn't  have  believed  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
that  he  would  have  made  such  an  attempt  as  that,  he  reminds  me  of 
the  fact  that  he  entered  upon  this  canvass  with  the  purpose  to  treat 
me  courteously.  That  touched  me  somewhat.  [Great  laughter.]  It 
set  me  to  thinking.  I  was  aware,  when  it  was  first  agreed  that  Judge 
Douglas  and  I  were  to  have  these  seven  joint  discussions,  that  they 
were  the  successive  acts  of  a  drama, — perhaps  I  should  say,  to  be 
enacted  not  merely  in  the  face  of  audiences  like  this,  but  in  the  face  of 
the  nation,  and  to  some  extent,  by  my  relation  to  him,  and  not  from 
anything  in  myself,  in  the  face  of  the  world;  and  I  am  anxious  that 
they  should  be  conducted  with  dignity  and  in  the  good  temper  which 
would  be  befitting  the  vast  audience  before  which  it  was  conducted. 

^Inserts  "I"  before  "don't." 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  403 

But  when  Judge  Douglas  got  home  from  Washington  and  made  his 
first  speech  in  Chicago,  the  evening  afterward  I  made  some  sort  of  a 
reply  to  it.  His  second  speech  was  made  at  Bloomington,  in  which  he 
commented  upon  my  speech  at  Chicago,  and  said  that  I  had  used  lan- 
guage ingeniously  contrived  to  conceal  my  intentions, — or  words  to 
that  effect.  Xow,  I  understand  that  this  is  an  imputation  upon  my 
veracity  and  my  candor.  I  do  not  know  what  the  Judge  understood 
by  it,  but  in  our  first  discussion,  at  Ottawa,  he  led  off  b}"  charging  a 
bargain,  somewhat  cornipt  in  its  character,  upon  Trumbull  and  my- 
self,— that  we  had  entered  into  a  bargain,  one  of  the  terms  of  which 
was  that  Trumbull  was  to  Abolitiojiize  the  old  Democratic  party,  and  I 
(Lincoln)  was  to  Abolitionize  the  old  Whig  party ;  I  pretending  to  be  as 
good  an  Old  Line  Whig  as  ever.  Judge  Douglas  may  not  understand 
that  he  implicated  my  truthfulness  and  my  honor  when  he  said  I  was 
doing  one  thing  and  pretending  another;  and  I  misunderstood  him  if 
he  thought  he  was  treating  me  in  a  dignified  way,  as  a  man  of  honor 
and  truth,  as  he  now  claims  he  was  disposed  to  treat  me.  Even  after 
that  time,  at  Galesburg,  when  he  brings  foi-ward  an  extract  from  a 
.speech  made  at  Chicago,  and  an  extract  from  a  speech  made  at  Charles- 
ton, to  prove  that  I  was  trying  to  play  a  double  part., — that  I  was  try- 
ing to  cheat  the  public,  and  get  votes  upon  one  set  of  principles  at  one 
place,  and  upon  another  set  of  principles  at  another  place, — I  do  not 
understand  but  what  he  impeaches  my  honor,  my  veracity,  and  my 
candor;  and  because  he  does  this,  I  do  not  understand  that  I  am 
bound,  if  I  see  a  truthful  ground  for  it,  to  keep  my  hands  off  of  him. 

As  soon  as  I  learned  that  Judge  Douglas  was  disposed  to  treat  me  in 
this  way,  I  signified  in  one  of  my  speeches  that  I  should  be  driven  to 
draw  upon  whatever  of  humble  resources  I  might  have, — to  adopt  a 
new  course  with  him.  I  was  not  entirely  sure  that  I  should  be  able  to 
hold  my  own  with  him,  but  I  at  least  had  the  purpose  made  to  do  as 
well  as  I  could  upon  him ;  and  now  I  say  that  I  will  not  be  the  first  to 
cry  "  hold. "  I  think  it  originated  with  the  Judge,  and  when  he  quits, 
I  probably  will.  [Roars  of  laughter.]  But  I  shall  not  ask  any  favors 
at  all. 

He  asks  me,  or  he  asks  the  audience,  if  I  wish  to  push  this  matter  to 
the  point  of  personal  difficulty.  I  tell  him,  no.  He  did  not  make  a 
mistake,  in  one  of  his  earl}^  speeches,  when  he  called  me  an  "  amiable  " 
man,  though  perhaps  he  did  when  he  called  me  an  "  intelligent "  man. 
[Laughter.]     It  really  hurts  me  very  much  to  suppose  that  I  have 


404  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

wronged  anybody  on  earth.  I  again  tell  him,  no!  I  very  much  prefer, 
when  this  canvass  shall  be  over,  however  it  may  result,  that  we  at 
least  part  without  any  bitter  recollections  of  personal  difficulties. 

The  Judge,  in  his  concluding  speech  at  Galesburg,  says  that  I  was 
pushing  this  matter  to  a  personal  difficulty,  to  avoid  the  responsibil- 
ity for  the  enormity  of  my  principles.  I  say  to  the  Judge  and  this 
audience,  now,  that  I  will  again  state  our  principles  as  well  as  I  hastily 
can,  in  all  their  enormity,  and  if  the  Judge  hereafter  chooses^  to  con- 
fine himself  to  a  war  upon  these  principles,  he  will  probably  not  find 
me  departing  from  the  same  course. 2 

We  have  in  this  nation  this  element  of  domestic  slavery.  It  is  a 
matter  of  absolute  certainty  that  it  is  a  disturbing  element.  It  is  the 
opinion  of  all  the  great  men  who  have  expressed  an  opinion  upon  it, 
that  it  is  a  dangerous  element.  We  keep  up  a  controversy  in  regard  to 
it.  That  controversy  necessarily  springs  from  difference  of  opinion; 
and  if  we  can  learn  exactly, — can  reduce  to  the  lowest  elements — what 
that  difference  of  opinion  is,  we  perhaps  shall  be  better  prepared  for 
discussing  the  different  systems  of  policy  that  we  would  propose  in 
regard  to  that  disturbing  element.  I  suggest  that  the  difference  of 
opinion,  reduced  to  its  lowest  terms,  is  no  other  than  the  difference 
between  the  men  who  think  slavery  a  wrong,  and  those  who  do  not 
think  it  wrong.  The  Republican  party  think  it  wrong;  we  think 
it  is  a  moral,  a  social,  and  a  political  wrong.  We  think  it  is  a  wrong 
not  confining  itself  merely  to  the  persons  or  the  States  where  it  exists, 
but  that  it  is  a  wrong  in  its  tendency,  to  say  the  least,  that  extends 
itself  to  the  existence  of  the  whole  nation.  Because  we  think  it  wrong, 
we  propose  a  course  of  policy  that  shall  deal  with  it  as  a  wrong.  We 
deal  with  it  as  with  any  other  wrong,  in  so  far  as  we  can  prevent  its 
growing  any  larger,  and  so  deal  with  it  that  in  the  run  of  time  there 
may  be  some  promise  of  an  end  to  it. 

We  have  a  due  regard  to  the  actual  presence  of  it  amongst  us,  and 
the  difficulties  of  getting  rid  of  it  in  any  satisfactory  way,  and  all  the 
constitutional  obligations  thrown  about  it.  I  suppose  that  in  reference 
both  to  its  actual  existence  in  the  nation,  and  to  our  constitutional  ob- 
ligations, we  have  no  right  at  all  to  disturb  it  in  the  States  where  it 
exists,  and  we  profess  that  we  have  no  more  inclination  to  disturb  it 

^Reads:  "choose"  for  "chooses." 
*Reads:  "it"  for  "the  same  course." 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  405 

than  we  have  the  right  to  do  it.  We  go  further  than  that;  we  don't 
propose  to  disturb  it,  where,  in  one  instance,  we  think  the  Constitution 
would  permit  us.  We  think  the  Constitution  would  permit  us  to  dis- 
turb it  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Still,  we  do  not  propose  to  do 
that,  unless  it  should  be  in  terms  which  I  don't  suppose  the  nation  is 
very  likely  soon  to  agree  to, — the  terms  of  making  the  emancipation 
gradual,  and  compensating  the  unwilling  owners.  Where  we  suppose 
we  have  the  constitutional  right,  we  restrain  ourselves  in  reference  to 
the  actual  existence  of  the  institution  and  the  difficulties  thrown  about 
it.  We  also  oppose  it  as  an  evil  so  far  as  it  seeks  to  spread  itself.  We 
insist  on  the  policy  that  shall  restrict  it  to  its  present  limits.  We 
don't  suppose  that  in  doing  this  we  violate  anything  due  to  the  actual 
'presence  of  the  institution,  or  anything  due  to  the  constitutional 
guarantees  thrown  around  it. 

We  oppose  the  Dred  Scott  decision  in  a  certain  way,  upon  which  I 
ought  perhaps  to  address  you  a  few  words.  We  do  not  propose  that 
when  Dred  Scott  has  been  decided  to  be  a  slave  by  that  court,  we,  as 
a  mob,  will  decide  him  to  be  free.  We  do  not  propose  that,  when  any 
other  one,  or  one  thousand,  shall  be  decided  by  the  court  to  be  slaves, 
we  will  in  any  violent  way  disturb  the  rights  of  property  thus  settled : 
but  we  nevertheless  do  oppose  that  decision  as  a  political  rule  which 
shall  be  binding  on  the  voter  to  vote  for  nobody  who  thinks  it  wrong : 
which  shall  be  binding  on  the  members  of  Congress  or  the  President  to 
favor  no  measure  that  does  not  actually  concur  with  the  principles  of 
that  decision.  We  do  not  propose  to  be  bound  by  it  as  a  political  rule 
in  that  way  because  we  think  it  lays  the  foundation,  not  merely  of 
enlarging  and  spreading  out  what  we  consider  an  evil,  but  it  lays  the 
foundation  for  spreading  that  evil  into  the  States  themselves.  We 
propose  so  resisting  it  as  to  have  it  reversed  if  we  can,  and  a  new 
judicial  rule  established  upon  this  subject. 

I  will  add  this,  that  if  there  be  any  man  who  does  not  believe  that 
slavery  is  wrong  in  the  three  aspects  which  I  have  mentioned,  or  in  any 
one  of  them,  that  man  is  misplaced,  and  ought  to  leave  us.  While,  on 
the  other  hand,  if  there  be  any  man  in  the  Republican  party  who  is 
impatient  over  the  necessity  springing  from  its  actual  presence,  and  is 
impatient  of  the  constitutional  guarantees  thrown  around  it,  and 
would  act  in  disregard  of  these,  he  too  is  misplaced,  standing  with  us. 
He  will  find  his  place  somewhere  else;  for  we  have  a  due  regard,  so  far 
as  we  are  capable  of  understanding  them,  for  dl  these  things.     This, 

—14 


406  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

gentlemen,  as  well  as  I  can  give  it,  is  a  plain  statement  of  our  principles 
in  all  their  enormity. 

I  will  say  now  that  there  is  a  sentiment  in  the  country  contrary  to 
me, — a  sentiment  which  holds  that  slavery  is  not  wrong,  and  therefore 
it  goes  for  the^  policy  that  does  not  propose  dealing  with  it  as  a  wrong. 
That  policy  is  the  Democratic  policy,  and  that  sentiment  is  the  Demo- 
cratic sentiment.  If  there  be  a  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  one  of  this 
vast  audience  that  this  is  really  the  central  idea  of  the  Democratic 
party,  in  relation  to  the-  subject,  I  ask  him  to  bear  with  me  while  I 
state  a  few  things  tending,  as  I  think,  to  prove  that  proposition. 

In  the  first  place,  the  leading  man — I  think  I  may  do  my  friend 
Judge  Douglas  the  honor  of  calling  him  such — advocating  the  present 
Democratic  policy,  never  himself  says  it  is  wrong.  He  has  the  high 
distinction,  so  far  as  I  know,  of  never  having  said  slavery  is  either  right 
or  w^rong.  [Laughter.]  Almost  everybody  else  says  one  or  the  other, 
but  the  Judge  never  does.  If  there  be  a  man  in  the  Democratic  party 
who  thinks  it  is  wrong,  and  yet  clings  to  that  party,  I  suggest  to  him, 
in  the  first  place,  that  his  leader  don't  talk  as  he  does,  for  he  never  says 
that  it  is  wrong. 

In  the  second  place,  I  suggest  to  him  that  if  he  will  examine  the 
policy  proposed  to  be  carried  forward,  he  w^ill  find  that  he  carefully 
excludes  the  idea  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in  it.  If  you  will  ex- 
amine the  arguments  that  are  made  on^  it,  you  will  find  that  every  one 
carefully  excludes  the  idea  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in  slavery. 

Perhaps  that  Democrat  who  says  he  is  as  much  opposed  to  slavery 
as  I  am,  w^ill  tell  me  that  I  am  wrong  about  this.  I  wish  him  to  exam- 
ine his  own  course  in  regard  to  this  matter  a  moment,  and  then  see  if 
his  opinion  will  not  be  changed  a  little.  You  say  it  is  wrong ;  but  don't 
you  constantly  object  to  anybody  else  saying  so?  Do  you  not  con- 
stantly argue  that  this  is  not  the  right  place  to  oppose  it?  You  say  it 
must  not  be  opposed  in  the  Free  States,  because  slavery  is  not  here;  it 
must  not  be  opposed  in  the  Slave  States,  because  it  is  there;  it  must 
not  be  opposed  in  politics,  because  that  will  make  a  fuss;  it  must  not  be 
opposed  in  the  pulpit,  because  it  is  not  religion.  [Loud  cheers.]  Then 
where  is  the  place  to  oppose  it?  There  is  no  suitable  place  to  oppose  it. 
There  is  no  plan  in  the  country  to  oppose  this  evil  overspreading  the 
continent,  which  you  say  yourself  is  coming.     Frank  Blair  and  Gratz 

iOmits  "the."  aReads:  "this"  for  "the."  sReads:  "in"  for  "on." 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  407 

Brown  tried  to  get  up  a  system  of  gradual  emancipation  in  Missouri, 
had  an  election  in  August,  and  got  beat,  and  you,  Mr.  Democrat,  threw 
up  your  hat,  and  hallooed  "  Hurrah  for  Democracy. "  [Enthusiastic 
cheers.] 

So  I  say,  again,  that  in  regard  to  the  arguments  that  are  made, 
when  Judge  Douglas  says  he  "  don't  care  whether  slavery  is  voted  up 
or  voted  down, "  whether  he  means  that  as  an  individual  expression  of 
sentiment,  or  only  as  a  sort  of  statement  of  his  views  on  national 
policy,  it  is  alike  true  to  say  that  he  can  thus  argue  logically  if  he  don't 
see  anything  wrong  in  it ;  but  he  cannot  say  so  logically  if  he  admits 
that  slaver}^  is  wrong.  He  cannot  say  that  he  would  as  soon  see  a 
wrong  voted  up  as  voted  down. 

When  Judge  Douglas  says  that  whoever  or  whatever  community 
wants  slaves,  they  have  a  right  to  have  them,  he  is  perfectly  logical,  if 
there  is  nothing  wrong  in  the  institution;  but  if  you  admit  that  it  is 
wrong,  he  cannot  logically  say  that  anybody  has  a  right  to  do  wrong. 
When  he  says  that  slave  property  and  horse  and  hog  property  are  alike 
to  be  allowed  to  go  into  the  Territories,  upon  the  principles  of  equality, 
he  is  reasoning  truly,  if  there  is  no  difference  between  them  as  prop- 
erty; but  if  the  one  is  property  held  rightfully,  and  the  other  is  wrong, 
then  there  is  no  equality  between  the  right  and  wrong;  so  that,  turn 
it  in  any  way  you  can,  in  all  the  arguments  sustaining  the  Democratic 
policy,  and  in  that  policy  itself,  there  is  a  careful,  studied  exclusion  of 
the  idea  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in  slaver^'. 

Let  us  understand  this.  I  am  not,  just^  here,  trying^-  to  prove  that 
we  are  right,  and  they  are  wrong.  I  have  been  stating  where  we  and 
they  stand,  and  tr\-ing  to  show  what  is  the  real  difference  between  us; 
and  I  now  say  that  whenever  we  can  get  the  question  distinctly  stated, 
can  get  all  these  men  who  believe  that  slavery  is  in  some  of  these 
respects  wrong,  to  stand  and  act  with  us  in  treating  it  as  a  wrong, — 
then,  and  not  till  then,  I  think  we  will  in  some  way  come  to  an  end  of 
this  slaver}'  agitation.     [Prolonged  cheers.] 


Mr.  Doug-las's  Reply 

Senator  Douglas,  in  taking  the  stand,  was  greeted  with  tremendous 
applause.     He  said: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  Permit  me  to  say  that  unless  silence  is  ob- 
served it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  be  heard  by  this  immense  crowd, 

lOmits  "just"  and  "trying." 


408  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

and  my  friends  can  confer  no  higher  favor  upon  me  than  by  omitting 
all  expressions  of  applause  or  approbation.  ["We  cannot  help  it, 
Douglas, "  etc.]  I  desire  to  be  heard  rather  than  to  be  applauded.  I 
wish  to  address  myself  to  your  reason,  your  judgment,  your  sense  of 
justice,  and  not  to  your  passions. 

I  regret  that  Mr.  Lincoln  should  have  deemed  it  proper  for  him  to 
again  indulge  in  gross  personalities  and  base  insinuations  in  regard  to 
the  Springfield  resolutions.  It  has  imposed  upon  me  the  necessity  of 
using  some  portion  of  my  time  for  the  purpose  of  calling  your  attention 
to  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  it  will  then  be  for  you  to  say  what  you 
think  of  a  man  who  can  predicate  such  a  charge  upon  the  circum- 
stances as^  he  has  in  this.  I  had  seen  the  platform  adopted  by  a 
Republican  Congressional  Convention  held  in  Aurora,  the  Second 
Congressional  District,  in  September,  1854,  published  as  purporting  to 
be  the  platform  of  the  Republican  party.  That  platform  declared 
that  the  Republican  party  was  pledged  never  to  admit  another  Slave 
State  into  the  Union,  and  also  that  it  was^  pledged  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  not  only  all  that  we  then  had, 
but  all  that  we  should  thereafter  acquire,  and  to  repeal  uncondition- 
ally the  Fugitive-Slave  law,  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  prohibit  the  slave-trade  between  the  different  States.  These  and 
other  articles  against  slavery  were  contained  in  this  platform,  and 
unanimously  adopted  by  the  Republican  Congressional  Convention  in 
that  District.  I  had  also  seen  that  the  Republican  Congressional 
Conventions  at  Rockford,  in  the  First  District,  and  at  Bloomington, 
in  the  Third,  had  adopted  the  same  platform  that  year,  nearly  word 
for  word,  and  had  declared  it  to  be  the  platform  of  the  Republican 
party.  I  had  noticed  that  Major  Thomas  L.  Harris,  a  member  of 
Congress  from  the  Springfield  district,  had  referred  to  that  platform 
in  a  speech  in  Congress  as  having  been  adopted  by  the  first  Republican 
State  Convention  which  assembled  in  Illinois. 

When  I  had  occasion  to  use  the  fact  in  this  canvass,  I  wrote  to 
Major  Harris  to  know  on  what  day  that  Convention  was  held,  and  to 
ask  him  to  send  me  its  proceedings.  He  being  sick,  Charles  H. 
Lanphier  answered  my  letter  by  sending  me  the  published  proceedings 
of  the  Convention  held  at  Springfield  on  the  5th  of  October,  1854,  as 
they  appeared  in  the  report  of  the  State  Register.     I  read  those  reso- 

iOmits"a5."  ^Oniits  "was." 


Ml  ; 


frs.-r. 


S»»' 


tin.:. 


>;^CKNTS  AWEKK. 

UTpuil^  ttttttscript. 


iii-r.  I, 


,,.,.•.1^ 


anfi-'-nn 


TH  K 


i  IS  V. 

GKEAT    DEBATK 

.?/  Vateubnrg- 

Tbuaeit     ,.  ,;    ,i,.ha(e  bc-twce..    UocoUl 

wd  iDou-;  ■  lobuta  '"•o 

TKursday  n,;s:,  .i...  Ttli  of  l.Wolwr.  !-<' 
tk«  people  turn  oat.  Spcakiii;:  "'"  '"""' 
""toe*  at  about  half-isist  one  o'clix  ^ 

«os.  Akmy  Wii,!,uiw.— vTiii*  ib'«  *'**^ 

«li  Hifculed  !:iv  ,         ■    ,  -.-n     ihc    •"IBP  *f 

Uncoln    -iJ  1!,.  Ue  .iw!' »•?**' 

M  Oqq»wU  o.'  J."   ;».h   uil.     Tfce  Oqa**"' 

■  ■^ajVrfwf,,  ,.,.      "Mr;-tr«i»n>»  !.»»■""", 


Wat 


iiiiJ''' 


t^l,u<-«'  »» If  <'"<««•.'*'>*«'■'"  '•«»'•<•■•■.; 

Ja.:--     ■  ■       ■•  '"    '"'  '''""fi«- 

A-*  I"*  •' 
•     .  ■■.    ih«  'iinrlhftl  Judyi? 

TrumiA;^  i>   M...  .,,^.i»  io  Ihia  city,  we  Uke  ihij. 
occasion  n  »»f  that  lh«  lime  d«fiiiil«»y  BgrMd  | 

■Jp"-'    ' 

WeiliK-dny,  the  «h  of  October. 

Tkis  itrraiifen^'iit  "i"   »»v;oiiiiDo4fcte  cvcij- 

boJy.     I«cl  i:  t)«  i\  membeted  then,  th«t  Juil<« 

Trumbull  apeak*  in  tbia  city  on    Wtine 'i'li,' 

IM  slxih  Jav  ■^■'  •  )''ober.      . 

Tlti:3IBULli 

ltK.SDA-r  ■;  :■ 

•  .  ::*ni»«' 

15y  »  rlwogc  of  airaDgeineDta,  JUDGE         .""^ 

TRCMlilia.  aud   Mr.    USt-'OLN    vtill 

I'OtU  Lf  in  I'«k'.ii  i.ii 

(W$^  of  Ov-t'  !)or.  ^.:ubntl  will 

iotiead  01 


:3 


■la-,-. 


i.^-"'' 


ADVERTISEMENTS  IN  A  PEORIA  NEWSPAPER 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  409 

lutions  from  that  newspaper  the  same  as  any  of  you  would  refer  back 
and  quote  any  fact  from  the  files  of  a  newspaper  which  had  published 
it.  Mr.  Lincoln  pretends  that  after  I  had  so  quoted  those  resolutions 
he  discovered  that  they  had  never  been  adopted  at  Springfield.  He 
does  not  deny  their  adoption  by  the  Republican  party  at  Aurora,  at 
Bloomington,  and  at  Rockford,  and  by  nearly  all  the  Republican 
County  Conventions  in  Northern  Illinois  where  his  party  is  in  a 
majority,  but  merely  because  they  were  not  adopted  on  the  "spot" 
on  which  I  said  they  were,  he  chooses  to  quibble  about  the  place 
rather  than  meet  and  discuss  the  merits  of  the  resolutions  themselves. 
I  stated  when  I  quoted  them  that  I  did  so  from  the  State  Register. 
I  gave  my  authority.  Lincoln  believed  at  the  time,  as  he  has  since 
admitted,  that  they  had  been  adopted  at  Springfield,  as  published. 
Does  he  believe  now  that  I  did  not  tell  the  truth  when  I  quoted  those 
resolutions?  He  knows,  in  his  heart,  that  I  quoted  them  in  good 
faith  believing  at  the  time  that  they  had  been  adopted  at  Springfield. 
I  would  consider  myself  an  infamous  wretch,  if,  under  such  circum- 
stances, I  could  charge  any  man  with  being  a  party  to  a  trick  or  a 
fraud.  [Great  applause.]  And  I  will  tell  him,  too,  that  it  will  not 
do  to  charge  a  forgerj^  on  Charles  H.  Lanphier  or  Thomas  L.  Harris. 
No  man  on  earth,  who  knows  them,  and  knows  Lincoln,  would  take 
his  oath  against  their  word.  [Cheers.]  There  are  not  two  men  in 
the  State  of  Illinois  who  have  higher  characters  for  truth,  for  integrity, 
for  moral  character,  and  for  elevation  of  tone,  as  gentlemen,  than  Mr. 
Lanphier  and  Mr.  Harris.  Any  man  who  attempts  to  make  such 
charges  as  Mr.  Lincoln  has  indulged  in  against  them,  only  proclaims 
himself  a  slanderer.     [Vociferous  applause.] 

I  will  now  show  vou  that  I  stated  with  entire  fairness,  as  soon  as  it 
was  made  known  to  me,  that  there  was  a  mistake  about  the  spot  where 
the  resolutions  had  been  adopted,  although  their  truthfulness,  as  a 
declaration  of  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  had  not  been,-*- 
and  could  not  be  questioned.  I  did  not  wait  for  Lincoln  to  point  out 
the  mistake,  but  the  moment  I  discovered  it,  I  made  a  speech,  and 
published  it  to  the  world,  correcting  the  error.  I  corrected  it  myself, 
as  a  gentleman  and  an  honest  man,  and  as  I  always  feel  proud  to  do 
when  I  have  made  a  mistake.  I  wish  Mr.  Lincoln  could  show  that  he 
has  acted  with  equal  fairness  and  truthfulness  when  I  have  convinced 
him  that  he  has  been  mistaken.     ["  Hit  him  again, "  and  cheers.]  I  will 

iOmits"been." 


410  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

give  you  an  illustration  to  show  you  how  he  acts  in  a  similar  case :  In  a 
speech  at  Springfield,  he  charged  Chief  Justice  Taney  and  his  asso- 
ciates, President  Pierce,  President  Buchanan,  and  myself,  with  having 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  at  the  time  the  Nebraska  bill  was  introduced, 
by  which  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  to  be  made  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  in  order  to  carry  slavery  everywhere  under  the  Constitution. 
I  called  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  at  the  time  alluded  to,  to  wit,  the 
introduction  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  it  was  not  possible  that  such  a  con- 
spiracy could  have  been  entered  into,  for  the  reason  that  the  Dred 
Scott  case  had  never  been  taken  before  the  Supreme  Court,  and  was 
not  taken  before  it  for  a  year  after;  and  I  asked  him  to  take  back  that 
charge.  Did  he  do  it?  ["No."]  I  showed  him  that  it  was  impossible 
that  the  charge  could  be  true;  I  proved  it  by  the  record;  and  I  then 
called  upon  him  to  retract  his  false  charge.  What  was  his  answer? 
Instead  of  coming  out  like  an  honest  man  and  doing  so,  he  reiterated 
the  charge,  and  said  that  if  the  case  had  not  gone  up  to  the  Supreme 
Court  from  the  courts  of  Missouri  at  the  time  he  charged  that  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  entered  into  the  conspiracy,  yet,  that 
there  was  an  understanding  with  the  Democratic  owners  of  Dred 
Scott  that  they  would  take  it  up. 

I  have  since  asked  him  who  the  Democratic  owners  of  Dred  Scott 
were,  but  he  could  not  tell,  and  why?  Because  there  were  no  such 
Democratic  owners  in  existance.  Dred  Scott  at  the  time  was  owned 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Chaffee,  an  Abolition  member  of  Congress,  of  Spring- 
field, Massachusetts,  in  right  of  his  wife.  He  was  owned  by  one  of 
Lincoln's  friends,  and  not  by  Democrats  at  all.  [Immense  cheers; 
"  Give  it  to  him, "  etc.]  His  case  was  conducted  in  court  by  Abolition 
lawyers,  so  that  both  the  prosecution  and  the  defense  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Abolition  political  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  [Renewed 
cheering.]  Notwithstanding  I  thus  proved  by  the  record  that  his 
charge  against  the  Supreme  Court  was  false,  instead  of  taking  it  back, 
he  resorted  to  another  false  charge  to  sustain  the  infamy  of  it.  [Cheers.] 
He  also  charged  President  Buchanan  with  having  been  a  party  to  the 
conspiracy.  I  directed  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  charge  could 
not  possibly  be  true,  for  the  reason  that  at  the  time  specified,  Mr. 
Buchanan  was  not  in  America  but  was  three  thousand  miles  olT, 
representing  the  United  States  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  and  had 
been  there  for  a  year  previous,  and  did  not  return  until  three  years 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  411 

afterward.  Yet  I  never  could  get  Mr.  Lincoln  to  take  back  his  false 
charge,  although  I  have  called  upon  him  over  and  over  again.  He 
refuses  to  do  it,  and  either  remains  silent,  or  resorts  to  other  tricks  to 
try  and  palm  his  slander  off  on  the  country.  [Cheers.]  Therein  you 
will  find  the  difference  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself.  When  I 
make^  a  mistake,  as  an  honest  man  I  correct  it  without  being  asked  to 
do  so;  but  when  he  makes  a  false  charge,  he  sticks  to  it,  and  never 
corrects  it.  [''Don't  spare  him,"  and  cheers.]  One  word  more  in 
regard  to  these  resolutions;  I  quoted  them  at  Ottawa  merely  to  ask 
Mr.  Lincoln  whether  he  stood  on  that  platform.  That  was  the  purpose 
for  which  I  quoted  them.  I  did  not  think  that  I  had  a  right  to  put  idle 
questions  to  him,  and  I  first  laid  a  foundation  for  my  questions  by 
showing  that  the  principles  which  I  wished  him  either  to  affirm  or  deny 
had  been  adopted  by  some  portion  of  his  friends,  at  least,  as  their 
creed.  Hence  I  read  the  resolutions  and  put  the  questions  to  him ;  and 
he  then  refused  to  answer  them.  [Laughter;  "He  was  afraid,"  etc.] 
Subsequently,  one  week  afterward,  he  did  answer  a  part  of  them,  but 
the  others  he  has  not  answered  up  to  this  day.  ["  No,  and  never  will," 
"  Never  can, "  and  cheers.]  My  friends,  if  you  are  my  friends,  you  will 
be  silent,  instead  of  interrupting  me  by  your  applause.  ["We  can't 
help  it."] 

Now,  let  me  call  your  attention  for  a  moment  to  the  answers  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  made  at  Freeport  to  the  questions  which  I  propounded 
him  at  Ottawa,  based  upon  the  platform  adopted  by  a  majority  of  the 
Abolition  counties  of  the  State,  which  now,  as  then,  supported  him. 
In  answer  to  my  question  whether  he  indorsed  the  Black  Republican 
principle  of  "no  more  slave  States,"  he  answered  that  he  was  not 
pledged  against  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States,  but  that  he 
would  be  very  sorry  if  he  should  ever  be  placed  in  a  position  where  he 
would  have  to  vote  on  the  question;  that  he  would  rejoice  to  know 
that  no  more  Slave  States  would  be  admitted  into  the  Union.  "  But,'* 
he  added,  "if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of  the  Territories  during  the 
Territorial  existence  of  any  one  given  Territory,  and  then  the  people 
shall,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a  clear  field  when  they  come  to  adopt 
the  constitution,  do  such  an  extraordinary  thing  as  to  adopt  a  slave 
constitution,  vminfluenced  by  the  actual  presence  of  the  institution 
among  them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own  the  country,  but  to  admit 
them  into  the  Union. " 

•'Reads:  "made"  for  "make." 


412  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  point  I  wish  him  to  answer  is  this:  Suppose  Congress  should 
not  prohibit  slavery  in  the  Territory,  and  it  applied  for  admission  with 
a  constitution  recognizing  slavery,  then  how  would  he  vote?  His 
answer  at  Freeport  does  not  apply  to  any  Territory  in  America.  I  ask 
you,  [turning  to  Lincoln]  will  you  vote  to  admit  Kansas  into  the  Union, 
with  just  such  a  constitution  as  her  people  want,  with  slavery  or  with- 
out, as  they  shall  determine?  He  will  not  answer.  ["He's  afraid," 
and  cheers.]  I  have  put  that  question  to  him  time  and  time  again, 
and  have  not  been  able  to  get  an  answer  out  of  him.  I  ask  you  again, 
Lincoln,  will  you  vote  to  admit  New  Mexico,  when  she  has  the  re- 
quisite population:  with  such  a  constitution  as  her  people  adopt, 
either  recognizing  slavery  or  not,  as  they  shall  determine?  He  will 
not  answer.  I  put  the  same  question  to  him  in  reference  to  Oregon 
and  the  new  States  to  be  carved  out  of  Texas  in  pursuance  of  the 
contract  between  Texas  and  the  United  States,  and  he  will  not 
answer. 

He  will  not  answer  these  questions  in  reference  to  any  Territory  now 
in  existence,  but  says  that  if  Congress  should  prohibit  slavery  in  a 
Territory,  and  when  its  people  asked  for  admission  as  a  State,  they 
should  adopt  slavery  as  one  of  their  institutions,  that  he  supposes  he 
would  have  to  let  it  come  in.  [Laughter.]  I  submit  to  you  whether 
that  answer  of  his  to  my  question  does  not  justify  me  in  saying  that  he 
has  a  fertile  genius  in  devising  language  to  conceal  his  thoughts. 
["Good  for  you;"  "Hurrah  for  Douglas,"  etc.]  I  ask  you  whether 
there  is  an  intelligent  man  in  America  who  does  not  believe  that  that 
answer  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  concealing  what  he  intended  to 
do.  ["  No,  no, "  and  cheers.]  He  wished  to  make  the  Old  Line  Whigs 
believe  that  he  would  stand  by  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850, 
which  declared  that  the  States  might  come  into  the  Union  with  slavery 
or  without,  as  they  pleased,  while  Lovejoy  and  his  Abolition  allies  up 
north  explained  to  the  Abolitionists  that  in  taking  this  ground  he 
preached  good  Abolition  doctrine,  because  his  proviso  would  not 
apply  to  any  territory  in  America,  and  therefore  there  was  no  chance 
of  his  being  governed  by  it.  It  would  have  been  quite  easy  for  him 
to  have  said  that  he  would  let  the  people  of  a  State  do  just  as  they 
pleased,  if  he  desired  to  convey  such  an  idea.  Why  did  he  not  do  it? 
["  He  was  afraid  to. "]  He  would  not  answer  my  question  directly, 
because  up  north,  the  Abolition  creed  declares  that  there  shall  be  no 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  413 

more  Slave  States,  while  down  south,  in  Adams  County,  in  Coles,  and 
in  Sangamon,  he  and  his  friends  are  afraid  to  advance  that  doctrine. 
Therefore,  he  gives  an  evasive  and  equivocal  answer,  to  be  construed 
one  way  in  the  south  and  another  way  in  the  north,  which,  when 
analyzed,  it  is  apparent  is  not  an  answer  at  all  with  reference  to  any 
Territory  now  in  existence.  ["  Hit  him  on  the  woolly  side; "  "  Hurrah 
for  Douglas, "  etc.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  complains  that  in  my  speech  the  other  day  at  Galesburg 
I  read  an  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  him  at  Chicago,  and  then 
another  from  his  speech  at  Charleston,  and  compared  them,  thus  show- 
ing the  people  that  he  had  one  set  of  principles  in  one  part  of  the  State, 
and  another  in  the  other  part.  And  how  does  he  answer  that  charge? 
Why,  he  quotes  from  his  Charleston  speech  as  I  quoted  from  it,  and 
then  quotes  another  extract  from  a  speech  which  he  made  at  another 
place,  which  he  says  is  the  same  as  the  extract  from  his  speech  at 
Charleston;  but  he  does  not  quote  the  extract  from  his  Chicago  speech, 
upon  which  I  convicted  him  of  double-dealing.  [Cheers.]  I  quoted 
from  his  Chicago  speech  to  prove  that  he  held  one  set  of  principles 
up  north  among  the  Abolitionists,  and  from  his  Charleston  speech  to 
prove  that  he  held  another  set  down  at  Charleston  and  in  southern 
Illinois.  In  his  answer  to  this  charge,  he  ignores  entirely  his  Chicago 
speech,  and  merely  argues  that  he  said  the  same  thing  which  he  said 
at  Charleston  at  another  place.  If  he  did,  it  follows  that  he  has  twice 
instead  of  once,  held  one  creed  in  one  part  of  the  State,  and  a  different 
creed  in  another  part.  ["  He  can't  get  out  of  it, "  and  cheers.]  Up  at 
Chicago,  in  the  openmg  of  the  campaign,  he  reviewed  my  reception 
speech,  and  undertook  to  answer  my  argument  attacking  his  favorite 
doctrine  of  negro  equality.  I  had  shown  that  it  was  a  falsification  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  to  pretend  that  that  instrument 
applied  to  and  included  negroes  in  the  clause  declaring  that  all  men 
are^-  created  equal.  What  was  Lincoln's  reply?  I  will  read  from  his 
Chicago  speech  and  the  one  which  he  did  not  quote,  and  dare  not 
quote,  in  this  part  of  the  State.  ["Good,"  "Hear,  hear,"  etc.] 
He  said: — 

"I  should  like  to  know,  if  taking  this  old  Declaration  of  Independence, 
which  declares  that  all  men  are  equal  upon  principle,  and  making  exceptions 
to  it,  where  will  it  stop?  If  one  man  says  it  does  not  mean  a  negro,  why  miiy 
not  another  man  say  it  does  not  mean  another  man  ?  If  that  declaration  is  not 
the  truth,  let  us  get  the  Statute  book  in  which  we  find  it,  and  tear  it  out. " 

'Reads:  "were"  for  "are." 


414  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

There  you  find  that  Mr.  Lincoln  told  the  Abolitionists  of  Chicago 
that  if  the  Declaration  of  Independence  did  not  declare  that  the  negro 
was  created  by  the  Almighty  the  equal  of  the  white  man,  that  you 
ought  to  take  that  instrument  and  tear  out  the  clause  which  says  that 
all  men  were  created  equal.  ["  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "]  But  let  me 
call  your  attention  to  another  part  of  the  same  speech.  You  know 
that  in  his  Charleston  speech,  an  extract  from  which  he  has  read,  he 
declared  that  the  negro  belongs  to  an  inferior  race,  is  physically 
inferior  to  the  white  man,  and  should  always  be  kept  in  an  inferior 
position.  I  will  now  read  to  you  what  he  said  at  Chicago  on  that 
point.     In  concluding  his  speech  at  that  place  he  remarked: — 

"  My  friends,  I  have  detained  you  about  as  long  as  I  desire  to  do,  and  I  have 
only  to  say,  let  us  discard  all  this  quibbling  about  this  man  and  the  other  man, 
this  race,  and  that  race,  and  the  other  race  being  inferior,  and  therefore  they 
must  be  placed  in  an  inferior  position,  discarding  our  standard  that  we  have 
left  us.  Let  us  discard  all  these  things,  and  unite  as  one  people  throughout 
this  land  until  we  shall  once  more  stand  up  declaring  that  all  men  are  created 
€qual. " 

Thus  you  see  that  when  addressing  the  Chicago  Abolitionists  he 
declared  that  all  distinctions  of  race  must  be  discarded  and  blotted  out 
because  the  negro  stood  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  white  man ;  that 
if  one  man  said  the  Declaration  of  Independence  did  not  mean  a  negro 
when  it  declared  all  men  created  equal,  that  another  man  would  say 
that  it  did  not  mean  another  man;  and  hence  we  ought  to  discard  all 
difference  between  the  negro  race  and  all  other  races,  and  declare  them 
all  created  equal.  Did  old  Giddings,  when  he  came  down  among  you 
four  years  ago,  preach  more  radical  Abolitionism  than  this?  ["  No, 
never."]  Did  Lovejoy,  or  Lloyd  Garrison,  or  Wendell  Phillips,  or 
Fred  Douglass  ever  take  higher  Abolition  grounds  than  that?  Lin- 
coln told  you  that  I  had  charged  him  with  getting  up  these  personal 
attacks  to  conceal  the  enormity  of  his  principles,  and  then  commenced 
talking  about  something  else,  omitting  to  quote  this  part  of  his  Chicago 
speech  which  contained  the  enormity  of  his  principles  to  which  I 
alluded.  He  knew  that  I  alluded  to  his  negro-equality  doctrines 
when  I  spoke  of  the  enormity  of  his  principles,  yet  he  did  not  find  it 
convenient  to  answer  on  that  point.  Having  shown  you  what  he 
said  in  his  Chicago  speech  in  reference  to  negroes  being  created  equal 
to  white  men,  and  about  discarding  all  distinctions  between  the  two 
races,  I  will  again  read  to  you  what  he  said  at  Charleston: — 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  415 

"  I  will  say  then,  that  I  am  not  nor  ever  have  been  in  favor  of  bringing  about 
in  any  way,  the  social  and  political  equality  of  the  white  and  black  races;  that 
I  am  not  nor  ever  have  been  in  favor  of  making  voters  of  the  free  negroes,  or 
jurors,  or  qualifying  them  to  hold  office,  or  having  them  to  marry  with  white 
people.  I  will  say  in  addition,  that  there  is  a  physical  difference  between  the 
white  and  black  races,  which  I  suppose,  will  forever  forbid  the  two  races  living 
together  upon  terms  of  social  and  political  equality,  and  inasmuch  as  they 
cannot  so  live,  that  while  they  do  remain  together  there  must  be  the  position 
of  superior  and  inferior,  and-  I  as  much  as  any  other  man  am  in  favor  of  the 
superior  position  being  assigned  to  the  white  man.  " 

A  Voice. — That's  the  doctrine. 

Mr.  Douglas. — Yes,  sir,  that  is  good  doctrine;  but  Mr.  Lincohi  is 
afraid  to  advocate  it  in  the  latitude  of  Chicago,  where  he  hopes  to  get 
his  votes.  [Cheers.]  It  is  good  doctrine  in  the  anti-Abohtion  coun- 
ties for  him,  and  his  Chicago  speech  is  good  doctrine  in  the  Abolition 
counties.  I  assert,  on  the  authority  of  these  two  speeches  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  that  he  holds  one  set  of  principles  in  the  Abolition  counties, 
and  a  different  and  contradictory  set  in  the  other  counties.  ["That's 
so, "  and  cheers.]  I  do  not  question  that  he  said  at  Ottawa  what  he 
quoted;  but  that  only  convicts  him  further,  by  proving  that  he  has 
twice  contradicted  himself,  instead  of  once  ["  Good, "  and  applause.] 
Let  me  ask  him  why  he  cannot  avow  his  principles  the  same  in  the 
north  as  in  the  south, — the  same  in  every  county, — if  he  has  a  con- 
viction that  they  are  just?  But  I  forgot, — he  would  not  be  a  Repub- 
lican, if  his  principles  would  apply  alike  to  every  part  of  the  country. 
The  party  to  which  he  belongs  is  bounded  and  limited  by  geographical 
lines.  With  their  principles,  they  cannot  even  cross  the  Mississippi 
River  on  your  ferry-boats.  [Immense  applause.]  They  cannot  cross 
over  the  Ohio  into  Kentucky.  Lincoln  himself  cannot  visit  the  land 
of  his  fathers,  the  scenes  of  his  childhood,  the  graves  of  his  ancestors, 
and  carry  his  Abolition  principles,  as  he  declared  them  at  Chicago, 
with  him.     ["Hit  him  again,"   and  cheers.] 

This  Republican  organization  appeals  to  the  North  against  the 
South;  it  appeals  to  Northern  passion,  Northern  prejudice,  and  North- 
ern ambition,  against  Southern  people.  Southern  States,  and  South- 
ern institutions,  and  its  only  hope  of  success  is  by  that  appeal.  Mr. 
Lincoln  goes  on  to  justify  himself  in  making  a  war  upon  slavery  upon 
the  ground  that  Frank  Blair  and  Gratz  Brown  did  not  succeed  in  their 
warfare  upon  the  institutions  in  Missouri.  [Laughter.]  Frank  Blair 

■I- Reads:  "that"  for  "and." 


416  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

was  elected  to  Congress  in  1856,  from  the  State  of  Missouri,  as  a 
Buchanan  Democrat,  and  he  turned  Fremonter  after  the  people 
elected  him,  thus  belonging  to  one  party  before  his  election,  and 
another  afterward.  ["  Treachery  never  succeeds.  "]  What  right  then 
had  he  to  expect,  after  having  thus  cheated  his  constituency,  that  they 
would  support  him  at  another  election?  ["None,"  "Hurrah  for 
Douglas,"  etc.]  Mr.  Lincoln  thinks  that  it  is  his  duty  to  preach  a 
crusade  in  the  Free  States  against  slavery,  because  it  is  a  crime,  as  he 
believes,  and  ought  to  be  extinguished,  and  because  the  people  of  the 
Slave  States  will  never  abolish  it.  How  is  he  going  to  abolish  it? 
Down  in  the  Southern  part  of  the  State  he  takes  the  ground  openly 
that  he  will  not  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  exists,  and  says  that  he 
is  not  now  and  never  was  in  favor  of  interfering  with  slavery  where  it 
exists  in  the  States.  Well,  if  he  is  not  in  favor  of  that,  how  does  he 
expect  to  bring  slavery'  in  a  course  of  ultimate  extinction?  ["Hit 
him  again. "]  How  can  he  extinguish  it  in  Kentucky,  in  Virginia,  in 
all  the  Slave  States  by  his  policy,  if  he  will  not  pursue  a  policy  which 
will  interfere  with  it  in  the  States  where  it  exists?  ["  That's  so. "] 
In  his  speech  at  Springfield  before  the  Abolition,  or  Republican, 
Convention,  he  declared  his  hostility  to  any  more  Slave  States  in  this 
language : — 

"Under  the  operation  of  that  policy  the  agitation  has  not  only  not  ceased, 
but  has  constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion,  it  will  not  cease,  until  a  crisis 
shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot 
stand. '  I  believe  this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently,  half  Slave 
and  half  Free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved,  I  do  not  expect  the 
house  to  fall ;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one 
thing,  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further 
spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is 
in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  until 
it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  — old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well 
as  South. " 

Mr.  Lincoln  there  told  his  Abolition  friends  that  this  Government 
could  not  endure  permanently,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States  as 
our  fathers  made  it,  and  that  it  must  become  all  Free  or  all  Slave; 
otherwise,  that  the  Government  could  not  exist.  How  then  does 
Lincoln  propose  to  save  the  Union,  unless  by  compelling  all  the  States 
to  become  Free,  so  that  the  house  shall  not  be  divided  against  itself? 
He  intends  making  them  all  free;  he  will  preserve  the  Union  in  that 
way;  and  yet  he  is  not  going  to  interfere  with  slavery  where ^  it  now 

^Reads:  "anywhere"  for  "where." 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  417 

exists.  How  is  he  going  to  bring  it  about?  Why,  he  will  agitate,  he 
will  induce  the  North  to  agitate,  until  the  South  shall  be  worried  out 
and  forced  to  abolish  slavery.  Let  us  examine  the  policy  by  which 
that  is  to  be  done.  He  first  tells  you  that  he  would  prohibit  slavery 
everywhere  in  the  Territories.  He  would  thus  confine  slavery  within 
its  present  limits.  When  he  thus  gets  it  confined,  and  surrounded,  so 
that  it  cannot  spread,  the  natural  laws  of  increase  will  go  on  until  the 
negroes  will  be  so  plenty  that  they  cannot  live  on  the  soil.  He  will 
hem  them  in  until  starvation  seizes  them,  and  by  starving  them  to 
death,  he  will  put  slavery  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  If  he 
is  not  going  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  but  intends  to 
interfere  and  prohibit  it  in  the  Territories,  and  thus  smother  slavery 
out,  it  naturally  follows  that  he  can  extinguish  it  only  by  extinguish- 
ing the  negro  race;  for  his  policy  would  drive  them  to  starvation. 
This  is  the  humane  and  Christian  remedy  that  he  proposes  for  the 
great  crime  of  slavery! 

He  tells  you  that  I  will  not  argue  the  question  whether  slavery  is 
right  or  wrong.  I  tell  you  why  I  will  not  do  it.  I  hold  that,  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  each  State  of  this  Union  has  a  right 
to  do  as  it  pleases  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  In  Illinois  we  have 
exercised  that  sovereign  right  by  prohibiting  slavery  within  our  own 
limits.  I  approve  of  that  line  of  policy.  We  have  performed  our 
whole  duty  in  Illinois.  We  have  gone  as  far  as  we  have  a  right  to  go 
under  the  Constitution  of  our  common  country.  It  is  none  of  our 
business  whether  slavery  exists  in  Missouri  or  not.  Missouri  is  a 
sovereign  State  of  this  Union,  and  has  the  same  right  to  decide  the 
slavery  question  for  herself  that  Illinois  has  to  decide  it  for  herself. 
["Good. "]  Hence  I  do  not  choose  to  occupy  the  time  allotted  to  me 
in  discussing  a  question  that  we  have  no  right  to  act  upon.    ["  Right."] 

I  thought  that  you  desired  to  hear  us  upon  those  questions  coming 
within  our  constitutional  power  or^  action.  Lincoln  will  not  discuss 
these.  What  one  question  has  he  discussed  that  comes  within  the 
power  or  calls  for  the  action  or  interference  of  a  United  States  Senator? 
He  is  going  to  discuss  the  rightfulness  of  slavery  when  Congress  cannot 
act  upon  it  either  way.  He  wishes  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  Dred 
Scott  decision  when,  under  the  Constitution,  a  senator  has  no  right  to 
interefere  with  the  decision  of  judicial  tribunals.  He  wants  your 
exclusive  attention  to  two  questions  that  he  has  no  power  to  act  upon  ; 

iReads:  "of"  for  "or." 


418  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

to  two  questions  that  he  could  not  vote  upon  if  he  was  in  Congress ;  to 
two  questions  that  are  not  practical, — in  order  to  conceal  from^  your 
attention  other^  questions  which  he  might  be  required  to  vote  upon 
should  he  ever  become  a  member  of  Congress. 

He  tells  you  that  he  does  not  like  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  Suppose 
he  does  not,  how  is  he  going  to  help  himself?  He  says  that  he  will 
reverse  it.  How  will  he  reverse  it?  I  know  of  but  one  mode  of  revers- 
ing judicial  decisions,  and  that  is  by  appealing  from  the  inferior  to  the 
superior  court.  But  I  have  never  yet  learned  how  or  where  an  appeal 
could  be  taken  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States!  The 
Dred  Scott  decision  was  pronounced  by  the  highest  tribunal  on  earth. 
From  that  decision  there  is  no  appeal,  this  side  of  Heaven.  Yet,  Mr. 
Lincoln  says  he  is  going  to  reverse  that  decision.  By  what  tribunal  will 
he  reverse  it?  Will  he  appeal  to  a  mob?  Does  he  intend  to  appeal  to 
violence,  to  Lynch  law?  Will  he  stir  up  strife  and  rebellion  in  the  land, 
and  overthrow  the  court  by  violence?  He  does  not  deign  to  tell  you 
how  he  will  reverse  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  but  keeps  appealing  each 
day  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to  political  meetings 
in  the  country.  [Laughter.]  He  wants  me  to  argue  with  you  the 
merits  of  each  point  of  that  decision  before  this  political  meeting. 

I  say  to  you,  with  all  due  respect,  that  I  choose  to  abide  by  the 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  as  they  are  pronounced.  It  is  not  for 
me  to  inquire,  after  a  decision  is  made,  whether  I  like  it  in  all  the  points 
or  not.  When  I  used  to  practice  law  with  Lincoln,  I  never  knew  him 
to  be  beat  in  a  case  that  he  did  not  get  mad  at  the  judge,  and  talk 
about  appealing,  [laughter]  and  when  I  got  beat,  I  generally  thought 
the  court  was  wrong,  but  I  never  dreamed  of  going  out  of  the  court- 
house and  making  a  stump  speech  to  the  people  against  the  judge, 
merely  because  I  had  found  out  that  I  did  not  know  the  law  as  well  as 
he  did.  [Great  laughter.]  If  the  decision  did  not  suit  me,  I  appealed 
until  I  got  to  the  Supreme  Court;  and  then  if  that  court,  the  highest 
tribunal  in  the  world,  decided  against  me,  I  was  satisfied,  because  it  is 
the  duty  of  every  law-abiding  man  to  obey  the  constitutions,  the  laws, 
and  the  constituted  authorities.  He  who  attempts  to  stir  up  odium 
and  rebellion  in  the  country  against  the  constituted  authorities,  is 
stimulating  the  passions  of  men  to  resort  to  violence  and  to  mobs 
instead  of  to  the  law.     Hence,  I  tell  you  that  I  take  the  decisions  of 

iQmits  "from." 

-I'lsertj  "from"  before  "other." 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUIXCY  419 

the  Supreme  Court  as  the  law  of  the  land,  and  I  intend  to  obey  them 
as  such. 

But  Mr.  Lincoln  says  that  I  will  not  answer  his  questions  as  to  what 
I  would  do  in  the  event  of  the  court  making  so  ridiculous  a  decision 
as  he  imagines  they  would  by  deciding  that  the  Free  State  of  Illinois 
could  not  prohibit  slavery  within  her  own  limits.  I  told  him  at  Free- 
port  why  I  would  not  answer  such  a  question.  I  told  him  that  there 
was  not  a  man  possessing  any  brains  in  America,  lawyer  or  not,  who 
ever  dreamed  that  such  a  thing  could  be  done.  ["  Right.  "]  I  told  him 
then,  as  I  do  now,  that  by  all  the  principles  set  forth  in  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  it  is  impossible.  I  told  him  then,  as  I  do  now,  that  it  is  an 
insult  to  men's  understanding,  and  a  gross  calumny  on  the  court,  to 
presume  in  advance  that  it  was  going  to  degrade  itself  so  low  as  to 
make  a  decision  known  to  be  in  direct  violation  of  the  Constitution. 

A  Voice. — The  same  thing  was  said  about  the  Dred  Scott  decision 
before  it  passed. 

Mr.  Douglas. — Perhaps  you  think  that  the  court  did  the  same  thing 
in  reference  to  the  Dred  Scott  decision:  I  have  heard  a  man  talk  that 
way  before.  The  principles  contained  in  the  Dred  Scott  decision  had 
been  affirmed  previously  in  various  other  decisions.  What  court  or 
judge  ever  held  that  a  negro  was  a  citizen?  [Laughter.]  The  State 
courts  had  decided  that  question  over  and  over  again,  and  the  Dred 
Scott  decision  on  that  point  only  affirmed  what  every  court  in  the 
land  knew  to  be  the  law. 

But  I  will  not  be  drawn  off  into  an  argument  upon  the  merits  of 
the  Dred  Scott  decision.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  know  that  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  created  the  Supreme  Court  for  the  purpose 
of  deciding  all  disputed  questions  touching  the  true  construction  of 
that  instrument,  and  when  such  decisions  are  pronounced,  they  are 
the  law  of  the  land,  binding  on  every  good  citizen.  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
a  very  convenient  mode  of  arguing  upon  the  subject.  He  holds  that 
because  he  is  a  Republican  that  he  is  not  bound  by  the  decisions  of  the 
court,  but  that  I,  being  a  Democrat,  am  so  bound.  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  It  may  be  that  Republicans  do  not  hold  themselves  bound 
by  the  laws  of  the  land  and  the  Constitution  of  the  country  as  expound- 
ed by  the  courts;  it  may  be  an  article  in  the  Republican  creed  that 
men  who  do  not  like  a  decision  have  a  right  to  rebel  against  it:  but 
when  Mr.  Lincoln  preaches  that  doctrine,  I  think  he  will  find  some 
honest  Republican — some  law-abiding  man  in  that  party — who  will 


420  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

repudiate  such  a  monstrous  doctrine.  The  decision  in  the  Dred  Scott 
case  is  binding  on  every  American  citizen  alike;  and  yet  Mr.  Lincoln 
argues  that  the  Republicans  are  not  bound  by  it,  because  they  are 
opposed  to  it,  [laughter]  whilst  Democrats  are  bound  by  it,  because 
we  will  not  resist  it.  A  Democrat  cannot  resist  the  constituted 
authorities  of  this  country;  ["Good."]  a  Democrat  is  a  law-abiding 
man;  a  Democrat  stands  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  and  relies 
upon  liberty  as  protected  by  law,  and  not  upon  mob  or  political 
violence. 

I  have  never  yet  been  able  to  make  Mr.  Lincoln  understand,  nor^ 
can  I  make  any  man  who  is  determined  to  support  him,  right  or  wrong, 
understand  how  it  is  that  under  the  Dred  Scott  decision  the  people  of 
a  Territory,  as  well  as  a  State,  can  have  slavery  or  not,  just  as  they 
please.  I  believe  that  I  can  explain  that  proposition  to  all  constitu- 
tion-loving, law-abiding  men  in  a  way  that  they  cannot  fail  to  under- 
stand it.  Chief  Justice  Taney,  in  his  opinion  in  the  Dred  Scott  case, 
said  that,  slaves  being  property,  the  owner  of  them  has  a  right  to  take 
them  into  a  territory  the  same  as  he  would  any  other  property;  in 
other  words,  that  slave  property,  so  far  as  the  right  to  enter  a  Territory 
is  concerned,  stands  on  the  same  footing  with  other  property.  Suppose 
we  grant  that  proposition.  Then  any  man  has  a  right  to  go  to  Kansas 
and  take  his  property  with  him;  but  when  he  gets  there,  he  must  rely 
upon  the  local  law  to  protect  his  property,  whatever  it  may  be. 
["  That's  so. "]  In  order  to  illustrate  this,  imagine  that  three  of  you 
conclude  to  go  to  Kansas.  One  takes  $10,000  worth  of  slaves, 
another  $10,000  worth  of  liquors,  and  the  third  $10,000  worth  of  dry 
goods.  When  the  man  who  owns  the  dry  goods  arrives  out  there  and 
commences  selling  them,  he  finds  that  he  is  stopped  and  prohibited 
from  selling  until  he  gets  a  license,  which  will  destroy  all  the  profits 
he  can  make  on  his  goods  to  pay  for.  When  the  man  with  the  liquors 
gets  there  and  tries  to  sell,  he  finds  a  Maine  liquor  law  in  force  which 
prevents  him.  Now,  of  what  use  is  his  right  to  go  there  with  his  prop- 
erty unless  he  is  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  right  after  he 
gets  there?  ["That's  it. "]  The  man  who  goes  there  with  his  slaves 
finds  that  there  is  no  law  to  protect  him  when  he  arrives  there.  He 
has  no  remedy  if  his  slaves  run  away  to  another  country;  there  is  no 
slave  code  or  police  regulations;  and  the  absence  of  them  excludes 

^Reads:  "or"  for  "nor." 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY 

his  slaves  from  the  Territon^  just  as  effectually  and  as  positively  as 
a  constitutional  prohibition  could. 

Such  was  the  understanding  when  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill 
was  pending  in  Congress.  Read  the  speech  of  Speaker  Orr,  of  South 
Carolina,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  1856,  on  the  Kansas 
question,  and  you  will  find  that  he  takes  the  ground  that  while  the 
owner  of  a  slave  has  a  right  to  go  into  a  Territory  and  carry  his  slaves 
with  him,  that  he  cannot  hold  them  one  day  or  hour  unless  there  is  a 
slave  code  to  protect  him.  He  tells  you  that  slavery  would  not  exist 
a  day  in  South  Carolina,  or  in  any  other  State,  unless  there  was  a 
friendly  people  and  friendly  legislation.  Read  the  speeches  of  that 
giant  in  intellect,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  and  you  will 
find  them  to  the  same  effect.  Read  the  speeches  of  Sam  Smith,  of 
Tennessee,  and  of  all  Southern  men  and  you  will  find  that  they  all 
understood  this  doctrine  then  as  we  understand  it  now. 

Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  be  made  to  understand  it,  however.  Down  at 
Jonesboro,  he  went  on  to  argue  that  if  it  be  the  law  that  a  man  has  a 
right  to  take  his  slaves  into  territoiy  of  the  United  States  under  the 
Constitution,  that  then  a  member  of  Congress  was  perjured  if  he  did 
not  vote  for  a  slave  code.  I  ask  him  whether  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  is  not  binding  upon  him  as  well  as  on  me?  If  so,  and 
he  holds  that  he  would  be  perjured  if  he  did  not  vote  for  a  slave  code 
under  it,  I  ask  him  whether,  if  elected  to  Congress,  he  will  so  vote? 
I  have  a  right  to  his  answer,  and  I  will  tell  you  why.  He  put  that 
question  to  me  down  in  Egypt,  and  did  it  with  an  air  of  triumph. 
This  was  about  the  form  of  it:  "In  the  event  that^  a  slave-holding 
citizen  of  one  of  the  Territories  should  need  and  demand  a  slave  code 
to  protect  his  slaves,  will  you  vote  for  it?"  I  answered  him  that  a 
fundamental  article  in  the  Democratic  creed,  as  put  forth  in  the 
Nebraska  bill  and  the  Cincinnati  platform,  was  non-intervention  by 
Congress  with  slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories,  ["  Good, "  "  That's 
the  doctrine,"  and  cheers.]  and  hence  that  I  would  not  vote  in  Con- 
gress for  any  code  of  laws,  either  for  or  against  slavery,  in  any  Territory. 
I  will  leave  the  people  perfectly  free  to  decide  that  question  for  them- 
selves.    [Cheers.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Washington  Union  both  think  this  a  mon- 
strous bad  doctrine.  Neither  Mr.  Lincoln  nor  the  Washington  Union 
likes  my  Freeport  speech  on  that  subject.     The   Union  in  a  late 

iReads:  "of  "  for  "that." 


422  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

number,  has  been  reading  me  out  of  the  Democratic  party  because  I 
hold  that  the  people  of  a  Territory,  like  those  of  a  State,  have  the 
right  to  have  slavery  or  not,  as  they  please.  It  has  devoted  three  and 
a  half  columns  to  prove  certain  propositions,  one  of  which  I  will 
read.     It  says: — 

"  We  propose  to  show  that  Judge  Douglas's  action  in  1850  and  1854  was  taken 
with  especial  reference  to  the  announcement  of  doctrine  and  programme  which 
was  made  at  Freeport.  The  declaration  at  Freeport  was,  that '  in  his  opinion 
the  people  can,  by  lawful  means,  exclude  slavery  from  a  Territory  before  it 
comes  in  as  a  State ; '  and  he  declared  that  his  competitor  had  '  heard  him  argue 
the  Nebraska  bill  on  that  principle  all  over  Illinois  in  1854,  1855,  and  1856,  and 
had  no  excuse  to  pretend  to  have  any  doubt  upon  that  subject.'  " 

The  Washington  Union  there  charges  me  with  the  monstrous  crime 
of  now  proclaiming  on  the  stump  the  same  doctrine  that  I  carried  out 
in  1850,  by  supporting  Clay's  Compromise  Measures.  The  Union 
also  charges  that  I  am  now  proclaiming  the  same  doctrine  that  I  did  in 
1854  in  support  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill.  It  is  shocked  that  I 
should  now  stand  where  I  stood  in  1850,  when  I  was  supported  by  Clay, 
Webster,  Cass,  and  the  great  men  of  that  day,  and  where  I  stood  in 
1854  and  1856,  when  Mr.  Buchanan  was  elected  president.  It  goes 
on  to  prove,  and  succeeds  in  proving,  from  my  speeches  in  Congress  on 
Clay's  Compromise  Measures,  that  I  held  the  same  doctrines  at  that 
time  that  I  do  now,  and  then  proves  that  by  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska 
bill  I  advanced  the  same  doctrine  that  I  now  advance.     It  remarks : — 

"So  much  for  the  course  taken  by  Judge  Douglas  on  the  Compromises  of 
1850.  The  record  shows,  beyond  the  possibility  of  cavil  or  dispute,  that  he 
expressly  intended  in  those  bills  to  give  the  Territorial  Legislatures  power  to 
exclude  slavery.  How  stands  his  record  in  the  memorable  session  of  1854, 
with  reference  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  itself?  We  shall  not  overhaul  the 
votes  that  were  given  on  that  notable  measure,  our  space  will  not  afford  it.  We 
have  his  own  words,  however,  delivered  in  his  speech  closing  the  great  debate 
on  that  bill  on  the  night  of  March  3,  1854,  to  show  that  he  meant  to  do  in  1854 
precisely  what  he  had  meant  to  do  in  1858.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  being 
upon  its  passage,  he  said:"  — 

It  then  quotes  my  remarks  upon  the  passage  of  the  bill  as  follows : — 

"  '  The  principle  which  we  propose  to  carry  into  effect  by  this  bill  is  this : 
That  Congress  shall  neither  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor 
out  of  the  same;  but  the  people  shall  be  left  free  to  regulate  their  domestic  con- 
cerns in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
In  order  to  carry  this  principle  into  practical  operation,  it  becomes  necessary 
to  remove  whatever  legal  obstacles  might  be  found  in  the  way  of  its  free  exer- 
cise. It  is  only  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  this  great  fundamental  princi- 
ple of  self-government  that  the  bill  renders  the  eighth  section  of  the  Missouri 
Act  inoperative  and  void. 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  423 

"  '  Now,  let  me  ask,  will  those  senators  who  have  arrainged  me,  or  any  one  of 
them,  have  the  assurance  to  rise  in  his  place  and  declare  that  this  great  princi- 
ple was  never  thought  of  or  advocated  as  applicable  to  Territorial  bills,  in 
1850;  that,  from  that  session  until  the  present,  nobody  ever  thought  of  incor- 
porating this  principle  in  all  new  Territorial  organizations,  etc.,  etc.  I  will  begin 
with  the  Compromises  of  1850.  Any  Senator  who  will  take  the  trouble  to  ex- 
amine our  journals  will  find  that  on  the  25th  of  March  of  that  year  I  reported 
from  the  Committee  on  Territories  two  bills,  including  the  following  measures: 
the  admission  of  California,  a  Territorial  government  for  Utah,  a  Territorial 
government  for  New  Mexico,  and  the  adjustment  of  the  Texas  boundary. 
These  bills  proposed  to  leave  the  people  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico  free  to  decide 
the  slavery  question  for  themselves,  in  the  precise  language  of  the  Nebraska  bill 
now  under  discussion.  A  few  weeks  afterward  the  committee  of  thirteen  took 
those  bills  and  put  a  wafer  between  them,  and  reported  them  back  to  the 
Senate  as  one  bill,  with  some  slight  amendments.  One  of  these  amendments 
was,  that  the  Territorial  Legislatures  should  not  legislate  upon  the  subject  of  Afri- 
can slavery.  I  objected  to  this  provision,  upon  the  ground  that  it  subverted  the 
great  principle  of  self-government,  upon  which  the  bill  had  been  originally 
framed  by  the  Territorial  Committee.  On  the  first  trial  the  Senate  refused  to 
strike  it  out,  but  subsequently  did  so,  upon  full  debate,  in  order  to  establish 
that  principle  as  the  rule  of  action  in  Territorial  organizations. " 

The  Union  comments  thus  upon  my  speech  on  that  occasion: — 

"  Thus  it  is  seen  that,  in  framing  the  Nebraska- Kansas  bill.  Judge  Douglas 
framed  it  in  the  terms  and  upon  the  model  of  those  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico, 
and  that  in  the  debate  he  took  pains  expressly  to  revive  the  recollection  of  the 
voting  which  had  taken  place  upon  amendments  affecting  the  powers  of  the 
Territorial  Legislatures  over  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  bills  of  1850,  in  order 
to  give  the  same  meaning,  force,  and  effect  to  the  Nebraska-Kansas  bill  on  this 
subject  as  had  been  given  to  those  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico. " 

The  Union  proves  the  following  propositions:  First,  that  I  sus- 
tained Clay's  Compromise  Measures  on  the  ground  that  they  estab- 
lished the  principle  of  self-government  in  the  Territories.  Secondly, 
that  I  brought  in  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  founded  upon  the 
same  principles  as  Clay 's  Compromise  Measures  of  1850;  and,  thirdly, 
that  my  Freeport  speech  is  in  exact  accordance  with  those  principles. 
And  what  do  you  think  is  the  imputation  that  the  Union  casts  upon 
me  for  all  this?  It  says  that  my  Freeport  speech  is  not  Democratic, 
and  that  I  was  not  a  Democrat  in  1854  or  in  1850!  Now  is  not  that 
funny?  [Great  laughter  and  cheers.]  Think  that  the  author  of  the 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  was  not  a  Democrat  when  he  introduced  it ! 
The  Union  says  I  was  not  a  sound  Democrat  in  1850,  nor  in  1854,  nor 
in  1856,  nor  am  I  in  1858,  because  I  have  always  taken  and  now  occupy 
the  ground  that  the  people  of  a  Territory,  like  those  of  a  State,  have 


424  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  right  to  decide  for  themselves  whether  slavery  shall  or  shall  not 
exist  in  a  Territory!  I  wish  to  cite,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Washington 
Union  and  the  followers  of  that  sheet,  one  authority  on  that  point,  and 
I  hope  the  authority  will  be  deemed  satisfactory  to  that  class  of  poli- 
ticians. I  will  read  from  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  accepting  the  nomina- 
tion of  the  Democratic  Convention,  for  the  Presidency.  You  know 
that  Mr.  Buchanan,  after  he  was  nominated,  declared  to  the  Keystone 
Club,  in  a  public  speech,  that  he  was  no  longer  James  Buchanan,  but 
the  embodiment  of  the  Democratic  platform.  In  his  letter  to  the 
committee  which  informed  him  of  his  nomination  accepting  it,  he 
defined  the  meaning  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  and  the  Cincin- 
nati platform  in  these  words: — 

"The  recent  legislation  of  Congress  respecting  domestic  slavery,  derived  as 
it  has  been  from  the  original  and  pure  fountain  of  legitimate  political  power, 
the  will  of  the  majority,  promises  ere  long  to  allay  the  dangerous  excite- 
ment. This  legislation  is  founded  upon  principles  as  ancient  as  free  govern- 
ment itself,  and,  in  accordance  with  them,  has  simply  declared  that  the  people 
of  a  Territory,  like  those  of  a  State,  shall  decide  for  themselves  whether  slavery 
shall  or  shall  not  exist  within  their  limits.  " 

Thus  you  see  that  James  Buchanan  accepted  the  nomination  at 
Cincinnati,  on  the  conditions  that  the  people  of  a  Territory,  like  those 
of  a  State,  should  be  left  to  decide  for  themselves  whether  slavery 
should  or  should  not  exist  within  their  Hmits.  I  sustained  James 
Buchanan  for  the  Presidency  on  that  platform  as  adopted  at  Cincin- 
nati, and  expounded  by  himself.  He  was  elected  President  on  that 
platform,  and  now  we  are  told  by  the  Washington  Union  that  no  man 
is  a  true  Democrat  who  stands  on  the  platform  on  which  Mr.  Buchanan 
was  nominated,  and  which  he  has  explained  and  expounded  himself. 
[Laughter.]  We  are  told  that  a  man  is  not  a  Democrat  who  stands 
by  Clay,  Webster,  and  Cass,  and  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850, 
and  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  of  1854.  Whether  a  man  be  a 
Democrat  or  not  on  that  platform,  I  intend  to  stand  there  as  long  as 
I  have  Hfe.  [''Stick  to  it."]  I  intend  to  cling  firmly  to  that  great 
principle  which  declares  the  right  of  each  State  and  each  Territory  to 
settle  the  question  of  slavery,  and  every  other  domestic  question,  for 
themselves.  I  hold  that  if  they  want  a  Slave  State,  they  have  a  right 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  make  it  so,  and  if  they 
want  a  Free  State,  it  is  their  right  to  have  it. 

But  the  Union,  in  advocating  the  claims  of  Lincoln  over  me  to  the 
Senate,  lays  down  two  unpardonable  heresies  which  it  says  I  advocate. 


DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY  425 

The  first  is  the  right  of  the  people  of  a  Territory,  the  same  as  a  State, 
to  decide  for  themselves  the  question  whether  slavery  shall  exist  with- 
in their  limits,  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Buchanan;  and  the  second  is, 
that  a  Constitution  shall  be  submitted  to  the  people  of  a  Territory  for 
its  adoption  or  rejection  before  their  admission  as  a  State  under  it.  It 
so  happens  that  Mr.  Buchanan  is  pledged  to  both  these  heresies,  for 
supporting  which  the  Washington  Union  has  read  me  out  of  the  Demo- 
cratic church.  In  his  annual  message  he  said  he  trusted  that  the  exam- 
ple of  the  Minnesota  case  would  be  followed  in  all  future  cases,  re- 
quiring a  submission  of  the  Constitution ;  and  in  his  letter  of  acceptance 
he  said  that  the  people  of  a  Territory,  the  same  as  a  State,  had  the 
right  to  decide  for  themselves  whether  slavery  should  exist  within 
their  limits. 

Thus  you  find  that  this  little  corrupt  gang  who  control  the  Union 
and  wish  to  elect  Lincoln  in  preference  to  me, — because,  as  they  say, 
of  these  two  heresies  which  I  support, — denounce  President  Buchanan 
when  they  denounce  me,  if  he  stands  now  by  the  principles  upon  which 
he  was  elected.  Will  they  pretend  that  he  does  not  now  stand  by  the 
principles  on  which  he  was  elected?  Do  the}^  hold  that  he  has  aban- 
doned the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  the  Cincinnati  platform,  and  his  own 
letter  accepting  his  nomination,  all  of  which  declare  the  right  of  the 
people  of  a  Territory,  the  same  as  a  State,  to  decide  the  slavery  ques- 
tion for  themselves?  I  will  not  believe  that  he  has  betrayed  or  in- 
tends to  betray  the  platform  which  elected  him;  ["good"]  but  if  he 
does,  I  will  not  follow  him.  ["  Good. "]  I  will  stand  by  that  great 
principle,  no  matter  who  may  desert  it.  I  intend  to  stand  by  it,  for 
the  purpose  of  preserving  peace  between  the  North  and  the  South,  the 
Free  and  the  Slave  States.  ["  Hurrah  for  Douglas.  "]  If  each  State 
will  only  agree  to  mind  its  own  business  and  let  its  neighbors  alone, 
there  will  be  peace  forever  between  us. 

We  in  Illinois  tried  slaveiy  when  a  Territory,  and  found  it  was  not 
good  for  us  in  this  climate,  and  with  our  surroundings,  and  hence  we 
abolished  it.  We  then  adopted  a  Free  State  constitution,  as  we  had  a 
right  to  do.  In  this  State  we  have  declared  that  a  negro  shall  not  be  a 
citizen,  [''All  right. "]  and  we  have  also  declared  that  he  shall  not  be  a 
slave.  We  had  a  right  to  adopt  that  policy.  Missourihas  just  as  good 
a  right  to  adopt  the  other  policy.  ["  That's  it.  "]  I  am  now  speaking  of 
rights  under  the  Constitution,  and  not  of  moral  or  religious  rights.  I  do 
not  discuss  the  morals  of  the  people  of  Missouri,  but  let  them  settle 


426  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

that  matter  for  themselves.  I  hold  that  the  people  of  the  slaveholding 
State  are  civilized  men  as  well  as  ourselves,  that  they  bear  consciences 
as  well  as  we,  and  that  they  are  accountable  to  God  and  their  posterity 
and  not  to  us.  It  is  for  them  to  decide,  therefore,  the  moral  and  reli- 
gious right  of  the  slavery  question  for  themselves,  within  their  own 
limits.  I  assert  that  they  had  as  much  right  under  the  Constitution 
to  adopt  the  system  of  policy  which  they  have  as  we  had  to  adopt  ours. 
So  it  is  with  every  other  State  in  this  Union.  Let  each  State  stand 
firmly  by  that  great  constitutional  right,  let  each  State  mind  its  own 
business  and  let  its  neighbors  alone,  and  there  will  be  no  trouble 
on  this  question. 

If  we  will  stand  by  that  principle,  then  Mr.  Lincoln  will  find  that 
this  Republic  can  exist  forever,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  as 
our  fathers  made  it  and  the  people  of  each  State  have  decided.  Stand 
by  that  great  principle,  and  we  can  go  on  as  we  have  done,  increasing 
in  wealth,  in  population,  in  power,  and  in  all  the  elements  of  greatness, 
until  we  shall  be  the  admiration  and  terror  of  the  world.  We  can  go 
on  and  enlarge  as  our  population  increase,^  require  more  room,  until 
we  make  this  continent  one  ocean-bound  republic.  Under  that 
principle  the  United  States  can  perform  that  great  mission,  that 
destiny,  which  Providence  has  marked  out  for  us.  Under  that  prin- 
ciple we  can  receive  with  entire  safety  that  stream  of  intelligence 
which  is  constantly  flowing  from  the  Old  World  to  the  New,  filling  up 
our  prairies,  clearing  our  wildernesses,  and  building  cities,  towns,  rail- 
roads, and  other  internal  improvements,  and  thus  make  this  the 
asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  the  whole  earth.  We  have  this  great 
mission  to  perform,  and  it  can  only  be  performed  by  adhering  faith- 
fully to  that  principle  of  self-government  on  which  our  institutions 
were  all  established. 

I  repeat  that  the  principle  is  the  right  of  each  State,  each  Territory, 
to  decide  this  slavery  question  for  itself,  to  have  slavery  or  not,  as  it 
chooses;  and  it  does  not  become  Mr.  Lincoln,  or  anybody  else,  to  tell 
the  people  of  Kentucky  that  they  have  no  consciences,  that  they  are 
living  in  a  state  of  iniquity,  and  that  they  are  cherishing  an  institu- 
tion to  their  bosoms  in  violation  of  the  law  of  God.  Better  for  him 
to  adopt  the  doctrine  of  "Judge  not,  lest  ye  shall  be  judged. "  ["  Good," 
and  applause.]  Let  him  perform  his  own  duty  at  home,  and  he  will 
have  a  better  fate  in  the  future.     I  think  there  are  objects  of  charity 

^Reads:  "increases  and"  for  "increase." 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  427 

enough  in  the  Free  States  to  excite  the  sympathies  and  open  the 
pockets  of  all  the  benevolence  we  have  amongst  us,  without  going 
abroad  in  search  of  negroes,  of  whose  condition  we  know  nothing.' 
We  have  enough  objects  of  charity  at  home,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  take- 
care  of  our  own  poor  and  of  our  own  suffering,  before  we  go  abroad  to- 
intermeddle  with  other  peoples'  business. 

My  friends,  I  am  told  that  my  time  is  within  two  minutes  of  expir- 
ing. I  have  omitted  many  topics  that  I  would  like^  to  have  discussed 
before  you  at  length.  There  were  many  points  touched  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  take  up  for  the  want  of  time. 
I  have  hurried  over  each  subject  that  I  have  discussed  as  rapidly  as. 
possible,  so  as  to  omit  but  few;  but  one  hour  and  a  half  is  not  time 
sufficient  for  a  man  to  discuss  at  length  one  half  of  the  great  questions 
which  are  now  dividing  the  public  mind. 

In  conclusion,  I  desire  to  return  to  you  my  grateful  acknowledgments 
for  the  kindness  and  the  courtesy  with  which  you  have  listened  to  me. 
It  is  something  remarkable  that  in  an  audience  as  vast  as  this,  com- 
posed of  men  of  opposite  politics  and  views,  with  their  passions  highly 
excited,  there  should  be  so  much  courtesy,  kindness,  and  respect  ex- 
hibited, not  only  toward  one  another,  but  toward  the  speakers;  and  I 
feel  that  it  is  due  to  you  that  I  should  thus  express  my  gratitude  for  the 
kindness  with  which  you  have  treated  me.  [Nine  cheers  were  here 
given  for  Douglas.] 


Mr.  Lincoln's  Rejoinder 

On  taking  the  stand  Mr.  Lincoln  was  received  with  a  tremendous 
cheer.  He  said: 

My  Friends:  Since  Judge  Douglas  has  said  to  you  in  his  conclusion 
that  he  had  not  time  in  an  hour  an  a  half  to  answer  all  I  had  said  in 
an  hour,  it  follows  of  course  that  I  will  not  be  able  to  answer  in  half 
an  hour  all  that  he  said  in  an  hour  and  a  half.    [Cheers  and  laughter.] 

I  wish  to  return  to  Judge  Douglas  my  profound  thanks  for  his  pub- 
lic annunciation  here  to-day,  to  be  put  on  record,  that  his  system  of 
policy  in  regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery  contemplates  that  it  shall 
last  forever.  [Great  cheers,  and  cries  of  ''Hit  him  again."]  We  are 
getting  a  little  nearer  the  true  issue  of  this  controversy,  and  I  am  pro- 
foundly grateful  for  this  one  sentence.  Judge  Douglas  asks  you, "Why 
cannot  the  institution  of  slavery,  or  rather,  why  cannot  the  nation, 

■■Reads:  "liked"  for  "like." 


428  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

part  Slave  and  part  Free,  [Applause,  and  "That's  so."]  continue  as 
our  fathers  made  it,  forever."  In  the  first  place,  I  insist  that  our  fath- 
ers did  not  make  this  nation  half  Slave  and  half  Free,  or  part  Slave 
and  part  Free.  [Applause,  and  "  That's  so."]  I  insist  that  they  found 
the  institution  of  slavery  existing  here.  They  did  not  make  it  so, 
but  they  left  it  so  because  they  knew  of  no  way  to  get  rid  of  it  at 
that  time.    ["Good,"  "Good;"  "That's  true."] 

When  Judge  Douglas  undertakes  to  say  that,  as  a  matter  of  choice, 
the  fathers  of  the  Government  made  this  nation  part  Slave  and  part 
Free,  he  assumes  what  is  historically  a  falsehood.  [Long  continued  ap- 
plause.] More  than  that:  when  the  fathers  of  the  Government  cut 
off  the  source  of  slavery  by  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  and  adopted 
a  system  of  restricting  it  from  the  new  territories  where  it  had  not 
existed,  I  maintain  that  they  placed  it  where  they  understood,  and 
all  sensible  men  understood,  it  was  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinc- 
tion; ["That's  so."]  and  when  Judge  Douglas  asks  me  why  it  cannot 
continue  as  our  fathers  made  it,  I  ask  him  why  he  and  his  friends 
could  not  let  it  remain  as  our  fathers  made  it?    ["Tremendous  cheer- 

It  is  precisely  all  I  ask  of  him  in  relation  to  the  institution  of  slavery, 
that  it  shall  be  placed  upon  the  basis  that  our  fathers  placed  it  upon. 
Mr.  Brooks,  of  South  Carolina,  once  said,  and  truly  said,  that  when 
this  Government  was  established  no  one  expected  the  institution  of 
slavery  to  last  until  this  day,  and  that  the  men  who  formed  this  Gov- 
ernment were  wiser  and  better^  than  the  men  of  these  days;  but  the 
men  of  these  days  had  experience  which  the  fathers  had  not,  and  that 
experience  had  taught  them  the  invention  of  the  cotton-gin,  and  this 
had  made  the  perpetuation  of  the  institution  of  slavery  a  necessity  in 
this  country.  Judge  Douglas  could  not  let  it  stand  upon  the  basis 
where^  our  fathers  placed  it,  but  removed  it,  and  put  it  upon  the 
cotton-gin  basis.  [Roars  of  laughter  and  enthusiastic  applause.]  It  is  a 
question,  therefore,  for  him  and  his  friends  to  answer,  why  they  could 
not  let  it  remain  where  the  fathers  of  the  Government  originally  placed 
it.     [Cheers  and  cries  of  "Hurrah  for  Lincoln;"  "Good;"  "Good."] 

I  hope  nobody  has  understood  me  as  trying  to  sustain  the  doctrine 
that  we  have  a  right  to  quarrel  with  Kentucky,  or  Virginia,  or  any  of 
the  Slave  States,  about  the  institution  of  slavery, — thus  giving  the 

^Inserts  "men"  after  "better." 
2Reads:  "upon  which"  for  "where." 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  429 

Judge  an  opportunity  to  make  himself  eloquent  and  valiant  against 
us  in  fighting  for  their  rights.  I  expressly  declared  in  my  opening 
speech  that  I  had  neither  the  inclination  to  exercise,  nor  the  belief 
in  the  existence  of,  the  right  to  interfere  with  the  States  of  Kentucky 
or  Virginia  in  doing  as  they  pleased  with  slavery  or  any  other  existing 
institution.  [Loud  applause.]  Then  what  becomes  of  all  his  eloquence 
in  behalf  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  which  are  assailed  by  no  living 
man?    [Applause;  "He  knows  it's  all  humbuggery."] 

But  I  have  to  hurry  on,  for  I  have  but  a  half  hour.  The  Judge  has 
informed  me,  or  informed  this  audience,  that  the  Washington  Union 
is  laboring  for  my  election  to  the  United  States  Senate.  [Cheers  and 
laughter.]  This  is  news  to  me, — not  very  ungrateful  news  either. 
[Turning  to  Mr.  W.  H.  Carlin,  who  was  on  the  stand]— I  hope  that 
Carlin  will  be  elected  to  the  State  Senate,  and  will  vote  for  me.  [Mr. 
Carlin  shook  his  head.]  Carlin  don't  fall  in,  I  perceive,  and  I  suppose 
he  will  not  do  much  for  me ;  [laughter]  but  I  am  glad  of  all  the  support 
I  can  get  anywhere,  if  I  can  get  it  without  practising  any  deception  to 
obtain  it.  In  respect  to  this  large  portion  of  Judge  Douglas's  speech 
in  which  he  tries  to  show  that  in  the  controversy  between  himself  and 
the  Administration  party  he  is  in  the  right,  I  do  not  feel  myself  at  all 
competent  or  inclined  to  answer  him.  I  say  to  him,  "  Give  it  to  them, 
[laughter] — give  it  to  them  just  all  you  can;"  [renewed  laughter  and 
cheers]  and,  on  the  other  hand  I  say  to  Carlin,  and  Jake  Davis,  and  to 
this  man  Wogley  up  here  in  Hancock,  "  Give  it  to  Douglas,  [roars  of 
laughter] — just  pour  it  into  him."  [Cheers  and  laughter;  ''Good  for 
you;"  "Hurrah  for  Lincoln."] 

Now  in  regard  to  this  matter  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  I  wish  to 
say  a  word  or  two.  After  all,  the  Judge  will  not  say  whether,  if  a  de- 
cision is  made,  holding  that  the  people  of  the  States  cannot  exclude 
slavery  he  will  support  it  or  not.  He  obstinately  refuses  to  say  what 
he  will  do  in  that  case.  The  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  as  obstinate- 
ly refused  to  say  what  they  would  do  on  this  subject.  Before  this  I 
reminded  him  that  at  Galesburg  he  said^  the  judges  had  expressly  de- 
clared the  contrary,  and  you  remember  that  in  my  opening  speech  I 
told  him  I  had  the  book  containing  that  decision  here,  and  I 
would  thank  him  to  lay  his  finger  on  the  place  where  any  such  thing 
was  said.    He  has  occupied  his  hour  and  a  half,  and  he  has  not  ven- 

ilnserts  "had"  before  "said." 


430  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

tured  to  try  to  sustain  his  assertion.  [Loud  cheers.]  He  never  will. 
[Renewed    cheers.] 

But  he  is  desirous  of  knowing  how  we  are  going  to  reverse  the  Dred 
Scott  decision.  Judge  Douglas  ought  to  know  how.  Did  not  he  and 
his  pohtical  friends  find  a  way  to  reverse  the  decision  of  that  same 
court  in  favor  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  National  Bank?  [Cheers 
and  laughter.]  Didn't  they  find  a  way  to  do  it  so  effectually  that  they 
have  reversed  it  as  completely  as  any  decision  ever  was  reversed,  so 
far  as  its  practical  operation  is  concerned?  [Cheers,  and  cries  of 
"Good;"  "Good."]  And  let  me  ask  you  didn't  Judge  Douglas  find  a 
way  to  reverse  the  decision  of  our  Supreme  Court  when  it  decided 
that  Carlin's  father — old  Governor  Carlin — had  not  the  constitutional 
power  to  remove  a  Secretary  of  State?  [Great  cheers  and  laughter.] 
Did  he  not  appeal  to  the  "  mobs,"  as  he  calls  them?  Did  he  not  make 
speeches  in  the  lobby  to  show  how  villainous  that  decision  was,  and 
how  it  ought  to  be  overthrown?  Did  he  not  succeed,  too,  in  getting  an 
Act  passed  by  the  Legislature  to  have  it  overthrown?  And  didn't  he 
himself  sit  down  on  that  bench  as  one  of  the  five  added  judges,  who 
were  to  overslaugh  the  four  old  ones, — getting  his  name  of  "Judge" 
in  that  way,  and  no  other?  [Thundering  cheers  and  laughter.]  If 
there  is  a  villainy  in  using  disrespect  or  making  opposition  to  Supreme 
Court  decisions,  I  commend  it  to  Judge  Douglas's  earnest  considera- 
tion. [Cheers  and  laughter.]  I  know  of  no  man  in  the  State  of  Illinois 
who  ought  to  know  so  well  about  how  much  villainy  it  takes  to  oppose 
a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  as  our  honorable  friend  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.     [Long  continued  applause.] 

Judge  Douglas  also  makes  the  declaration  that  I  say  the  Democrats 
are  bound  by  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  while  the  Republicans  are  not. 
In  the  sense  in  which  he  argues,  I  never  said  it;  but  I  will  tell  you  what 
I  have  said  and  what  I  do  not  hesitate  to  repeat  to-day.  I  have  said 
that  as  the  Democrats  believe  that  decision  to  be  correct,  and  that 
the  extension  of  slavery  is  affirmed  in  the  National  Constitution,  they 
are  bound  to  support  it  as  such;  and  I  will  tell  you  here  that  General 
Jackson  once  said  each  man  was  bound  to  support  the  Constitution 
"  as  he  understood  it."  Now  Judge  Douglas  understands  the  Consti- 
tution according  to  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  he  is  bound  to  sup- 
port it  as  he  understands  it.  [Cheers.]  I  understand  it  another  way, 
and  therefore  I  am  bound  to  support  it  in  the  way  in  which  I  under- 
stand it.    [Prolonged  applause.]    And  as  Judge  Douglas  believes  that 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  431 

decision  to  be  correct,  I  will  re-make  that  argument  if  I  have  time  to 
do  so. 

Let  me  talk  to  some  gentleman  down  there  among  you  who  looks 
me  in  the  face.  We  will  say  you  are  a  member  of  the  Territorial  Leg- 
islature and,  like  Judge  Douglas,  you  believe  that  the  right  to  take 
and  hold  slaves  there  is  a  constitutional  right.  The  first  thing  you  do 
is  to  swear  you  will  support  the  Constitution  and  all  rights  guaranteed 
therein;  that  you  will,  whenever  your  neighbor  needs  your  legislation 
to  support  his  constitutional  rights,  not  withhold  that  legislation.  If 
you  withhold  that  necessary  legislation  for  the  support  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  constitutional  rights,  do  you  not  commit  perjury?  [Cries 
of  "Yes."]  I  ask  every  sensible  man  if  that  is  not  so?  ["Yes;"  "Yes;" 
"That's  a  fact."]  That  is  undoubtedly  just  so,  say  what  you  please. 
Now,  that  is  precisely  what  Judge  Douglas  says,  that  this  is  a  consti- 
tutional right.  Does  the  Judge  mean  to  say  that  the  Territorial  Leg- 
islature in  legislating  may,  by  withholding  necessary  laws,  or  by  pass- 
ing unfriendly  laws,  nullify  that  constitutional  right?  Does  he  mean  to 
say  that?  Does  he  mean  to  ignore  the  proposition  so  long*-  and  well 
established  in  law,^  that  what  you  cannot  do  directly,  you  cannot  do 
indirectly?    Does  he  mean  that? 

The  truth  about  the  matter  is  this :  Judge  Douglas  has  sung  paeans 
to  his  "Popular  Sovereignty"  doctrine  until  his  Supreme  Court,  co- 
operating with  him,  has  squatted  his  Squatter  Sovereignty  out.  [Up- 
roarious laughter  and  applause.]  But  he  will  keep  up  this  species  of 
humbuggery  about  Squatter  Sovereignty.  He  has  at  last  invented 
this  sort  of  do  nothing  Sovereignty ,  [renewed  laughter] — that  the  people 
may  exclude  slavery  by  a  sort  of  "Sovereignty"  that  is  exercised  by 
doing  nothing  at  all.  [Continued  laughter.]  Is  not  that  running  his 
Popular  Sovereignty  down  awfully?  [Laughter.]  Has  it  not  got 
down  as  thin  as  the  homoepathic  soup  that  was  made  by  boiling  the 
shadow  of  a  pigeon  that  had  starved  to  death?  [Roars  of  laughter 
and  cheering.]  But  at  last  when  it  is  brought  to  the  test  of  close  rea- 
soning, there  is  not  even  that  thin  decoction  of  it  left.  It  is  a  presump- 
tion impossible  in  the  domain  of  thought.  It  is  precisely  no  other  than 
the  putting  of  that  most  unphilosophical  proposition,  that  two  bodies 
can3  occupy  the  same  space  at  the  same  time.    The  Dred  Scott  decis- 

ilnserts  "known"  after  "long."  «Inserts  "the"  before  "law." 

^Reads:  "may"  for  "can." 


432  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

ion  covers  the  whole  ground,  and  while  it  occupies  it,  there  is  no  room 
even  for  the  shadow  of  a  starved  pigeon  to  occupy  the  same  ground. 
[Loud  cheers  and  laughter.  A  voice  on  the  platform — "  Your  time  is 
almost  out."    Loud  cries  of  " Go  on,  go  on;"  "We'll  listen  all  day."] 

Judge  Douglas  in  reply  to  what  I  have  said  about  having  upon  a 
previous  occasion  made  a  speech  at  Ottawa  as  the  one  he  took  an  ex- 
tract from,  at  Charleston,  says  it  only  shows  that  I  practised  the  de- 
ception twice.  Now,  my  friends,  are  any  of  you  obtuse  enough  to 
swallow  that?  ["No,  no,  we're  not  such  fools."]  Judge  Douglas  had 
said  I  had  made  a  speech  at  Charleston  that  I  would  not  make  up 
north,  and  I  turned  around  and  answered  him  by  showing  I  had  made 
that  same  speech  up  north, — had  made  it  at  Ottawa;  made  it  in  his 
hearing;  made  it  in  the  Abolition  district, — in  Lovejoy's  district, — in 
the  personal  presence  of  Lovejoy  himself, — in  the  same  atmosphere 
exactly  in  which  I  had  made  my  Chicago  speech,  of  which  he  com- 
plains so  much. 

Now,  in  relation  to  my  not  having  said  anything  about  the  quota- 
tion from  the  Chicago  speech:  he  thinks  that  is  a  terrible  subject  for 
me  to  handle.  Why,  gentlemen,  I  can  show  you  that  the  substance 
of  the  Chicago  speech  I  delivered  two  years  ago  in  "Egypt,"  as  he 
calls  it.  It  was  down  at  Springfield.  That  speech  is  here  in  this  book 
and  I  could  turn  to  it  and  read  it  to  you  but  for  the  lack  of  time.  I 
have  not  now  the  time  to  read  it.  ["  Read  it,  read  it."]  No,  gentlemen 
I  am  obliged  to  use  discretion  in  disposing  most  advantageously  of 
my  brief  time.  The  Judge  has  taken  great  exception  to  my  adopting 
the  heretical  statement  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  "all 
men  are  created  equal,"  and  he  has  a  great  deal  to  say  about  negro 
equality.  I  want  to  say  that  in  sometimes  alluding  to  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  I  have  only  uttered  the  sentiments  that  Henry 
Clay  used  to  hold.  Allow  me  to  occupy  your  time  a  moment  with 
what  he  said.  Mr.  Clay  was  at  one  time  called  upon  in  Indiana,  and 
in  a  way  that  I  suppose  was  very  insulting,  to  liberate  his  slaves;  and 
he  made  a  written  reply  to  that  application,  and  one  portion  of  it 
is  in  these  words — 

"  What  is  the  foundation  of  this  appeal  to  me  in  Indiana  to  liberate  the  slaves 
under  my  care  in  Kentucky  ?  It  is  a  general  declaration  in  the  act  announcing 
to  the  world  the  independence  of  the  thirteen  American  colonies,  that  'men  are 
created  equal. '  Now,  as  an  abstract  principle,  there  is  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of 
that  declaration,  and  it  is  desirable  in  the  original  construction  of  society,  and  in 
organized  societies,  to  keep  it  in  view  as  a  great  fundamental  principle. " 


LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY  433 

When  I  sometimes,  in  relation  to  the  organization  of  new  societies 
in  new  countries,  where  the  soil  is  clean  and  clear,  insist^  that  we 
should  keep  that  principle  in  view,  Judge  Douglas  will  have  it  that  I 
want  a  negro  wife.  [Great  laughter.]  He  never  can  be  brought  to 
understand  that  there  is  any  middle  ground  on  this  subject.  I  have 
lived  until  my  fiftieth  year,  and  have  never  had  a  negro  woman  either 
for  a  slave  or  a  wife,  and  I  think  I  can  live  fifty  centuries,  for  that  mat- 
ter, without  having  had  one  for  either.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  I 
maintain  that  you  may  take  Judge  Douglas's  quotations  from  my 
Chicago  speech,  and  from  my  Charleston  speech,  and  the  Galesburg 
speech, — in  his  speech  of  to-day, — and  compare  them  over,  and  I  am 
willing  to  trust  them  with  you  upon  his  proposition  that  they  show 
rascality  or  double-dealing.    I  deny  that  they  do.    [Great  applause.] 

The  Judge  does  not  seem  at  all  disposed  to  have  peace,  but  I  find 
he  is  disposed  to  have  a  personal  warfare  with  me.  He  says  that  my 
oath  would  not  be  taken  against  the  bare  word  of  Charles  H.  Lanphier 
or  Thomas  L.  Harris.  Well,  that  is  altogether  a  matter  of  opinion. 
[Laughter.]  It  is  certainly  not  for  me  to  vaunt  my  word  against  oaths 
of  these  gentlemen,  but  I  will  tell  Judge  Douglas  again  the  facts  upon 
which  I  "  dared"  to  say  they  proved  a  forgery.  I  pointed  out  at  Gales- 
burg that  the  publication  of  these  resolutions  in  the  Illinois  State  Reg- 
ister could  not  have  been  the  result  of  accident,  as  the  proceedings  of 
that  meeting  bore  unmistakable  evidence  of  being  done  by  a  man  who 
knew  it  was  a  forgery ;  that  it  was  a  publication  partly  taken  from  the 
real  proceedings  of  the  Convention,  and  partly  from  the  proceedings 
of  a  Convention  at  another  place, — which  showed  that  he  had  the  real 
proceedings  before  him,  and  taking  one  part  of  the  resolutions,  he 
threw  out  another  part,  and  substituted  false  and  fraudulent  ones  in 
their  stead.  I  pointed  that  out  to  him,  and  also  that  his  friend 
Lanphier,  who  was  editor  of  the  Register  at  that  time  and  now  is 
must  have  known  how  it  was  done.  Now,  whether  he  did  it,  or  got 
some  friend  to  do  it  for  him,  I  could  not  tell,  but  he  certainly  knew  all 
about  it.  I  pointed  out  to  Judge  Douglas  that  in  his  Freeport  speech 
he  had  promised  to  investigate  that  matter.  Does  he  now  say  he  did 
not  make  that  promise?  [''No;"  "No."]  I  have  a  right  to  ask,  why 
he  did  not  keep  it?  [Tremendous  applause.]  I  call  upon  him  to  tell 
here  to-day  why  he  did  not  keep  that  promise.    That  fraud  has  been 

iReads:  "insisted"  for  "insist." 


434  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

traced  up  so  that  it  lies  between  him,  Harris  and  Lanphier. 
There  is  little  room  for  escape  for  Lanphier.  [Laughter.]  Lanphier 
is  doing  the  Judge  good  service,  and  Douglas  desires  his  word  to  be 
taken  for  the  truth.  He  desires  Lanphier  to  be  taken  as  authority  in 
what  he  states  in  his  newspaper.  He  desires  Harris  to  be  taken  as  a 
man  of  vast  credibility;  and  when  this  thing  lies  among  them,  they 
will  not  press  it  to  show  where  the  guilt  really  belongs.  Now,  as  he 
has  said  that  he  would  investigate  it,  and  implied  that  he  would  tell 
us  the  result  of  his  investigation,  I  demand  of  him  to  tell  why  he  did 
not  investigate  it,  if  he  did  not;  and  if  he  did,  why  he  won't  tell  there- 
suit.    [Great  cheers.]    I  call  upon  him  for  that. 

This  is  the  third  time  that  Judge  Douglas  has  assumed  that  he 
learned  about  these  resolutions  by  Harris's  attempting  to  use  them 
against  Norton  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  I  tell  Judge  Douglas  the  pub- 
lic records  of  the  country  show  that  he  himself  attempted  it  upon 
Trumbull  a  month  before  Harris  tried  them  on  Norton;  [great  ap- 
plause] that  Harris  had  the  opportunity  of  learning  it  from  him,  rather 
than  he  from  Harris.  I  now  ask  his  attention  to  that  part  of  the  rec- 
ord on  the  case.  My  friends,  I  am  not  disposed  to  detain  you  longer 
in  regard  to  that  matter. 

I  am  told  that  I  still  have  five  minutes  left.  There  is  another  matter 
I  wish  to  call  attention  to.  He  says,  when  he  discovered  there  was 
a  mistake  in  that  case,  he  came  forward  magnanimously,  without  my 
calling  his  attention  to  it,  and  explained  it.  I  will  tell  you  how  he  be- 
came so  magnanimous.  When  the  newspapers  of  our  side  had  discov- 
ered and  published  it,  and  put  it  beyond  his  power  to  deny  it,  then  he 
came  forward  and  made  a  virtue  of  necessity  by  acknowledging  it. 
[Great  applause.]  Now  he  argues  that  all  the  point  there  was  in  those 
resolutions,  although  never  passed  at  Springfield,  is  retained  by  their 
being  passed  at  other  localities.  Is  that  true?  He  said  I  had  a  hand 
in  passing  them,  in  his  opening  speech, — that  I  was  in  the  Convention 
and  helped  to  pass  them.  Do  the  resolutions  touch  me  at  all?  It 
strikes  me  there  is  some  difference  between  holding  a  man  responsible 
for  an  act  which  he  has  not  done  and  holding  him  responsible  for  an 
act  that  he  has  done.  You  will  judge  whether  there  is  any  difference 
in  the  "spots."  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  And  he  has  taken  credit  for 
great  magnanimity  in  coming  forward  and  acknowledging  what  is 
proved  on  him  beyond  even  the  capacity  of  Judge  Douglas  to  deny; 
and  he  has  more  capacity  in  that  way  than  any  other  living  man. 
[Laughter  and  cheers.] 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  435 

Then  he  wants  to  know  why  I  won't  withdraw  the  charge  in  regard 
to  a  conspiracy  to  make  slavery  national,  as  he  has  withdrawn  the  one 
he  made.  May  it  please  his  worship,  I  will  withdraw  it  when  it  is 
proven  false  on  me  as  that  icas  proven  false  on  him.-  [Shouts  of  applause 
and  laughter.]  I  will  add  a  little  more  than  that.  I  will  withdraw  it 
whenever  a  reasonable  man  shall  be  brought  to  believe  that  the  charge 
is  not  true.    [Renewed  applause.] 

I  have  asked  Judge  Douglas's  attention  to  certain  matters  of  fact 
tending  to  prove  the  charge  of  a  conspiracy  to  nationalize  slavery,  and 
he  says  he  convinces  me  that  this  is  all  untrue  because  Buchanan  was 
not  in  the  country  at  that  time,  and  because  the  Dred  Scott  case  had 
not  then  got  into  the  Supreme  Court ;  and  he  says  that  I  say  the  Demo- 
cratic owners  of  Dred  Scott  got  up  the  case.  I  never  did  say  that. 
[Applause.]  I  defy  Judge  Douglas  to  show  that  I  ever  said  so,  for  I 
never  uttered  it.  [One  of  Mr.  Douglas's  reporters  gesticulated  affirma- 
tively at  Mr.  Lincoln.]  I  don't  care  if  your  hireling  does  say  I  did,  I 
tell  you  myself  that  /  never  said  the  "  Democratic  "  owners  of  Dred  Scott 
got  up  the  case.  [Tremendous  enthusiasm.]  I  have  never  pretended  to 
know  whether  Dred  Scott's  owners  were  Democrats,  or  Abolitionists,  or 
Free-soilers  or  Border  Ruffians.  I  have  said  that  there  is  evidence 
about  the  case  tending  to  show  that  it  was  a  made  up  case,  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  that  decision.  I  have  said  that  that  evidence  was 
very  strong  in  the  fact  that  when  Dred  Scott  was  declared  to  be  a 
slave,  the  owner  of  him  made  him  free,  showing  that  he  had  had  the 
case  tried  and  the  question  settled  for  such  use  as  could  be  made  of 
that  decision ;  he  cared  nothing  about  the  property  thus  declared  to  be 
his  by  that  decision.  [Enthusiastic  applause.]  But  my  time  is  out 
and  I  can  say  no  more. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  15,  1858] 

GEEAT   DEBATE   BETWEEN    LINCOLN    AND    DOUGLAS 

AT  QUINCY 


Twelve  Thousand  Persons  Present!— Great  Triumph  of  the  Republi- 
cans of  the  Fifth  District.— Lincoln  "Concludes"  on  the  "Artful 
Dodger"  with  a  Veng-eance. —Verbatim  Report  of  Speeches 

A  clear  sky  and  altogether  an  admirable  day,  after  a  series  of  cold, 
dismal  storms,  was  accorded  to  the  sixth  public  debate  between  Lin- 

^ Reads:  "when  it  is  proven  on  me  as  that  was  proved  on  him." 


436  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

coin  and  Douglas  at  Quincy,  on  Wednesday  last.  The  crowd  was  very 
large,  and  though  less  in  number  than  that  at  the  Galesburg  debate, 
the  excitement  and  enthusiasm  on  both  sides  were  more  marked  and 
vociferous. 

The  hubbub  commenced  about  nine  o'clock,  shortly  before  the  ar- 
rival of  a  long  special  train  from  Macomb  and  the  intermediate  sta- 
tions on  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  expected.  An  immense  procession 
was  formed,  commencing  in  Jefferson  square  and  marching  down 
Broadway  to  Front  Street  to  receive  the  Republican  champion.  At 
half  past  nine  the  booming  of  cannon  announced  the  arrival  of  the 
train,  and  a  tumultuous  rush  was  made  for  the  depot.  Six  rousing 
cheers  were  given  as  Mr.  Lincoln  stepped  from  the  cars;  after  which 
the  procession  marched  up  Broadway  to  Third  street,  down  Third  to 
Jersey,  up  Jersey  to  Eighth,  up  Eighth  to  Hampshire,  and  then 
through  several  streets  to  the  front  of  the  Court  House.  The  entire 
line  was  fully  an  hour  in  passing  the  comer  of  Third  and  Jersey  streets. 
The  principal  device  in  the  train  was  a  model  ship  on  wheels,  drawn 
by  four  horses,  and  labeled  "CONSTITUTION".  It  was  filled  with 
sailors  and  the  helm  was  managed  by  a  live  coon.  A  suitable  contrast 
to  this  was  one  of  the  contrivances  of  the  Douglas  procession.  As 
though  not  sufficiently  insulting  to  the  Old  Line  Whigs  in  the  general 
run  of  their  banners  and  mottoes,  a  dead  coon  was  borne  aloft,  sus- 
pended by  the  tail,  from  the  principal  Dred  Scott  wagon. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  finally  escorted  to  the  residence  of  O.  H.  Browning, 
Esq.,  and  after  giving  him  three  cheers  which  were  heard  all  over  the 
city,  the  multitude  dispersed  for  dinner. 

Mr.  Douglas  arrived  on  Tuesday  evening,  and  was  received  at  the 
depot  by  a  small  sized  Irish  mob.  A  torch-light  procession  had  been 
advertised  for  the  occasion,  but  it  fell  through  so  lamentably  that  the 
Dred  Scottites  themselves  denied  their  responsibility  for  it  the  next 
morning. 

Among  the  listeners  to  the  debate  were  a  boat  load  of  passengers 
from  Keokuk,  Iowa,  and  another  from  Hannibal,  Missouri. 

The  speaking  commenced  at  half  past  two  o'clock,  in  Washington 
Square.  A  serious  accident  occured  shortly  before  the  arrival  of  the 
speakers,  caused  by  the  giving  away  of  a  part  of  the  railing  around  the 
platform.  Twelve  or  fifteen  persons  were  precipitated  backwards  to 
the  ground,  accompanied  in  their  fall  by  a  heavy  wooden  bench. 
Three  persons  were  severely  bruised  though  not  dangerously  injured. 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  437 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Speech 

At  precisely  half  past  two  o'clock,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  introduced  to 
the  audience,  and  having  been  received  with  three  cheers,  he  pro- 
ceeded. 

[Here  follow  the  speeches  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  together  with  Lincoln's 
rejoinder.] 

As  Mr.  Lincoln  retired,  a  deafening  cheer  went  up  and  was  contin- 
ued with  unabated  enthusiasm  for  some  minutes.  The  crowd  then 
gradually  dispersed,  hurrahing  for  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  each  man  to 
his  taste,  and  generally  at  the  top  of  his  lungs. 

In  the  evening  a  delightful  speech  was  made  at  the  Court  House  in 
the  German  language  by  Hon.  Carl  Schurz.  The  building  was 
crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity. 

A  splendid  torch-light  procession  concluded  the  day  on  the  part  of 
the  Republicans.  The  streets  finally  became  quiet  about  11  o'clock, 
and  the  good  people  of  Quincy  rested  from  their  patriotic  zeal. 

[Chicago  Times,  October  15,  1858] 

SIXTH  GEEAT  DEBATE.-IMMENSE  MEETING  AT 

QUINCY! 


Speeches  of  Doug-las  and  Lincoln.— The  People  for  Doug-las! 

The  sixth  great  debate  between  Senator  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
came  off  on  Wednesday,  October  13,  at  Quincy:  and  though  the 
weather  was  unfavorable,  the  people  attended  in  immense  numbers, 
filling  all  the  public  houses  in  Quincy,  and  literally  crowding  the  city. 

Senator  Douglas  had  been  stopping  for  a  brief  time  at  Augusta, 
whence  he  left  on  Tuesday  evening,  for  Quincy,  in  the  cars  of  the  Chi- 
cago and  Quincy  railroad.  At  Camp  Point,  on  the  route — a  small 
town  of  about  one  thousand  inhabitants — the  senator  was  met  by  a 
great  cavalcade  of  military,  bands  of  music,  and  citizens  gathered 
from  that  and  the  adjacent  towns.  In  front  of  the  station  house  a 
splendid  bonfire  was  flaming,  and  hundreds  of  torches  were  carried 
in  the  streets.  Every  house  in  the  town  was  illuminated, — present- 
ing, altogether,  one  of  the  finest  spectacles  witnessed  during  this 
splendid  campaign.  The  train  having  a  few  minutes  to  spare,  short 
speeches  were  made  by  Senator  Douglas,  J.  N.  Morris,  and  Major 
Roosevelt.  The  last  nametl  gentleman  is  candidate  for  the  legislature 
in  Hancock  County. 

15— 


438  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  Senator  arrived  in  Quincy  at  9  o'clock  and  50  minutes,  where 
he  was  received  by  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  brilHant  torch  Hght 
processions  ever  witnessed.  On  either  side  of  the  immense  procession 
by  which  Senator  Douglas  was  escorted  to  his  hotel — the  Quincy 
House — stood  in  line  hundreds  of  men  holding  up  to  view  appropriate 
and  gorgeous  transparencies.  The  evening  reception  was  complete 
in  all  respects,  and  brilliant  beyond  description. 

All  the  morning  of  the  following  day — Wednesday — was  taken  up 
in  receiving  delegations  of  the  Democracy,  from  all  the  surrounding 
country,  and  from  Iowa  and  Missouri. 

The  people  came  in  displaying  hickory  poles  and  flags  till  Quincy 
looked  like  a  forest  of  hickories. 

There  were  present  at  the  meeting  upwards  of  Fifteen  Thousand 
people — of  which  number  full  three-fourths  were  Democrats.  A 
grand,  a  glorious  day  and  occasion  indeed.  The  enthusiasm  was  with 
the  Democracy;  and  the  victory  was  theirs. 

Lincoln's  Opening: 

Mr.  Lincoln  took  the  stand,  and  received  the  welcome  of  three 
cheers  from  his  friends;  considerable  of  a  mixture  occurred  in  cheering. 
He  proceeded  with  his  remarks  as  follows: 

[Here  follows  the  opening  speech  of  Lineohi  and  the  reply  of  Mr.  Douglas.] 

Lincoln's  Reply 

Mr.  Lincoln,  on  taking  the  stand,  was  again  greeted  with  three 

cheers.     During  the  course  of  his  reply,  the  reporter  would  here  add, 

that  his  party  kept  up  a  perfect  bedlam  let  loose.     There  was  such  a 

confusion  even  on  the  side  of  the  platform  occupied  by  the  Republican 

marshalls,  that  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in  hearing  him.     He 

said : 

[Here  follows  the  rejoinder  of  Mr.  Lincoln.] 

[Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  October  15,  1858] 

THE  GREAT  DISCUSSION  OF  THE  CANVASS! 


Lincoln  and  Doug-las!— Tremendous  Outpouring-  of  the  People!!!— 
10,000  to  12,000  Present.-Lincoln  Gets  Douglas  Down!!!— Great 
Enthusiasm  among-  the  Republicans!!— The  Doug-lasites  Flaxed 
Out! 

Wednesday  was  a  day  that  will  long  be  remembered  by  the  citizens 
of  Quincy,  and  by  the  great  crowd  of  people  who  were  in  attendance 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  439 

to  listen  to  the  joint  discussion  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas.  They 
came  from  all  quarters — from  all  parts  of  the  District,  and  from  Iowa 
and  Missouri. 

Douglas  arrived  on  Tuesday  night,  and  the  Douglasites  got  up  a 
kind  of  a  torch  light  procession  to  receive  him.  The  thing  was  a  most 
miserable  fizzle.  About  fifty  boys  carried  the  torches,  and  the  crowd 
itself  did  not  number  more  than  two  hundred,  many  of  whom  were 
Republicans.  They  went  to  the  depot,  got  Douglas,  and  brought  him 
up  to  the  Quincy  House.  They  then  assembled  at  the  public  square. 
Douglas  was  called  for,  but  didn't  make  his  appearance.  Dr.  Bayne 
addressed  the  people  in  attendance;  but  it  is  generalty  conceded  by 
Democrats  that  he  didn't  do  much  for  himself  or  the  cause  in  which 
he  is  engaged.     So  ended  the  Douglas  demonstration. 

On  Wednesday  morning,  at  an  early  hour,  our  streets  were  thronged 
with  people.  The  Republican  procession  formed  on  Broadway  for 
the  purpose  of  receiving  Mr.  Lincoln.  It  was  one  of  the  finest  demon- 
strations that  ever  occured  in  this  city.  It  is  impossible  to  arrive  at 
anj^thing  like  a  reliable  estimate  of  the  number  in  the  procession. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  received  at  the  depot  and  greeted  with  enthusiastic 
cheers  by  the  crowd.  The  procession  then  proceeded  through  the 
principal  streets  of  the  city  to  the  residence  of  Hon.  0.  H.  Browning, 
where  a  beautiful  and  elegant  bouquet  was  presented  by  the  Repub- 
lican ladies  of  Quincy,  through  the  hands  of  John  Tillson,  Esq.,  our 
candidate  for  Senator,  in  a  neat  and  appropriate  speech,  which 
elicited  much  applause.  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  in  a  few  brief  remarks, 
saying  that  it  was  a  source  of  much  gratification  to  him  to  find  that 
the  ladies,  everywhere,  took  such  a  deep  interest  in  this  contest. 
Before  and  at  the  close  of  the  presentation,  a  choir  of  young  ladies  and 
gentlemen  present  sang  to  the  air  of  "Columbia,  the  gem  of  the 
ocean,"  a  very  appropriate  campaign  song.  The  procession  was 
then  dismissed  for  dinner. 

Long  before  the  speaking  commenced,  the  public  square  literally 
swarmed  with  people.  The  number  present  is  variously  estimated  at 
from  eight  to  fourteen  thousand.     Mr.  Lincoln  opened  the  debate. 

The  only  incident  of  a  disagreeable  character  was  the  falling  of  the 
seats  which  had  been  put  up  for  the  ladies.  They  were  crowded  at 
the  time,  and  the  fall  created  great  consternation.  Two  or  three 
ladies  were  injured — but  no  one  seriously  or  severely. 


440  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

There  were  perhaps  more  than  two  hundred  flags,  mottoes  and 
transparencies  in  the  Republican  procession. 

[Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  October  16,  1858] 

THE  DISCUSSION  OF  WEDNESDAY 


Doug-las  and  Lincoln.— Twenty  Thousand  Persons  in  Quincy! 

The  Democracy  of  IlHnois  have  reason  to  be  proud  of  the  demon- 
stration in  this  city  on  Wednesday  last — the  day  that  had  been 
appointed  for  a  joint  discussion  between  Senator  Douglas  and  Mr. 
Lincoln.  At  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  the  crowds  that  every- 
where thronged  the  streets  of  our  city,  gave  indication  that  a  great 
day  was  before  us.  At  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  black  repub- 
licans went  into  procession  to  the  railroad  depot  to  receive  Mr.  Lin- 
.coln.  Their  procession  was  probably  half  a  mile  in  length,  and 
numbered  four  or  five  hundred  persons,  on  foot,  on  horseback,  and 
in  carriages  and  wagons. — They  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  fore- 
noon marching  and  countermarching  through  the  city,  displaying 
their  banners  and  whatever  enthusiasm  they  managed  to  manufacture 
for  the  occasion.  At  about  the  hour  of  10  o'clock,  a  procession  of 
the  Democracy,  composed  exclusively  of  delegations  from  the  coun- 
try townships,  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Wilson,  the  Chief  Marshal, 
made  its  appearance  upon  the  public  square.  This  procession  was 
over  an  hour  passing  the  Quincy  house,  and  is  thought  to  have  been 
not  less  than  two  miles  in  length.  In  the  lead  were  thirty-two 
young  ladies  on  horseback,  bearing  that  number  of  flags  with  the 
name  of  each  State  upon  them.  In  the  black  republican  procession, 
we  are  told  there  were  but  seventeen  young  ladies  with  banners 
representing  only  the  seventeen  free  States.  In  the  Democratic  pro- 
cession, there  were  twenty  large  American  flags,  and  an  almost 
countless  array  of  smaller  ones.  A  likeness  of  Judge  Douglas,  hand- 
somely ornamented  with  a  beautiful  wreath,  was  carried  at  the  head 
of  the  procession,  and  along  the  line  were  a  great  number  of  similar 
likenesses,  and  several  bands  of  music.  As  the  procession  passed  the 
Quincy  House,  Judge  Douglas  made  his  appearance  at  a  second  story 
window,  were  he  was  greeted  with  cheer  after  cheer  along  the  whole 
line.  The  procession  was  afterwards  joined  by  large  delegations  from 
Brown  county  and  from  various  points  in  Missouri.  It  was  the 
largest  procession  that  was  ever  seen  in  Quincy,  and  probably  larger 


THE  OLD  QUIXCY  HOUSE,  QUIXCY,  ILLINOIS,   1858 
Douglas  stopped  at  this  hotel  at  the  time  of  the  debate 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  441 

than  any  that  has  ever  before  been  seen  in  the  State.  At  about 
twelve  o'clock,  the  procession  was  disbanded,  in  order  to  give  those 
who  participated  in  it  an  opportunity  to  make  themselves  ready  for 
hearing  the  speeches.  At  two  o'clock,  some  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand 
persons  assembled  around  the  stand  upon  the  public  square,  when 
they  were  addressed  for  an  hour  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  followed  in 
a  speech  of  an  hour  and  a  half  by  Judge  Douglas,  and  the  debate 
closed  with  a  response  of  half  an  hour  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  October  16,  1858] 

FROM  CARTHAGE  TO  AUGUSTA 


A  Rainy  Day  No  Bar  to  Democratic  Enthusiasm.— Meeting-  at  Augusta. 

—Ride  to  Quincy.— Passag-e   through   Camp    Point.— Arrival 

at  Quincy.— Reception,  etc.,  etc. 

Quincy,  Adams  Co. 
October  13,  1858 

Shortly  after  this  speech  was  concluded,  the  Senator  left  Augusta  by 
the  cars,  for  this  place.  It  was  by  the  accommodation  train,  which 
usually  carries  but  one  passenger  coach;  on  this  occasion,  others  had 
to  be  added,  for,  although  some  three  or  four  trains  would  pass  the 
same  points  in  time  to  carry  people  to  the  great  debate  here,  there 
were  very  many  who  desired  to  be  in  the  Judge's  company,  and  many 
others  who  desired  to  see  his  reception.  At  every  station  upon  the 
road  fresh  accessions  were  made  to  the  number  of  the   crowd. 

At  Camp  Point,  a  wayside  station  that  was,  a  year  or  so  since,  but 
now  quite  a  little  town,  with  the  life,  stir  and  bustle  of  a  miniature 
city,  where,  not  long  since,  a  Democratic  voter  could  not  have  been 
found,  without  the  aid  of  a  search  warrant,  the  Judge  was  most  cor- 
dially received.  The  train  was  stopped  to  accommodate  the  Camp 
Towners  in  the  wish  to  have  a  little  talk  from  Douglas.  Two  thirds  of 
the  houses  were  illuminated  from  ground  to  garret.  Torch  lights 
flamed  in  the  hands  of  many  men,  but,  however,  were  few  in  compar- 
ison to  the  large  number  of  persons  who  were  out  cheering  for  Douglas, 
and  crowing  over  the  growth  of  strength  which  to-day  nominates  this 
little  town  as  a  Democratic  town.  The  flag  pole,  ever  bearing  the 
stars  and  stripes  in  the  accustomed  height,  or  overflying,  everything 
within  the  extreme  distance  of  vision,  was  lighted  up  by  torches  and 


442  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

to  the  top  bore  lights  which  hung  from  the  halyards.  A  military 
company  was  out,  with  its  fife  and  drum,  playing  merry  tunes. 
Bonfires  were  blazing,  and  rockets  and  fire  balls  were  flying  about 
mid  air.  To  such  a  crowd,  when  they  appealed  to  see  the  Judge,  no 
refusal  was  possible,  so  he  stepped  out  upon  the  platform  of  the  car, 
and  addressed  them  a  few  words  of  appropriate  acknowledgment, 
after  which  Ike  Morris  and  Gen.  Rosevelt  made  a  few  remarks,  when 
the  train  moved  on  mid  the  hearty  and  heart  stirring  sounds  of  good 
Democratic  cheering. 

Some  few  dirty  dogs  of  Abolitionists  tried  to  break  up  the  meeting 
by  bellowing  for  Lincoln.  One  of  their  cheers  was  for  "  Negro  Equal- 
ity," after  which,  evidently  under  the  supposition  that  they  had 
capped  the  climax,  they  ceased  their  brawling,  nor  did  not  longer 
interrupt. 

At  about  ten  o'clock,  the  Judge  and  those  who  were  of  his  escort 
arrived  at  Quincy.  On  the  near  approach  of  the  train,  the  loud  snap- 
ping tones  of  a  six  pounder  was  to  be  heard.  A  moment  or  two  later, 
and  a  few  torchlights  could  be  seen  by  the  side  of  the  roads,  in  the 
hands  of  persons  who  were  either  signalizing  to  the  people  in' the  mass 
or  were  directing  some  arrangements  by  the  roadside.  When  the 
depot  itself  was  reached  a  splendid  sight  gratified  the  vision  of  the 
delighted  crowd  which  was  aboard.  The  air  was  burdened  by  the 
smoke  from  many  torches,  which,  in  its  turn,  was  pierced  by  the 
shouts  of  men,  by  the  stirring  sounds  of  music,  and  by  the  thunder 
tones  of  the  cannon.  The  lights  of  the  torches  caused  a  general  blaze, 
and  the  colored  lights  of  hundreds  of  transparencies,  bearing  as  many 
devices  and  mottoes,  cast  a  subdued  but  pleasant  and  steady  glare 
upon  the  many  thousands  who  followed  them,  in  honor  of  the  man  of 
the  occasion.  It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  strength  of  the  crowd, 
as  it  is  unlikely  that  I  could  number  the  torches  or  lights  which  were 
now  here  then  hither,  waved  over  heads,  now  held  aloft  midst  such 
shouting  and  such  a  general  manifestation  of  joy  as  was  exhibited. 

The  procession,  large  as  it  was,  fell  not  off  in  any  particular  until  it 
had  conducted  Mr.  D.  to  the  hotel;  it  then  adjourned  to  the  public 
square  where  speeches  were  made  by  sundry  and  divers  gentlemen 
who  are  Democrats. 

B.  B. 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  443 

[Missouri  Democrat,  October  15,  1858] 

MEETING  OF  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS  AT  QUINCY 


The  Little  Giant  Out  of  Humor  and  the  People  Enthusiastic  for  Lincoln 

(Correspondence  of  the  Missouri  Democrat.) 

QuiNCY,  III.,  October  13.  1858 

The  appointed  meeting  of  Illinois'  two  great  antagonists  took  place 
here  to-day.  The  arrival  of  each,  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  had  previously 
been  heralded  by  crowds  of  their  respective  friends,  and  everything 
done  that  could  be  done  in  order  to  attract  as  many  of  the  adherents 
of  each  to  the  public  square — the  appointed  place  of  meeting — as  was 
possible.  Crowds  of  people  were  present  from  all  accessible  points — 
Missouri  turning  out  her  full  proportion. 

There  was  a  striking  difference  in  the  personal  appearance  of  the 
two  men — Mr.  Lincoln  seemingly  bearing  up  under  the  fatigue  and 
labor  of  a  four  months'  canvass,  as  though  it  were  nothing  more  than 
the  regular  daily  routine  of  his  business  and  apparently  inspired  to 
new  and  greater  efforts  by  the  success  and  encouragement  he  meets 
before  the  people  of  Illinois.  I  was  of  the  opinion  (but  I  don't  like 
to  accuse  Mr.  Lincoln  of  glorying  in  human  misery),  that  he  even 
felt  encouraged  by  the  disconsolate  appearance  of  his  antagonist. 
Douglas,  on  the  contrary,  looked  very  much  the  worse  for  wear. 
Bad  whiskey  and  the  wear  and  tear  of  conscience  have  had  their 
effect.  So  much  has  he  changed  since  the  commencement  of  the 
campaign  that  even  his  political  enemies  begin  to  have  charitable 
proclivities  toward  him.  Even  in  his  manner  of  address  a  great  dif- 
ference is  perceptible  between  Douglas  four  months  ago  and  Doug- 
las now.  He  speaks  very  slowly — making  a  distinct  pause  at  the  end 
of  each  word,  but  giving  as  much  force  and  accent  as  possible. 

Mr.  Lincoln  opened  the  discussion  with  an  able  speech,  although 
somewhat  personal.  He  literally  tortured  the  Little  Giant  by  stick- 
ing at  him,  by  piecemeal,  the  record  of  his  past  public  life,  and  show- 
ing him  up  as  one  of  the  most  accomplished  political  dodgers  of  the 
age. 

Mr.  Douglas  replied  to  Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  usual  style — being  well 
spiced  with  vituperation  and  abuse.  He  wrought  himself  up  to  an 
immense  pitch,  and  although  he  did  not  call  anybody  liar,  had  con- 
siderable to  say  about  veracity.  This  was  in  answer  to  the  charge  of 
Lincoln  that  the  forged  Republican  resolutions  had   been  traced 


444  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

back  to  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  two  of  his  friends.  Altogether  the 
speeches  were  not  dissimilar  to  those  already  published  and  as  you 
will  shortly  have  a  full  report  of  them  I  shall  not  at  present  trouble 
you  with  extracts.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  particularly  happ}'  in  his  hits 
at  the  Little  Giant  in  his  rejoinder,  and  altogether, had  decidedly  the 
advantage  of  his  competitor. 

Judging  from  appearances  here  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  goodly  majority 
of  the  crowd  in  his  favor.  The  number  present  were  estimated  at 
from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  persons.  The  meeting  passed  with 
little  or  no  interruption,  and  was  decidedly  favorable  to  the  success 
of  the  Republican  party.  It  is  certainly  to  be  regretted  that  the 
canvass  in  Illinois  has  turned  so  much  on  personal  issues,  but  as  Mr. 
Douglas  and  his  friends  commenced  the  onslaught  upon  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  the  Republican  party,  there  was  probably  no  way  of  avoiding 
this  result — and  certainly  the  instigators  of  this  course  suffer  most 
severly  from  it. 

Yours,  etc. 
[no   signature.] 
[The  Gate  City,  Keokuk,  Iowa,  October  26,  1858] 

The  people  poured  into  Quincy  on  Wednesday  last  from  all  quar- 
ters. The  Quincy,  the  Col.  Morgan  and  the  ferry  boat,  Hamilton 
Belle,  starting  from  this  point,  took  down  several  hundred.  The 
City  of  Louisiana  arrived  there  from  below  at  an  early  hour  crowded 
to  the  guards.  Each  party  had  processions,  with  music,  eachheaded 
by  young  ladies  on  horseback  representing  the  states.  The  speak- 
ing commenced  at  two  o'clock  p.  m.,  by  which  time  the  public 
square  w-as  pretty  well  filled  with  a  living,  moving  multitude. — Be- 
fore the  speaking  commenced,  the  seats  which  had  been  erected  in 
front  in  the  speaker's  stand  gave  way  and  several  ladies  were  taken 
out  more  or  less  injured. 

[Chicago  Journal,  October  15,  1858] 

THE  SIXTH  JOINT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND 

DOUGLAS 

At  Quincy,  on  Wednesday  last,  the  sixth  joint  debate  took  place 
between  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Douglas.  The  multitude  present  is 
estimated  at  from  eight  to  ten  thousand.  There  were  delegations 
present  from  Iowa  and  Missouri.  There  was  much  enthusiasm 
manifested  for  both  speakers  though  that  for  Lincoln,  we  are 
assured,  was  much  the  heartiest  and  most  general. 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  445 

Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  in  Quincy  on  Wednesday  morning,  and  was 
received  and  escorted  to  his  quarters  by  an  immense  procession — 
literally  "  an  army  with  banners,"  who  made  the  streets  resound 
with  that  inspiring  watchword  which  is  now  heard  all  over  the  State 
— "Hurrah  for  Lincoln!" 

The  speaking  took  place  at  Washington  Square,  commencing  at 
half  past  two  o'clock.  Mr.  Lincoln  opened  the  debate,  Mr.  Douglas 
followed,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  closed  the  debate. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  October  17,  1858] 

THE  JOINT  DEBATE  AT  QUINCY.- GREAT  TURNOUT 

Quincy,  Adams  County,  Ills. 

Oct.  14 
The  joint  debate  of  yesterday  was  a  grand  affair  for  the  Democratic 
party.  The  people  turned  out  nobly  to  the  number  of  perhaps  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  thousand,  the  Democrats  being  greatly  in  the  ma- 
jority, although  circulars  had  been  sent  to  the  different  precincts 
begging  that  the  Republicans  should  turn  out.  The  enthusiasm 
which  greeted  Douglas  while  he  was  speaking  and  when  he  had  con- 
cluded, was  so  unlike  the  shouts  of  the  Lincoln  trained  band  that 
our  hearts  rejoiced  at  the  discomfiture  of  the  enemy.  These  latter, 
instiiicted  to  shout,  did  so  at  all  times,  with  and  without  reason,  so 
that  during  the  closing  half  hour  there  was  such  a  din  and  confusion 
that  I  think  it  veiy  doubtful  if  even  the  tall  Sucker  was  able  to  hear 
himself  think.  Had  he  not  studied  his  lesson  so  as  to  be  perfect 
therein,  and  that  his  grammatical  construction  might  be  more  per- 
fect than  in  his  ordinary  speeches,  we  should  again  have  to  note 
that  he  ran  down  before  the  expiration  of  his  time — an  event  which 
has  served  to  show  his  weakness  on  more  than  one  occasion  during 
this  campaign. 

B.  B. 

[Galesburg,   III.,   Democrat,   October   16,    1858] 

LINCOLN  AT  QUINCY 

The  editor  of  the  Macomb  EnierpHse  says  that  "  Lincoln  gave  Doug, 
the  completest  drubbing  he  has  got  yet.  In  the  rejoinder  Abe  got 
'warmed  up'  and  threw  a  perfect  storm  of  hot  shot  into  the  Douglas 
ranks  and  when  he  closed  they  cheered  him  till  the}-  were  too  hoarse 
to  hallo  any  more.     The  crowd  was  quite  large.     The  enjoyment  was 


446  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

somewhat  marred  by  the  raised  seats  falling,  when  they  were  filled 
with  people,  a  short  time  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the 
speaking.  A  few  persons  were  injured,  but  not  dangerously.  One 
or  two  had  limbs  broken. 

[Whig,  Quincy,  lU.,  October  25,  1858] 

The  last  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  demonstrated 
that  the  latter,  like  the  comet,  is  getting  farther  and  farther  from  the 
earth. 

[Hon.  Carl  Schurz  in  McClure's  Magazine,  January,  1907,  by  permission  of 

the  S.  S.  McClure  Co.] 

"  When  we  arrived  at  Quincy,  we  found  a  large  number  of  friends 
waiting  for  him  [Lincoln];  there  was  much  hand-shaking,  and  many 
familiar  salutations  were  exchanged.  Then  they  got  him  into  a  car- 
riage, much  against  his  wish,  for  he  said  that  he  would  prefer  to  'foot 
it  to  Browning's,'  an  old  friend  at  whose  house  he  was  to  have  supper 
and  a  quiet  night.  But  the  night  was  by  no  means  quiet  outside. 
The  blare  of  brass  bands  and  the  shouts  of  enthusiastic  and  not  in  all 
cases  quite  sober  Democrats  and  Republicans,  cheering  and  hurrahing 
for  their  respective  champions,  did  not  cease  until  the  small  hours. 

The  next  morning  the  country  people  began  to  stream  into  town 
for  the  great  meeting,  some  singly,  on  foot  or  on  horseback,  some  in 
small  parties  of  men  and  women  and  even  children,  in  buggies  or  farm 
wagons;  while  others  were  marshaled  in  solemn  procession  from  out- 
lying towns  or  districts,  with  banners  and  drums,  tricolored  scarfs, 
who  represented  the  Goddess  of  Liberty  and  the  different  states  of  the 
Union,  and  whose  beauty  was  duly  admired  by  everyone,  including 
themselves. 

On  the  whole,  the  Democratic  displays  were  much  more  elaborate 
and  georgeous  than  those  of  the  Republicans,  and  it  was  said  that 
Douglas  had  plenty  of  money  to  spend  for  such  things.  He  himself 
traveled  in  what  was  called  in  those  days  great  style,  with  a  secretary 
and  servants  and  a  numerous  escort  of  somewhat  loud  companions, 
moving  from  place  to  place  by  special  train,  with  cars  especially  dec- 
orated for  the  occasion,  all  of  which  contrasted  strongly  with  Lincoln's 
extremely  modest  simplicity.  There  was  no  end  of  cheering  and 
shouting  and  jostling  on  the  streets  of  Quincy  that  day.  But  in  spite 
of  the  excitement  created  by  the  political  contest,  the  crowds  re- 


THE  QUINCY  DEBATE  447 

mained  very  good  natured,  and  the  occasional  jibs  flung  from  one  side 
to  the  other  were  uniformly  received  with  a  mere  laugh. 

The  great  debate  took  place  in  the  afternoon  in  the  open  square, 
where  a  large,  pine-board  platform  had  been  built  for  the  committee 
of  arrangements,  the  speakers,  and  the  persons  they  wished  to  have 
with  them.  I  thus  was  favored  with  a  seat  on  that  platform.  In 
front  of  it  many  thousands  of  people  were  assembled.  Republicans 
and  Democrats  standing  peacefully  together,  only  chafling  one 
another  now  and  then  in  a  good-tempered  way. 

As  the  champions  arrived,  they  were  demonstratively  cheered  by 
their  adherents.  The  presiding  officer  agreed  upon  by  the  two  parties 
called  the  meeting  to  order  and  announced  the  program  of  proceedings. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  open  with  a  speech  of  one  hour,  Senator  Douglas 
was  to  follow  with  a  speech  of  one  hour  and  a  half,  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  to  close  with  a  speech  of  a  half  hour.  The  first  part  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's opening  address  was  devoted  to  a  refutation  of  some  things 
Douglas  had  said  at  previous  meetings.  This  refutation  may,  indeed, 
have  been  required  for  the  settlement  of  disputed  points,  but  it  did  not 
strike  me  as  anything  extraordinary,  either  in  substance  or  in  form. 

Neither  had  Mr.  Lincoln  any  of  those  physical  advantages  which 
usually  are  thought  to  be  very  desirable,  if  not  necessary,  to  the  orator. 
His  voice  was  not  musical,  being  rather  high-keyed  and  apt  to  turn 
into  a  shrill  treble  in  moments  of  excitement ;  but  it  was  not  positively 
disagreable.  It  had  an  exceeding  penetrating,  far-reaching  quality. 
The  looks  of  the  audience  convinced  me  that  every  word  he  spoke  was 
understood  at  the  remotest  edges  of  the  vast  assemblage.  His  ges- 
tures were  awkward.  He  swung  his  long  arms  sometimes  in  a  very 
ungraceful  manner.  Now  and  then,  to  give  particular  emphasis  to  a 
point,  he  would  bend  his  knees  and  body  with  a  sudden  downward 
jerk  and  then  shoot  up  again  with  a  vehemence  that  raised  him  to  his 
tiptoes  and  made  him  look  much  taller  than  he  really  was — a  manner 
of  enlivening  a  speech  which  at  that  time  was,  and  perhaps  still  is, 
not  unsual  in  the  West,  but  which  he  succeeded  in  avoiding  at  a 
later  period. 

There  was,  however,  in  all  he  said,  a  tone  of  earnest  truthfulness, 
of  elevated,  noble  sentiment,  and  of  kindly  sympathy,  which  added 
greatly  to  the  strength  of  his  argument,  and  became,  as  in  the  course 
of  his  speech  he  touched  upon  the  moral  side  of  the  question  in  de- 
bate, powerfully  impressive.     Even  when  he  was  attacking  his  oppo- 


448  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

nent  with  keen  satire  or  invective,  which,  coming  from  any  other 
speaker,  would  have  sounded  bitter  and  cruel,  there  was  still  a  certain 
something  in  his  utterance  which  made  his  hearers  feel  that  those 
thrusts  came  from  a  reluctant  heart,  and  that  he  would  much  rather 
have  treated  his  foe  as  a  friend. 

When  Lincoln  had  sat  down  amid  the  enthusiastic  plaudits  of  his 
adherents,  I  asked  myself  with  some  trepidation  in  my  heart,  'What 
will  Douglas  say  now? '  Lincoln's  speech  had  struck  me  as  something 
very  clear,  logical,  persuasive,  convincing  even,  and  very  sympathetic; 
but  not  as  something  overwhelming.  Douglas,  I  thought,  might  not 
be  able  to  confute  it,  but  by  the  cunning  sophistry  at  his  command, 
and  by  one  of  his  forceful  appeals  to  prejudice,  he  might  succeed  in 
neutralizing  its  effects. 

No  more  striking  contrast  could  have  been  imagined  than  that 
between  those  two  men  as  they  appeared  upon  the  platform.  By  the 
side  of  Lincoln's  tall,  lank  and  ungainly  form,  Douglas  stood  almost 
like  a  dwarf,  very  short  of  stature,  but  square-shouldered  and  broad- 
chested,  a  massive  head  upon  a  strong  neck — the  very  embodiment 
of  force,  combativeness,  and  staying  power.  On  the  stage  at  Quincy 
he  looked  rather  natty  and  well-groomed,  being  clothed  in  excellently 
fitting  broadcloth  and  shining  linen.  But  his  face  seemed  a  little 
puffy,  and  it  was  said  that  he  had  been  drinking  hard  with  some  boon 
companions  either  on  his  journey  or  since  his  arrival.  The  deep 
horizontal  wrinkle  between  his  keen  eyes  was  unusually  dark  and 
scowling.  W^hile  he  was  listening  to  Lincoln's  speech,  a  contemptu- 
ous smile  now  and  then  flitted  across  his  lips,  and  when  he  arose,  the 
tough  parliamentary  gladiator,  he  tossed  his  mane  with  an  air  of 
overbearing  superiority,  of  threatening  defiance,  as  if  to  say:  'How 
dare  any  one  dare  stand  up  against  me?' 

When  the  debate  at  Quincy  was  over,  the  champions  were  heartily 
cheered  by  their  partisans,  the  assemblage  dissolved  peaceably,  the 
brass  bands  began  to  play  again — several  of  them  within  hearing  of  one 
another,  so  as  to  fill  the  air  with  discordant  sounds — and  the  country 
people,  with  their  wagons  and  their  maidens  in  white,  got  in  motion  to 
return  to  their  homes. " 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  ALTON  DEBATE. 

[St.  Louis  Evening  News,  October  14,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT  ALTON 

Douglas  and  Lincoln  will  speak  at  Alton  to-morrow  at  ten  o  'clock. 
To  enable  persons  in  St.  Louis  to  attend,  the  Baltimore  will  leave  the 
levee  at  7  o'clock,  a.  m.,  and  return  in  the  evening. 

Also,  the  White  Cloud  will  start  from  the  Union  Line  wharf -boat 
at  half  past  8  a.  m.  for  Alton,  and  return  in  the  evening.  These  are 
excellent  chances  offered  our  citizens  to  attend  the  great  speaking 
match. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  October  15,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN 

At  Alton  To-day,  Friday,  15th. 

The  Fine  Passenger  Steamer 

"WHITE  CLOUD" 

Will  leave  the  Union  Railroad  Line  wharf-boat,  foot  of  Olive  street,  at  half 
past  9  o'clock,  returning  in  the  evening,  after  the  speaking.  Fare  for 
round  trip  $1.     Come  one,  come  all. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  October  14,  1858] 

THE  ALTON  DEBATE 

All  democrats  intending  to  go  to  Alton  tomorrow  to  attend  the 
discussion,  will  please  report  themselves  at  the  rooms  of  Gen.  Curran 
by  10  o'clock  this  morning,  for  the  purpose  of  entering  into  certain 
arrangements  for  the  excursion.  The  military  and  music  will  be  on 
hand.  The  railroad  company  will  carry  passengers  at  half  fare.  The 
train  will  leave  at  6:30  to-morrow  morning. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  October  14,  1858] 

Excursion  to  Alton.  In  accordance  with  our  suggestion,  the 
Chicago  and  Alton  Railroad  Company  has  consented  to  issue  excursion 
tickets  at  half  fare  for  all  who  desire  to  visit  Alton  tomorrow  to  witness 
the  last  great  debate  of  the  season  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas- 

449 


450  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

This  is  a  fine  opportunity  for  such  as  desire  to  be  present,  and  we  hope 
there  will  be  a  large  turn-out. 

All  persons  who  design  going  on  this  excursion  are  requested  to 
leave  word  at  the  Journal  Office,  or  Gen.  Curran,  in  order  that 
sufficient  cars  may  be  provided.  It  is  expected  that  a  band  of  music 
and  one  of  the  military  companies  will  go  with  the  party  from  this  city. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  October  15,  1858] 

THE  DEBATE  AT  ALTON 

To-day  comes  off  the  debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  at 
Alton,  which  is  the  last  of  the  joint  discussions  between  the  two.  It  is 
expected  that  there  will  be  a  great  attendance.  The  applications  for 
special  trains  on  the  railroads,  by  persons  desirous  of  being  present  on 
the  occasion,  show  the  general  interest  which  is  felt  in  this  meeting. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  October  16,  1858] 

For  Alton — A  delegation  of  our  citizens  including  the  ''Spring- 
field Cadets, "  and  ''  Merritt's  Cadet  Band  "  visited  Alton  on  yesterday 
to  hear  the  last  debate  between  Lincolri  and  Douglas.  The  ''Little 
Dodger"  thanks  his  stars  that  these  joint  debates  are  ended  at  last. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  15,  1858] 

THE  LAST  OF  THE  SERIES 

The  last  of  the  seven  discussions  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  into 
which  the  latter  was  forced  by  his  friends  much  against  his  own  incli- 
nation and  judgment,  takes  place  today  at  Alton. 

It  is  entirely  safe  to  predict,  whatever  may  be  the  future  political 
relations  of  the  two  men,  that  Douglas  will  never  again  dare  to  break 
the  lance  with  Lincoln.  He  has  had  enough  of  that  to  satisfy  him  the 
remainder  of  his  natural  life. 

THE  ALTON  DEBATE 

Alton,  October  15,  1858 


Senator  Doug:las's  Speech 

Long  and  loud  bursts  of  applause  greeted  Senator  Douglas,  when  he 
appeared  on  the  stand.  As  he  was  about  to  commence  speaking,  he 
was  interrupted  by  Dr.  Hope,  one  of  the  Danite  faction. 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  451 

Dr.  Hope. — Judge,  before  you  commence  speaking,  allow  me  to  ask 
you  a  question. 

Senator  Douglas. — If  you  will  not  occupy  too  much  of  my  time. 

Dr.  Hope. — Only  an  instant. 

Senator  Douglas. — What  is  your  question? 

Dr.  Hope. — Do  you  believe  that  the  Territorial  legislatures  ought  to 
pass  laws  to  protect  slavery  in  the  territories? 

Senator  Douglas. — You  will  get  an  answer  in  the  course  of  my  re- 
marks.    [Applause.] 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  It  is  now  nearly  four  months  since  the 
canvass  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself  commenced.  On  the  16th 
of  June  the  Republican  Convention  assembled  at  Springfield  and 
nominated  Mr.  Lincoln  as  their  candidate  for  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate, and  he,  on  that  occasion,  delivered  a  speech  in  which  he  laid  down 
what  he  understood  to  be  the  Republican  creed,  and  the  platform  on 
which  he  proposed  to  stand  during  the  contest. 

The  principal  points  in  the  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  were:  First, 
that  this  Government  could  not  endure  permanently  divided  into  Free 
and  Slave  States,  as  our  fathers  made  it;  that  they  must  all  become 
Free  or  all  become  Slave;  all  become  one  thing,  or  all  become  the  other, 
— otherwise  this  Union  could  not  continue  to  exist.  I  give  you  his 
opinions  almost  in  the  identical  language  he  used.  His  second  propo- 
sition was  a  crusade  against  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
because  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  urging  as  an  especial  reason  for  his 
opposition  to  that  decision  that  it  deprived  the  negroes  of  the  rights 
and  benefits  of  that  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
which  guarantees  to  the  citizens  of  each  State  all  the  rights,  privileges, 
and  immunities  of  the  citizens  of  the  several  States. 

On  the  10th  of  July  I  returned  home,  and  delivered  a  speech  to 
the  people  of  Chicago,  in  which  I  announced  it  to  be  my  purpose  to 
appeal  to  the  people  of  Illinois  to  sustain  the  course  I  had  pursued  in 
Congress.  In  that  speech  I  joined  issue  with  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  points 
which  he  had  presented.  Thus  there  was  an  issue  clear  and  distinct 
made  up  between  us  on  these  two  propositions  laid  down  in  the  speech 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  at  Springfield,  and  controverted  by  me  in  my  reply  to 
him  at  Chicago. 

On  the  next  day,  the  11th  of  July,  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  to  me  at 
Chicago,  explaining  at  some  length  and  re  affirming  the  positions  which 
he  had  taken  in  his  Springfield  speech.     In  that  Chicago  speech  he 


452  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

even  went  further  than  he  had  before,  and  uttered  sentiments  in  regard 
to  the  negro  being  on  an  equality  with  the  white  man.  ["  That's  so. "] 
He  adopted  in  support  of  this  position  the  argument  which  Lovejoy 
and  Codding  and  other  Abolition  lecturers  had  made  familiar  in  the 
northern  and  central  portions  of  the  State:  to-wit.  that  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  having  declared  aU  men  free  and  equal,  by 
di\Tne  law.  also  that  negro  equahty  was  an  inalienable  right,  of  which 
they  could  not  be  deprived.  He  insisted,  in  that  speech,  that  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  included  the  negro  in  the  clause  asserting 
that  aU  men  were  created  equal,  and  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  if  one 
man  was  allowed  to  take  the  position  that  it  did  not  include  the  negro, 
others  might  take  the  position  that  it  did  not  include  other  men. 
He  said  that  all  these  distinctions  between  this  man  and  that  man, 
this  race  and  the  other  race  must  be  discarded,  and  we  must  all  stand 
by  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  declaring  that  all  men  were 
created  equal. 

The  issue  thus  being  made  up  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself  on 
three  points,  we  went  before  the  people  of  the  State.  During  the  fol- 
lowing seven  weeks,  between  the  Chicago  speeches  and  our  first  meet- 
ing at  Ottawa,  he  and  I  addressed  large  assemblages  of  the  people  in 
many  of  the  central  counties.  In  my  speeches  I  confined  myself 
closely  to  those  three  positions  which  he  had  taken,  controverting  his 
proposition  that  this  Union  could  not  exist  as  our  fathers  made  it, 
divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States;  controverting  his  proposition  of  a 
crusade  against  the  Supreme  Court  because  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision; 
and  controverting  his  proposition  that  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence included  and  meant  the  negroes  as  well  as  the  white  men,  when 
it  declared  all  men  to  be  created  equal.  [Cheers  for  Douglas.]  I 
supposed  at  that  time  that  these  propositions  constituted  a  distinct 
issue  between  us,  and  that  the  opposite  positions  we  had  taken  upon 
them  we  would  be  willing  to  be  held  to  in  ever}-  part  of  the  State. 
I  never  intended  to  waver  one  hair's  breadth  from  that  issue,  either 
in  the  north  or  the  south,  or  wherever  I  should  address  the  people  of 
Illinois.  I  hold  that  when  the  time  arrives  that  I  cannot  proclaim 
my  political  creed  in  the  same  terms,  not  only  in  the  northern,  but 
the  southern  part  of  Illinois,  not  only  in  the  Northern,  but  the 
Southern  States,  and  wherever  the  American  flag  waves  over  American 
son,  that  then  there  must  be  something  wrong  in  that  creed;  ["Good, 
good, "  and  cheers.]  so  long  as  we  live  under  a  common  Constitution, 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  453 

so  long  as  we  live  in  a  confederacy  of  sovereign  and  equal  States,  joined 
together  as  one  for  certain  purposes,  that  any  political  creed  is  radi- 
cally wrong  which  cannot  be  proclaimed  in  even-  State  and  even- 
section  of  that  Union,  alike. 

I  took  up  Mr.  Lincoln's  three  propositions  in  my  several  speeches. 
analyzed  them,  and  pointed  out  what  I  beUeved  to  be  the  radical  errors 
contained  in  them.  First,  in  regard  to  his  doctrine  that  this  Govern- 
ment was  in  violation  of  the  law  of  God,  which  says  that  a  house  divi- 
ded against  itseK  cannot  stand,  I  repudiated  it  as  a  slander  upon  the 
immortal  framers  of  our  Constitution.  I  then  said,  I  have  often  re- 
peated, and  now  again  assert,  that  in  my  opinion  our^  Government  can 
endure  forever,  ["Good."]  di\-ided  into  Free  and  Slave  States  as  our 
fathers  made,  it — each  State  ha\'ing  the  right  to  prohibit,  abolish,  or 
sustain  slaven,-,  just  as  it  pleases.     ["Good:"  "right:"'  and  cheers.] 

This  Government  was  made  upon  the  great  basis  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  States,  the  right  of  each  State  to  regulate  its  own  domestic  insti- 
tutions to  suit  itseK;  and  that  right  was  conferred  with  the  understand- 
ing and  expectation  that  inasmuch  as  each  locality  had  separate  in- 
terests, each  locaUty  must  have  different  and  distinct  local  and  domes- 
tic institutions,  corresponding  to  its  wants  and  interests.  Our  fathers 
knew  when  they  made  the  Government  that  the  laws  and  institutions 
which  were  well  adapted  to  the  Green  Mountains  of  Vermont  were 
im.suited  to  the  rice  plantations  of  South  Carolina.  They  knew  then, 
as  well  as  we  know  now,  that  the  laws  and  institutions  which  would 
be  well  adapted  to  the  beautiful  prairies  of  Illinois  would  not  be  suited 
to  the  mining  regions  of  California.  They  knew  that  in  a  Republic 
as  broad  as  this,  having  such  a  variety  of  soil,  climate,  and  interest, 
there  must  necessarily  be  a  corresponding  variety  of  local  laws. — the 
policy  and  institutions  of  each  State  adapted  to  its  condition  and 
wants.  For  this  reason  this  Union  was  established  on  the  right  of 
each  State  to  do  as  it  pleased  on  the  question  of  slaver\-,  and  everj^ 
other  question:  and  the  various  States  were  not  allowed  to  complain 
of,  much  less  interfere  with,  the  pohcy  of  their  neighbors.  ["That's 
good  doctrine;"  "thats'  the  doctrine,"  and  cheers.] 

Suppose  the  doctrine  advocated  by  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Abolition- 
ists of  this  day  had  prevailed  when  the  Constitution  was  made,  what 
would  have  been  the  result?  Imagine  for  a  moment  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  been  a  member  of  the  Convention  that  framed  the  Constitution  of 

iReads:  'this"  for  "our." 


454  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  United  States,  and  that  when  its  members  were  about  to  sign  that 
wonderful  document,  he  had  arisen  in  that  Convention  as  he  did  at 
Springfield  this  summer,  and,  addressing  himself  to  the  President,  had 
said,  "A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand;  [laughter]  this 
Government,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States  cannot  endure,  they 
must  all  be  Free  or  all  be  Slave;  they  must  all  be  one  thing,  or  alU 
the  other, — otherwise,  it  is  a  violation  of  the  law  of  God,  and  cannot 
continue  to  exist;" — suppose  Mr.  Lincoln  had  convinced  that  body  of 
sages  that  that  doctrine  was  sound,  what  would  have  been  the  result? 
Remember  that  the  Union  was  then  composed  of  thirteen  States, 
twelve  of  which  were  slaveholding,  and  one  free.  Do  you  think  that 
the  one  Free  State  would  have  outvoted  the  twelve  slaveholding 
States,  and  thus  have  secured  the  abolition  of  slavery?  ["No,  no. "] 
On  the  other  hand,  would  not  the  twelve  slaveholding  States  have 
outvoted  the  one  Free  State,  and  thus  have  fastened  slavery,  by  a 
constitutional  provision,  on  every  foot  of  the  American  Republic 
forever?. 

You  see  that  if  this  Abolition  doctrine  of  Mr.  Lincoln  had  prevailed 
when  the  Government  was  made,  it  would  have  established  slavery  as 
a  permanent  institution  in  all  the  States,  whether  they  wanted  it  or 
not;  and  the  question  for  us  to  determine  in  Illinois  now,  as  one  of  the 
Free  States,  is  whether  or  not  we  are  willing,  having  become  the  ma- 
jority section,  to  enforce  a  doctrine  on  the  minority  which  we  would 
have  resisted  with  our  hearts'  blood  had  it  been  attempted  on  us  when 
we  were  in  a  minority.  ["  We  never  will; "  " good,  good; "  and  cheers.] 
How  has  the  South  lost  her  power  as  the  majority  section  in  this  Union 
and  how  have  the  Free  States  gained  it,  except  under  the  operation  of 
that  principle  which  declares  the  right  of  the  people  of  each  State  and 
each  Territory  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their 
own  way?  It  was  under  that  principle  that  slavery  was  abolished  in 
New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
and  Pennsylvania;  it  was  under  that  principle  that  one  half  of  the 
slaveholding  States  became  free;  it  was  under  that  principle  that  the 
number  of  Free  States  increased  until,  from  being  one  out  of  twelve 
States,  we  have  grown  to  be  the  majority  of  States  of  the  whole  Union 
with  the  power  to  control  the  House  of  Representatives  and  Senate, 
and  the  power,  consequently,  to  elect  a  President  by  Northern  votes, 
without  the  aid  of  a  Southern  State.     Having  obtained  this  power 

ilnserts"be"  after  "all." 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  455 

under  the  operation  of  that  great  principle,  are  you  now  prepared  to 
abandon  the  principle  and  declare  that  merely  because  we  have  the 
power  you  will  wage  a  war  against  the  Southern  States  and  their 
institutions  until  you  force  them  to  abolish  slavery  everywhere? 
["No,  never;"  and  great  applause.] 

After  having  pressed  these  arguments  home  on  Mr.  Lincoln  for 
seven  weeks,  publishing  a  number  of  my  speeches,  we  met  at  Ottawa 
in  a  joint  discussion,  and  he  then  began  to  crawfish  a  little,  and  let 
himself  down.  [Immense  applause.]  I  there  propounded  certain 
questions  to  him.  Amongst  others,  I  asked  him  whether  he  would 
vote  for  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States,  in  the  event  the 
people  wanted  them.  He  would  not  answer.  [Applause  and  laugh- 
ter.] I  then  told  him  that  if  he  did  not  answer  the  question  there,  I 
would  renew  it  at  Freeport,  and  would  then  trot  him  down  into  Eygpt 
and  again  put  it  to  him.  [Cheeers.]  Well,  at  Freeport,  knowing  that 
the  next  joint  discussion  took  place  in  Egypt,  and  being  in  dread  of  it, 
he  did  answer  my  question  in  regard  to  no  more  Slave  States,  in  a 
mode  which  he  hoped  would  be  satisfactory  to  me,  and  accomplish 
the  object  he  had  in  view.  I  will  show  you  what  his  answer  was. 
After  saying  that  he  was  not  pledged  to  the  Republican  doctrine  of 
"no  more  Slave  States,"  he  declared: — 

"  I  state  to  you  very^  frankly,  that  I  should  be  exceedingly  sorry  ever  to  be 
put  in  the  position  of  having  to  pass  upon  that  question.  I  should  be  exceed- 
ingly glad  to  know  that  there  would  never  be  another  Slave  State  admitted 
into  this  Union. " 

Here  permit  me  to  remark,  that  I  do  not  think  the  people  will  ever 

force  him  into  a  position  against  his  will.     [Great  laughter  and 

applause.]     He  went  on  to  say: — 

"  But  I  must  add,  in  regard  to  this,  that  if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of  the 
Territory  during  the  Territorial  existence  of  any  one  given  Territory,  and  then 
the  people  should,  having  a  fair  chance  and  clear  field,  when  they  come  to 
adopt  a  constitution,  if  they  should  do  the  extraordinary  thing  of  adopting  a 
slave  constitution  uninfluenced  by  the  actual  presence  of  the  institution 
among  them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own  the  country,  but  we  must  admit 
it  into  the  Union." 

That  answer  Mr.  Lincoln  supposed  would  satisfy  the  Old  Line 
Whigs,  composed  of  Kentuckians  and  Virginians,  down  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  State.  Now,  what  does  it  amount  to?  I  desired  to  know 
whether  he  would  vote  to  allow  Kansas  to  come  into  the  Union  with 
slavery  or  not,  as  her  people  desired.     He  would  not  answer,  but  in  a 

iReads:  "freely"  for  "very." 


456  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

roundabout  way  said  that  if  slavery  should  be  kept  out  of  a  Territory 
during  the  whole  of  its  Territorial  existence,  and  then  the  people, 
when  they  adopted  a  State  Constitution,  asked  admission  as  a  Slave 
State,  he  supposed  he  would  have  to  let  the  State  come  in.  The  case 
I  put  to  him  was  an  entirely  different  one.  I  desired  to  know  whether 
he  would  vote  to  admit  a  State  if  Congress  had  not  prohibited  slavery 
in  it  during  its  Territorial  existence,  as  Congress  never  pretended  to 
do  under  Clay's  Compromise  measures  of  1850.  He  would  not 
answer  and  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  get  an  answer  from  him. 
[Laughter;  "he'll  answer  this  time,"  "he  is  afraid  to  answer,"  etc.] 
I  have  asked  him  whether  he  would  vote  to  admit  Nebraska  if  her 
people  asked  to  come  in  as  a  State  with  a  constitution  recognizing 
slavery,  and  he  refused  to  answer.  ["Put  him  through;"  "give  it  to 
him,"  and  cheers.]  I  have  put  the  question  to  him  with  reference  to 
New  Mexico,  and  he  has  not  uttered  a  word  in  answer.  I  have 
enumerated  the  Territories,  one  after  another,  putting  the  same  ques- 
tion to  him  with  reference  to  each,  and  he  has  not  said,  and  will 
not  say,  whether,  if  elected  to  Congress,  he  will  vote  to  admit  any 
Territory  now  in  existence  with  such  a  constitution  as  her  people  may 
adopt.  He  invents  a  case  which  does  not  exist,  and  cannot  exist 
under  this  Government,  and  answers  it;  but  he  will  not  answer  the 
question  I  put  to  him  in  connection  with  any  of  the  Territories  now 
in  existence.  ["Hurrah  for  Douglas;"  "Three  cheers  for  Douglas."] 
The  contract  we  entered  into  with  Texas  when  she  entered  the 
Union  obliges  us  to  allow  four  States  to  be  formed  out  of  the  old  State, 
and  admitted  with  or  without  slavery,  as  the  respective  inhabitants  of 
each  may  determine.  I  have  asked  Mr.  Lincoln  three  times  in  our 
joint  discussions  whether  he  would  vote  to  redeem  that  pledge,  and  he 
has  never  yet  answered.  He  is  as  silent  as  the  grave  on  the  subject. 
[Laughter;  "  Lincoln  must  answer, "  "  he  will, "  etc.]  He  would  rather 
answer  as  to  a  state  of  the  case  which  will  never  arise  than  commit 
himself  by  telling  what  he  would  do  in  a  case  which  would  come  up  for 
his  action  soon  after  his  election  to  Congress.  ["  He'll  never  have  to 
act  on  any  question, "  and  laughter.]  Why  can  he  not  say  whether  he 
is  willing  to  allow  the  people  of  each  State  to  have  slavery  or  not  as 
they  please,  and  to  come  into  the  Union,  when  they  have  the  requisite 
population  as  a  Slave  or  a  Free  State  as  they  decide?  I  have  no 
trouble  in  answering  the  question.  I  have  said  everywhere,  and  now 
repeat  it  to  you,  that  if  the  people  of  Kansas  want  a  Slave  State  they 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON 

have  a  right,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  to  form 
such  a  State,  and  I  will  let  them  come  into  the  Union  with  slaven'  or 
without,  as  they  determine.  ["Thats'  right;"  "good;"  "hurrah  for 
Douglas  all  the  time, "  and  cheers.]  If  the  people  of  any  other  Terri- 
tory desire  slavery,  let  them  have  it.  If  they  do  not  want  it,  let  them 
prohibit  it.  It  is  their  business,  not  mine.  ["That's  it  exactly;" 
"That's  so;"  "Hurrah,"  etc.]  It  is  none  of  our  business  in  Illinois 
whether  Kansas  is  a  Free  State  or  a  Slave  State.  ["That's  the  doc- 
trine. "]  It  is  none  of  your  business  in  Missouri  whether  Kansas  shall 
adopt  slavery  or  reject  it.  It  is  the  business  of  her  people,  and  none 
of  5'ours.  The  people  of  Kansas  have^  as  much  right  to  decide  that 
question  for  themselves  as  you  have  in  Missouri  to  decide  it  for 
yourselves,  or  we  in  Illinois  to  decide  it  for  ourselves.  ["That's 
what  we  believe;"  "We  stand  by  that,"  and  cheers.] 

And  here  I  may  repeat  what  I  have  said  in  every  speech  I  have  made 
in  Illinois,  that  I  fought  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to  its  death,  not 
because  of  the  slavery  clause  in  it,  but  because  it  was  not  the  act  and 
deed  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  I  said  then  in  Congress  and  I  say  now, 
that  if  the  people  of  Kansas  want  a  Slave  State,  they  have  a  right  to 
have  it.  If  they  w^anted  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  they  had  a 
right  to  have  it.  I  was  opposed  to  that  constitution  because  I  did  not 
believe,  that  it  was  the  act  and  deed  of  the  people,  but,  on  the  contrary 
the  act  of  a  small,  pitiful  minority  acting  in  the  name  of  the  majority. 
When  at  last  it  was  determined  to  send  that  constitution  back  to  the 
people,  and  accordingly,  in  August  last,  the  question  of  admission 
under  it  was  submitted  to  a  popular  vote,  the  citizens  rejected  it  by 
nearly  ten  to  one,  thus  showing  conclusively  that  I  was  right  when  I 
said  that  the  Lecompton  Constitution  w^as  not  the  act  and  deed  of  the 
people  of  Kansas,  and  did  not  embody  their  will.     [Cheers.] 

I  hold  that  there  is  no  power  on  earth,  under  our  system  of  govern- 
ment, which  has  the  right  to  force  a  constitution  upon  an  unwilling 
people.  ["That's  so. "]  Suppose  that  there  had  been  a  majority  of 
ten  to  one  in  favor  of  slavery  in  Kansas,  and  suppose  there  had  been 
an  Abolition  President  and  an  Abolition  Administration,  and  by  some 
means  the  Abolitionists  succeeded  in  forcing  an  Abolition  Constitution 
on  those  slaveholding  people,  would  the  people  of  the  South  have  sub- 
mitted to  that  act  for  one  instant?  ["  No,  no.  "]  Well,  if  you  of  the 
South  would  not  have  submitted  to  it  a  day,  how  can  you,  as  fair, 

J^ Reads:  "has"  for  "have." 


458  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

honorable,  and  honest  men,  insist  on  putting  a  slave  constitution  on  a 
people  who  desire  a  Free  State?  ["That's  so,"  and  cheers.]  Your 
safety  and  ours  depends  upon  both  of  us  acting  in  good  faith,  and 
living  up  to  that  great  principle  which  asserts  the  right  of  every  people 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  to  suit  themselves, 
subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  ["That's  the 
doctrine,"   and   immense  applause.] 

Most  of  the  men  who  denounced  my  course  on  the  Lecompton 
question  objected  to  it,  not  because  I  was  not  right,  but  because  they 
thought  it  expedient  at  that  time,  for  the  sake  of  keeping  the  party 
together,  to  do  wrong.  [Cheers.]  I  never  knew  the  Democratic 
party  to  violate  any  one  of  its  principles,  out  of  policy  or  expediency, 
that  it  did  not  pay  the  debt  with  sorrow.  There  is  no  safety  or  success 
for  our  party  unless  we  always  do  right,  and  trust  the  consequences  to 
God  and  the  people.  I  chose  not  to  depart  from  principle  for  the  sake 
of  expediency  oni^  the  Lecompton  question,  and  I  never  intend  to  do 
in  on  that  or  any  other  question.     ["  Good. "] 

But  I  am  told  that  I  would  have  been  all  right  if  I  had  only  voted* 
for  the  English  bill  after  Lecompton  was  killed.  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  You  know  a  general  pardon  was  granted  to  all  political 
offenders  on  the  Lecompton  question,  provided  they  would  only  vote 
for  the  English  bill.  I  did  not  accept  the  benefits  of  that  pardon,  for 
the  reason  that  I  had  been  right  in  the  course  I  had  pursued,  and  hence 
did  not  require  any  forgiveness.  Let  us  see  how  the  result  has  been 
worked  out.  English  brought  in  his  bill  referring  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  back  to  the  people,  with  the  provision  that  if  it  was  re- 
jected, Kansas  should  be  kept  out  of  the  Union  until  she  had  the  full 
ratio  of  population  required  for  a  member  of  Congress, — thus  in  effect 
declaring  that  if  the  people  of  Kansas  would  only  consent  to  come 
into  the  Union  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  have  a  slave 
State  when  they  did  not  want  it,  they  should  be  admitted  with  a 
population  of  35,000;  but  that  if  they  were  so  obstinate  as  to  insist 
upon  having  just  such  a  constitution  as  they  thought  best,  and  to 
desire  admission  as  a  Free  State  then  they  should  be  kept  out  until 
they  had  93,420  inhabitants.  I  then  said  and  I  now  repeat  to  you, 
that  whenever  Kansas  has  people  enough  for  a  Slave  State  she  has 
people  enough  for  a  Free  State.  ["That's  the  doctrine  all  over;" 
"  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "]     I  was  and  am  willing  to  adopt  the  rule  that 

1  Reads:  "in"  for  "on." 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  459 

no  State  shall  ever  come  into  the  Union  until  she  has  the  full  ratio  of 
population  for  a  member  of  Congress,  provided  that  rule  is  made  uni- 
form. I  made  that  proposition  in  the  Senate  last  winter,  but  a  major- 
ity of  the  senators  would  not  agree  to  it;  and  I  then  said  to  them,  If 
you  will  not  adopt  the  general  rule,  I  will  not  consent  to  make  an  ex- 
ception of  Kansas. 

I  hold  it  is  a  violation  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  this  Govern- 
ment to  throw  the  weight  of  Federal  power  into  the  scale,  either  in 
favor  of  the  Free  or  the  Slave  States.  Equality  among  all  the  States 
of  this  Union  is  a  fundamental  principle  in  our  political  system.  We 
have  no  more  right  to  throw  the  weight  of  the  Federal  Government 
into  the  scale  in  favor  of  the  slaveholding  than  the  Free  States,  and 
leasts  of  all  should  our  friends  in  the  South  consent  for  a  moment  that 
Congress  should  withhold  its  powers  either  way  when  they  know  that 
there  is  a  majority  against  them  in  both  Houses  of  Congress. 

Fellow-citizens,  how  have  the  supporters  of  the  English  bill  stood 
up  to  their  pledges  not  to  admit  Kansas  until  she  obtained  a  popula- 
tion of  93,420  in  the  event  she  rejected  the  Lecompton  Constitution? 
How?  The  newspapers  inform  us  that  English  himself,  whilst  con- 
ducting his  canvass  for  re-election,  and  in  order  to  secure  it,  pledged 
himself  to  his  constituents  that  if  returned  he  would  disregard  his  own 
bill  and  vote  to  admit  Kansas  into  the  Union  with  such  population  as 
she  might  have  when  she  made  application.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 
We  are  informed  that  every  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress  in  all 
the  States  where  elections  have  recently  been  held  was  pledged  against 
the  Enghsh  bill,  with  perhaps  one  or  two  exceptions.  Now,  if  I  had 
only  done  as  these  anti-Lecompton  men  who  voted  for  the  English  bill 
in  Congress,  pledging  themselves  to  refuse  to  admit  Kansas  if  she  re- 
fused to  become  a  Slave  State  until  she  had  a  population  of  93,420,  and 
then  returned  to  their  people,  forfeited  their  pledge,  and  made  a  new 
pledge  to  admit  Kansas  at  any  time  she  applied,  without  regard  to 
population,  I  would  have  had  no  trouble.  You  saw  the  whole  power 
and  patronage  of  the  Federal  Government  wielded  in  Indiana,  Ohio, 
and  Pennsylvania  to  re-elect  anti-Lecompton  men  to  Congress  who 
voted  against  Lecompton,  then  voted  for  the  English  bill,  and  then 
denounced  the  English  bill,  and  pledged  themselves  to  their  people  to 
disregard  it.     ["Good."] 

My  sin  consists  in  not  having  given  a  pledge,  and  then  in  not  having 

iReads:  "last"  for  "least." 


460  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

afterward  forfeited  it.  For  that  reason,  in  this  State,  every  postmas- 
ter, every  route  agent,  every  collector  of  the  ports,  and  every  Federal 
office-holder  forfeits  his  head  the  moment  he  expresses  a  preference  for 
the  Democratic  candidates  against  Lincoln  and  his  Abolition  associ- 
ates. ["That's  so,"  and  cheers.]  A  Democratic  Administration 
which  we  helped  to  bring  into  power  deems  it  consistent  with  its 
fidelity  to  principle  and  its  regard  to  duty  to  wield  its  power  in  this 
State  in  behalf  of  the  Republican  Abolition  candidates  in  every  county 
and  every  Congressional  District  against  the  Democratic  party.  All 
I  have  to  say  in  reference  to  the  matter  is,  that  if  that  Administration 
have  not  regard  enough  for  principle,  if  they  are  not  sufficiently 
attached  to  the  creed  of  the  Democratic  party,  to  bury  forever  their 
personal  hostilities  in  order  to  succeed  in  carrying  out  our  glorious 
principles,  I  have.  ['  'Good,  good, "  and  cheers.]  I  have  no  personal 
difficulty  with  Mr.  Buchanan  or  his  Cabinet.  He  chose  to  make 
certain  recommendations  to  Congress,  as  he  had  a  right  to  do,  on  the 
Lecompton  question.  I  could  not  vote  in  favor  of  them.  I  had  as 
much  right  to  judge  for  myself  how  I  should  vote  as  he  had  how  he 
should  recommend.  He  undertook  to  say  to  me,  "  If  you  do  not  vote 
as  I  tell  you,  I  will  take  off  the  heads  of  your  friends. "  [Laughter.] 
I  replied  to  him,  ''You  did  not  elect  me.  I  represent  Illinois,  and  I 
am  accountable  to  Illinois,  as  my  constituency,  and  to  God;  but  not 
to  the  President  or  to  any  other  power  on  earth. "  ["  Good,  good, " 
and  vociferous  applause.] 

And  now  this  warfare  is  made  on  me  because  I  would  not  surrender 
my  convictions  1-  of  duty,  because  I  would  not  abandon  my  constitu- 
ency, and  receive  the  orders  of  the  executive  authorities  how  I  should 
vote  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  ["Never  do  it;"  "three 
cheers, "  etc.]  I  hold  that  an  attempt  to  control  the  Senate  on  the  part 
of  the  Executive  is  subversive  of  the  principles  of  our  Constitution. 
["That's  right."]  The  Executive  department  is  independent  of  the 
Senate,  and  the  Senate  is  independent  of  the  President.  In  matters 
of  legislation  the  President  has  a  veto  on  the  action  of  the  Senate,  and 
in  appointments  and  treaties  the  Senate  has  a  veto  on  the  President. 
He  has  no  more  right  to  tell  me  how  I  shall  vote  on  his  appointments 
than  I  have  to  tell  him  whether  he  shall  veto  or  approve  a  bill  that  the 
Senate  has  passed.  Whenever  you  recognize  the  right  of  the  Execu- 
tive to  say  to  a  senator,  "  Do  this,  or  I  will  take  off  the  heads  of  your 

i Reads:  "connections"  for  "conTietlons." 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  461 

fi'iends, "  you  convert  this  Government  from  a  republic  to  a  despotism. 
["Hear,  hear,"  and  cheers.]  Whenever  you  recognize  the  right  of  a 
President  to  say  to  a  member  of  Congress,  "Vote  as  I  tell  you,  or  I 
will  bring  a  power  to  bear  against  you  at  home  which  will  crush  you,  " 
you  destroy  the  independence  of  the  representative,  and  convert  him 
into  a  tool  of  Executive  power.  ["That's  so,"  and  applause.]  I 
resisted  this  invasion  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  a  senator,  and  I 
intend  to  resist  it  as  long  as  I  have  a  voice  to  speak  or  a  vote  to  give. 
Yet  Mr.  Buchanan  cannot  provoke  me  to  abandon  one  iota  of  Demo- 
cratic principles  out  of  revenge  or  hostility  to  his  course.  ["Good, 
good, "  "three  cheers  for  Douglas.  "]  I  stand  by  the  platform  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  by  its  organization,  and  support  its  nominees. 
If  there  are  any  who  choose  to  bolt,  the  fact  only  shows  that  they  are 
not  as  good  Democrats  as  I  am.     ["That's  so; "  "good,"  and  applause.] 

My  friends,  there  never  was  a  time  when  it  was  as  important  for  the 
Democratic  party,  for  all  national  men,  to  rally  and  stand  together,  as 
it  is  to-day.  We  find  all  sectional  men  giving  up  past  differences  and 
uniting^  on  the  one  question  of  slavery;  and  when  we  find  sectional 
men  thus  uniting,  we  should  unite  to  resist  them  and  their  treasonable 
designs.  Such  was  the  case  in  1850,  when  Clay  left  the  quiet  and  peace 
of  his  home,  and  again  entered  upon  public  life  to  quell  agitation  and 
restore  peace  to  a  distracted  Union.  Then  we  Democrats,  with  Cass 
at  our  head,  welcomed  Henry  Clay,  whom  the  whole  nation  regarded 
as  having  been  preserved  by  God  for  the  times.  He  became  our  leader 
in  that  great  fight,  and  we  rallied  around  him  the  same  as  the  Whigs 
rallied  around  Old  Hickory  in  1832  to  put  down  nullification.  [Cheers.] 

Thus  you  see  that  whilst  Whigs  and  Democrats  fought  fearlessly  in 
old  times  about  banks,  the  tariff,  distribution,  the  specie  circular,  and 
the  sub-treasury,  all  united  as  a  band  of  brothers  when  the  peace,  har- 
mony, or  integrity  of  the  Union  was  imperiled.  [Tremendous  applause.] 
It  was  so  in  1850,  when  Abolitionism  had  even  so  far  divided  this  coun- 
try, North  and  South,  as  to  endanger  the  peace  of  the  Union;  Whigs 
and  Democrats  united  in  establishing  the  Compromise  Measures  of 
that  year,  and  restoring  tranquillity  and  good  feeling.  These  meas- 
ures passed  on  the  joint  action  of  the  two  parties.  They  rested  on  the 
great  principle  that  the  people  of  each  State  and  each  Territory  should 
be  left  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions 
to  suit  themselves.     You  Whigs  and  we  Democrats  justified  them  in 

^Reads:  "continuing"  for  "uniting." 


462  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

that  principle.  In  1854,  when  it  became  necessary  to  organize  the 
Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  I  brought  forward  the  bill  on  the 
same  principle.  In  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  you  find  it  declared  to 
be  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  Act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into 
any  State  or  Territory,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the 
people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic 
institutions  in  their  own  way.  ["That's  so,"  and  cheers.]  I  stand 
on  that  same  platform  in  1858  that  I  did  in  1850,  1854,  and  1856. 
The  Washington  Union,  pretending  to  be  the  organ  of  the  Admin- 
istration, in  the  number  of  the  fifth  of  this  month  devotes  three 
columns  and  a  half  to  establish  these  propositions :  first,  that  Doug- 
las, in  his  Freeport  speech,  held  the  same  doctrine  that  he  did  in  his 
Nebraska  bill  in  1854;  second,  that  in  1854  Douglas  justified  the  Ne- 
braska bill  upon  the  ground  that  it  was  based  upon  the  same  principle 
as  Clay's  Compromise  Measures  of  1850.  The  Union  thus  proved 
that  Douglas  was  the  same  in  1858  that  he  was  in  1856,  1854,  and 
1850,  and  consequently  argued  that  he  was  never  a  Democrat. 
[Great  laughter.]  Is  it  not  funny  that  I  was  never  a  Democrat? 
[Renewed  laughter.]  There  is  no  pretense  that  I  have  changed  a 
hair's  breadth.  The  Union  proves  by  my  speeches  that  I  explained 
the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850  just  as  I  do  now,  and  that  I  explained 
the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  in  1854  just  as  I  did  in  my  Freeport 
speech,  and  yet  says  that  I  am  not  a  Democrat,  and  cannot  be  trusted, 
because  I  have  not  changed  during  the  whole  of  that  time.  It  has 
occurred  to  me  that  in  1854  the  author  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska 
bill  was  considered  a  pretty  good  Democrat.  [Cheers.]  It  has  oc- 
curred to  me  that  in  1856,  when  I  was  exerting  every  nerve  and  every 
energy  for  James  Buchanan,  standing  on  the  same  platform  then  that 
I  do  now,  that  I  was  a  pretty  good  Democrat.  [Renewed  applause.] 
They  now  tell  me  that  I  am  not  a  Democrat,  because  I  assert  that  the 
people  of  a  Territory,  as  well  as  those  of  a  State,  have  the  right  to  de- 
cide for  themselves  whether  slavery  can  or  cannot  exist  in  such  Terri- 
tory. Let  me  read  what  James  Buchanan  said  on  that  point  when  he 
accepted  the  Democratic  nomination  for  the  Presidency  in  1856.  In 
his  letter  of  acceptance,  he  used  the  following  language: 

"  The  recent  legislation  of  Congress  respecting  domestic  slavery,  derived  as 
it  has  been  from  the  original  and  pure  fountain  of  legitimate  political  power, 
the  will  of  the  majority,  promises  ere  long  to  allay  the  dangerous  excitement. 
This  legislation  is  founded  upon  principles  as  ancient  as  free  government  itself. 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  463 

and,  in  accordance  with  them,  has  simply  declared  that  the  people  of  a  Terri- 
tory-, like  those  of  a  state,  shall  decide  for  themselves  whether  slavery  shall  or 
shall  not  exist  within  their  Umits." 

Dr.  Hope  will  there  find  my  answer  to  the  question  he  propounded 
to  me  before  I  commenced  speaking.  [Vociferous  shouts  of  applause.] 
Of  course,  no  man  wall  consider  it  an  answer  who  is  outside  of  the 
Democratic  organization,  bolts  Democratic  nominations,  and  indirect- 
ly aids  to  put  Abolitionists  into  power  over  Democrats.  But  whether 
Dr.  Hope  considers  it  an  answer  or  not,  every  fair-minded  man  will  see 
that  James  Buchanan  has  answered  the  question,  and  has  asserted 
that  the  people  of  a  territory,  like  those  of  a  State,  shall  decide  for 
themselves  whether  slavery  shall  or  shall  not  exist  within  their  limits. 
I  answer  specifically  if  you  want  a  further  answer,  and  say  that  while 
under  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  as  recorded  in  the  opinion 
of  Chief  Justice  Taney,  slaves  are  property  like  all  other  property,  and 
can  be  carried  into  anyi  Territory  of  the  United  States  the  same  as 
any  other  description  of  property,  yet  when  you  get  them  there  they 
are  subject  to  the  local  law  of  the  Territory  just  like  all  other  property. 
You  Tvill  find  in  a  recent  speech  delivered  by  that  able  and  eloquent 
statesman,  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  at  Bangor,  Maine,  that  he  took  the 
same  view  of  this  subject  that  I  did  in  my  Freeport  speech.  He 
there  said: 

"  If  the  inhabitants  of  any  Territory  should  refuse  to  enact  such  laws  and 
pohce  regulations  as  would  give  security  to  their  property  or  to  his,  it  would 
be  rendered  more  or  less  valueless  in  proportion  to  the  difficulties  of  holding  it 
without  such  protection.  In  the  case  of  property  in  the  labor  of  man,  or  what 
is  usually  called  slave  property,  the  insecurity  would  be  so  great  that  the  own- 
er could  not  ordinarily  retain  it.  Therefore,  though  the  right  would  remain, 
the  remedy  being  withheld,  it  would  follow  that  the  owner  would  be  prac- 
tically debarred,  by  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  from  taking  slave  prop- 
erty into  a  Territory  where  the  sense  of  the  inhabitants  was  opposed  to  its 
introduction.  So  much  for  the  oft  repeated  fallacy  of  forcing  slavery  upon 
any  community." 

You  will  also  find  that  the  distinguished  Speaker  of  the  present 
House  of  Representatives,  Hon.  Jas.  L.  Orr,  construed  the  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  bill  in  this  same  way  in  1856,  and  also  that  great  intellect  of 
the  South,  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  put  the  same  construction  upon  it  in 
Congress  that  I  did  in  my  Freeport  speech.  The  whole  South  is^ 
rallying  to  the  support  of  the  doctrine  that  if  the  people  of  a  Territory 
want  slavery  they  have  a  right  to  have  it,  and  if  they  do  not  want  it, 

iOmits  "any." 
sReads:  "are"  for  "is." 


464  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

that  no  power  on  earth  can  force  it  upon  them.  I  hold  that  there  is 
no  principle  on  earth  more  sacred  to  all  the  friends  of  freedom  than 
that  which  says  that  no  institution,  no  law,  no  constitution,  should  be 
forced  on  an  unwilling  people  contrary  to  their  wishes;  and  I  assert 
that  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  contains  that  principle.  It  is  the 
great  principle  contained  in  that  bill.  It  is  the  principle  on  which 
James  Buchanan  was  made  President.  Without  that  principle,  he 
never  would  have  been  made  President  of  the  United  States.  I  will 
never  violate  or  abandon  that  doctrine,  if  I  have  to  stand  alone. 
["  Hurrah  for  Douglas. "]  I  have  resisted  the  blandishments  and 
threats  of  power  on  the  one  side,  and  seduction  on  the  other,  and  have 
stood  immovably  for  that  principle,  fighting  for  it  when  assailed  by 
Northern  mobs,  or  threatened  by  Southern  hostility.  ["That's  the 
truth,"  and  cheers.]  I  have  defended  it  against  the  North  and  the 
South,  and  I  will  defend  it  against  whoever  assails  it,  and  I  will  follow 
it  wherever  its  logical  conclusions  lead  me.  [" So  will  we  all; "  "  Hur- 
rah for  Douglas. "]  I  say  to  you  that  there  is  but  one  hope,  one 
safety  for  this  country,  and  that  is  to  stand  immovably  by  that 
principle  which  declares  the  right  of  each  State  and  each  Territory 
to  decide  these  questions  for  themselves.  ["  Hear  him,  hear  him.  "] 
This  Government  was  founded  on  that  principle,  and  must  be  admin- 
istered in  the  same  sense  in  which  it  was  founded. 

But  the  Abolition  party  really  think  that  under  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  the  negro  is  equal  to  the  white  man,  and  that  negro 
equality  is  an  inalienable  right  conferred  by  the  Almighty,  and  hence 
that  all  human  laws  in  violation  of  it  are  null  and  void.  With  such 
men  it  is  no  use  for  me  to  argue.  I  hold  that  the  signers  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  had  no  reference  to  negroes  at  all  when  they 
declared  all  men  to  be  created  equal.  They  did  not  mean  negroes, 
nor  the  savage  Indians,  not  the  Fiji  Islanders,  nor  any  other  barbarous 
race.  They  were  speaking  of  white  men.  ["It's  so;"  "it's  so, "  and 
cheers.]  They  alluded  to  men  of  European  birth  and  European  de- 
scent,— to  white  men,  and  to  none  others, — when  they  declared  that 
doctrine.  ["  That's  the  truth. "]  I  hold  that  this  Government  was 
established  on  the  white  basis.  It  was  established  by  white  men  for 
the  benefit  of  white  men  and  their  posterity  forever,  and  should  be 
administered  by  white  men,  and  none  others. 

But  it  does  not  follow,  by  any  means,  that  merely  because  the  negro 
is  not  a  citizen,  and  merely  because  he  is  not  our  equal,  that,  therefore, 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  465 

he  should  be  a  slave.  On  the  contrary,  it  does  follow  that  we  ought  to 
extend  to  the  negro  race,  and  to  all  other  dependent  races,  all  the 
rights,  all  the  privileges,  and  all  the  immunities  which  they  can  exer- 
cise consistently  with  the  safety  of  society.  Humanity  requires  that 
we  should  give  them  all  these  privileges ;  Christianity  commands  that 
we  should  extend  those  privileges  to  them.  The  question  then  arises, 
What  are  those  privileges,  and  what  is  the  nature  and  extent  of  them? 
My  answer  is  that  that  is  a  question  which  each  State  must  answer 
for  itself.  We  in  Illinois  have  decided  it  for  ourselves.  We  tried 
slavery,  kept  it  up  for  twelve  years,  and  finding  that  it  was  not  profit- 
able, we  abolished  it  for  that  reason,  and  became  a  Free  State.  We 
adopted  in  its  stead  the  policy  that  a  negro  in  this  State  shall  not  be 
a  slave  and  shall  not  be  a  citizen.  We  have  a  right  to  adopt  that 
policy.  For  my  part,  I  think  it  is  a  wise  and  sound  policy  for  us. 
You  in  Missouri  must  judge  for  yourselves  whether  it  it  a  wise  policy 
for  you.  If  you  choose  to  follow  our  example,  very  good ;  if  you  reject 
it,  still  well, — it  is  your  business,  not  ours.  So  with  Kentucky.  Let 
Kentucky  adopt  a  policy  to  suit  herself.  If  we  do  not  like  it  we  will 
keep  away  from  it;  and  if  she  does  not  like  ours,  let  her  stay  at  home, 
mind  her  own  business,  and  let  us  alone.  If  the  people  of  all  the 
States  will  act  on  that  great  principle,  and  each  State  mind  its  own 
business,  attend  to  its  own  affairs,  take  care  of  its  own  negroes,  and 
not  meddle  with  its  neighbors,  then  there  will  be  peace  between  the 
North  and  the  South,  the  East  and  the  West,  throughout  the  whole 
Union.     [Cheers.] 

Why  can  we  not  thus  have  peace?  Why  should  we  thus  allow  a 
sectional  party  to  agitate  this  country,  to  array  the  North  against  the 
South,  and  convert  us  into  enemies  instead  of  friends,  merelv  that  a 
few  ambitious  men  may  ride  into  power  on  a  sectional  hobby?  How 
long  is  it  since  these  ambitious  Northern  men  wished  for  a  sectional 
organization?  Did  any  one  of  them  dream  of  a  sectional  party  as  long 
as  the  North  was  the  weaker  section  and  the  South  the  stronger? 
Then  all  were  opposed  to  sectional  parties;  but  the  moment  the  North 
obtained  the  majority  in  the  House  and  Senate  by  the  admission  of 
California,  and  could  elect  a  President  without  the  aid  of  Southern 
votes,  that  moment  ambitious  Northern  men  formed  a  scheme  to 
excite  the  North  against  the  South,  and  make  the  people  be  governed 
in  their  votes  by  geographical  lines,  thinking  that  the  North,  being 
the  stronger  section,  would  outvote  the  South,  and  consequently 


466  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

they,  the  leaders,  would  ride  into  office  on  a  sectional  hobby.     I  am 
told  that  my  hour  is  out.     It  was  very  short. 


Mr.  I/incoln's  Reply 

On  being  introduced  to  the  audience,  after  the  cheering  had  sub- 
sided, Mr.   Lincoln  said: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  I  have  been  somewhat,  in  my  own  mind^ 
complimented  by  a  large  portion  of  Judge  Douglas's  speech, — I  mean 
that  portion  which  he  devotes  to  the  controversy  between  himself  and 
the  present  Administration.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  This  is  the 
seventh  time  Judge  Douglas  and  myself  have  met  in  these  joint  dis- 
cussions, and  he  has  been  gradually  improving  in  regard  to  his  war 
with  the  Administration.  [Laughter;  "  That's  so.  "]  At  Quincy,  day 
before  yesterday,  he  was  a  little  more  severe  upon  the  Administration 
than  I  had  heard  him  upon  any  occasion,  i  and  I  took  pains  to  compli- 
ment him  for  it.  I  then  told  him  to  "  Give  it  to  them  with  all  the 
power  he  had;"  and  as  some  of  them  were  present,  I  told  them  I 
would  be  very  much  obliged  if  they  would  give  it  to  him  in  about  the 
same  way.  [Uproarious  laughter  and  cheers.]  I  take  it  he  has  now 
vastly  improved  upon  the  attack  he  made  then  upon  the  Administra- 
tion. I  flatter  myself  he  has  really  taken  my  advice  on  this  subject. 
All  I  can  say  now  is  to  re-commend  to  him  and  to  them  what  I  then 
commended, — to  prosecute  the  war  against  one  another  in  the  most 
vigorous  manner.  I  say  to  them  again:  "Go  it,  husband! — Go 
it,  bear!"     [Great  laughter.] 

There  is  one  other  thing  I  will  mention  before  I  leave  this  branch  of 
the  discussion, — although  I  do  not  consider  it  much  of  my  business, 
any  way.  I  refer  to  that  part  of  the  Judge's  remarks  where  he  under- 
takes to  involve  Mr.  Buchanan  in  an  inconsistency.  He  reads  some- 
thing from  Mr.  Buchanan,  from  which  he  undertakes  to  involve  him 
in  an  inconsistency ;  and  he  gets  something  of  a  cheer  for  having  done 
so.  I  would  only  remind  the  Judge  that  while  he  is  very  valiantly 
fighting  for  the  Nebraska  bill  and  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise, it  has  been  but  a  little  while  since  he  was  the  valiant  advocate 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  [Cheers.]  I  want  to  know  if  Buchanan 
has  not  as  much  right  to  be  inconsistent  as  Douglas  has?     [Loud 

^-Inserts:  "former"  before  "occasion." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  467 

applause  and  laughter,  "Good;"  ''Good;"  "Hurrah  for  Lincoln."] 
Has  Douglas  the  exclusive  right,  in  this  country,  of  being  on  all  sides 
of  all  questions?  Is  nobody  allowed  that  high  privilege  but  himself? 
Is  he  to  have  an  entire  monopoly  on  that  subject?     [Great  laughter.] 

So  far  as  Judge  Douglas  addressed  his  speech  to  me,  or  so  far  as  it 
was  about  me,  it  is  my  business  to  pay  some  attention  to  it.  I  have 
heard  the  Judge  state  two  or  three  times  what  he  has  stated  to-day, — 
that  in  a  speech  which  I  made  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  I  had  in  a  very 
especial  manner  complained  that  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott 
case  had  decided  that  a  negro  could  never  be  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States.  I  have  omitted  by  some  accident  heretofore  to  analyze  this 
statement,  and  it  is  required  of  me  to  notice  it  now.  In  point  of  fact 
it  is  untrue.  I  never  have  complained  especially  of  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  because  it  held  that  a  negro  could  not  be  a  citizen,  and  the 
Judge  is  always  wrong  when  he  says  I  ever  did  so  complain  of  it.  I 
have  the  speech  here,  and  I  will  thank  him  or  any  of  his  friends  to 
show  where  I  said  that  a  negro  should  be  a  citizen,  and  complained 
especially  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  because  it  declared  he  could  not 
be  one.  I  have  done  no  such  thing;  and  Judge  Douglas,  so  persistent- 
ly insisting  that  I  have  done  so,  has  strongly  impressed  me  with  the 
belief  of  a  predetermination  on  his  part  to  misrepresent  me.  He 
could  not  get  his  foundation  for  insisting  that  I  was  in  favor  of  this 
negro  equality  anywhere  else  as  well  as  he  could  by  assuming  that 
untrue  proposition. 

Let  me  tell  this  audience  what  is  true  in  regard  to  that  matter ;  and 
the  means  by  which  they  may  correct  me  if  I  do  not  tell  them  truly  is 
by  a  recurrence  to  the  speech  itself.  I  spoke  of  the  Dred  Scott  deci- 
sion in  my  Springfield  speech,  and  I  was  then  endeavoring  to  prove 
that  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  a  portion  of  a  system  or  scheme  to 
make  slavery  national  in  this  country.  I  pointed  out  what  things 
had  been  decided  by  the  court.  I  mentioned  as  a  fact  that  they  had 
decided  that  a  negro  could  not  be  a  citizen;  that  they  had  done  so,  as 
I  supposed,  to  deprive  the  negro,  under  all  circumstances,  of  the  re- 
motest possibility  of  ever  becoming  a  citizen  and  claiming  the  rights 
of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  under  a  certain  clause  of  the  Con- 
stitution. I  stated  that,  without  making  any  complaint  of  it  at  all. 
I  then  went  on  and  stated  the  other  points  decided  in  the  case ;  namely 
that  the  bringing  of  a  negro  into  the  State  of  Illinois  and  holding  him 
in  slavery  for  two  years  here  was  a  matter  in  regard  to  which  they 


468  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

would  not  decide  whether  it  would  makei  him  free  or  not;  that  they 
decided  the  further  point  that  taking  him  into  a  United  States  Terri- 
tory where  slavery  was  prohibited  by  Act  of  Congress  did  not  make 
him  free,  because  that  Act  of  Congress,  as  they  held,  was  unconsti- 
tutional. I  mentioned  these  three  things  as  making  up  the  points 
decided  in  that  case.  I  mentioned  them  in  a  lump,  taken  in  connec- 
tion with  the  introduction  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  the  amendment 
of  Chase,  offered  at  the  time,  declaratory  of  the  right  of  the  people  of 
the  Territories  to  exclude  slavery,  which  was  voted  down  by  the  friends 
of  the  bill.  I  mentioned  all  these  things  together,  as  evidence  tending 
to  prove  a  combination  and  conspiracy  to  make  the  institution  of 
slaver}^  national.  In  that  connection  and  in  that  way  I  mentioned 
the  decision  on  the  point  that  a  negro  could  not  be  a  citizen,  and  in 
no  other  connection. 

Out  of  this,  Judge  Douglas  builds  up  his  beautiful  fabrication  of  my 
purpose  to  introduce  a  perfect  social  and  political  equality  between 
the  white  and  black  races.  His  assertion  that  I  made  an  '^  especial 
objection  "  (that  is  his  exact  language)  to  the  decision  on  this  account, 
Is  untrue  in  point  of  fact. 

Now,  while  I  am  upon  this  subject,  and  as  Henry  Clay  has  been 
alluded  to,  I  desire  to  place  myself,  in  connection  with  Mr.  Clay,  as 
nearly  right  before  this  people  as  may  be.  I  am  quite  aware  what  the 
Judge's  object  is  here  by  all  these  allusions.  He  knows  that  we  are 
before  an  audience  having  strong  sympathies  southward,  by  relation- 
ship, place  of  birth,  and  so  on.  He  desires  to  place  me  in  an  extremely 
Abolition  attitude.  He  read  upon  a  former  occasion,  and  alludes, 
without  reading,  to-day,  to  a  portion  of  a  speech  which  I  delivered  in 
Chicago.  In  his  quotations  from  that  speech,  as  he  has  made  them 
upon  former  occasions,  the  extracts  were  taken  in  such  a  way  as,  I 
suppose,  brings  them  within  the  definition  of  what  is  called  garbling, 
— taking  portions  of  a  speech  which,  when  taken  by  themselves,  do 
not  present  the  entire  sense  of  the  speaker  as  expressed  at  the  time. 
I  propose,  therefore,  out  of  that  same  speech,  to  show  how  one  por- 
tion of  it  which  he  skipped  over  (taking  an  extract  before  and  an 
extract  after)  will  give  a  different  idea,  and  the  true  idea  I  intended 
to  convey.  It  will  take  some  little  time  to  read  it,  but  I  believe  I 
will  occupy  the  time  that  way. 

You  have  heard  him  frequently  allude  to  my  controversy  with  him 

1- Reads:  "made"  for  "would  make." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  469 

in  regard  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  confess  that  I  have 
had  a  struggle  with  Judge  Douglas  on  that  matter,  and  I  will  try 
briefly  to  place  myself  right  in  regard  to  it  on  this  occasion.  I  said — 
and  it  is  between  the  extracts  Judge  Douglas  has  taken  from  this 
speech,  and  put  in  his  published  speeches: — 

"  It  may  be  argued  that  there  are  certain  conditions  that  make  necessities 
and  impose  them  upon  us,  and  to  the  extent  that  a  necessity  is  imposed  upon 
a  man  he  must  submit  to  it.  I  think  that  was  the  condition  in  which  we  found 
ourselves  when  we  established  this  Government.  We  had  slaves  among  us, 
we  could  not  get  our  constitution  unless  we  permitted  them  to  remain  in  slav- 
ery, we  could  not  secure  the  good  we  did  secure  if  we  grasped  for  more;  and 
having  by  necessity  submitted  to  that  much,  it  does  not  destroy  the  principle 
that  is  the  charter  of  our  liberties.     Let  the  charter  remain  as  our  standard." 

Now,  I  have  upon  all  occasions  declared  as  strongly  as  Judge  Doug- 
las against  the  disposition  to  interfere  with  the  existing  institution  of 
slavery.  You  hear  me  read  it  from  the  same  speech  from  which  he 
takes  garbled  extracts  for  the  purpose  of  proving  upon  me  a  dis- 
position to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  establish  a 
perfect  social  and  political  equality  between  negroes  and  white  people. 

Allow  me  while  upon  this  subject  briefly  to  present  one  other  ex- 
tract from  a  speech  of  mine,  more  than  a  year  ago,  at  Springfield,  in 
discussing  this  very  same  question,  soon  after  Judge  Douglas  took 
his  ground  that  negroes  were  not  included  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence : — 

"  I  think  the  authors  of  that  notable  instrument  intended  to  include  all  men, 
but  they  did  not  intend '  to  declare  all  men  equal  in  all  respects.  They  did  not 
mean  to  say  all  men  were  equal  in  color,  size,  intellect,  moral  development,  or 
social  capacity.  They  defined  with  tolerable  distinctness  in  what  respects^ 
they  did  consider  all  men  created  equal, — equal  in  certain  inalienable 
rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  This  they 
said,  and  this  they  meant.  They  did  not  mean  to  assert  the  obvious  untruth 
that  all  were  then  actually  enjoying  that  equality,  nor  yet  that  they  were 
about  to  confer  it  immediately  upon  them.  In  fact,  they  had  no  power  to  con- 
fer such  a  boon.  They  meant  simply  to  declare  the  right  so  that  the  enforce- 
ment of  it  might  follow  as  fast  as  circumstances  should  permit. 

"They  meant  to  set  up  a  standard  maxim  for  free  society  which  should  be 
familiar  to  all,  and  revered  by  all;^  constantly  looked  to,  constantly  labored 
for,  and  even  though  never  perfectly  attained,  constantly  approximated,  and 
thereby  constantly  spreading  and  deepening  its  influence,  and  augmenting  the 
happiness  and  value  of  life  to  all  people,  of  all  colors,  everywhere." 


^ Reads:  "mean"  for  "intend."  aOmits  "respects. 

30mits  "and  revered  by  all." 


16— 


470  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

There  again  are  the  sentiments  I  have  expressed  in  regard  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  upon  a  former  occasion, — sentiments 
which  have  been  put  in  print  and  read  wherever  anybody  cared  to 
know  what  so  humble  an  individual  as  myself  chose  to  say  in  regard 
to   it. 

At  Galesburg,  the  other  day,  I  said,  in  answer  to  Judge  Douglas, 
that  three  years  ago  there  never  had  been  a  man,  so  far  as  I  knew  or 
believed,  in  the  whole  world,  who  had  said  that  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  did  not  include  negroes  in  the  term  "  all  men.  "  I  re- 
assert it  to-day.  I  assert  that  Judge  Douglas  and  all  his  friends  may 
search  the  whole  records  of  the  country,  and  it  will  be  a  matter  of 
great  astonishment  to  me  if  they  shall  be  able  to  find  that  one  human 
being  three  years  ago  had  ever  uttered  the  astounding  sentiment 
that  the  term  ''  all  men "  in  the  Declaration  did  not  include  the 
negro.     [Cheers.] 

Do  not  let  me  be  misunderstood.  I  know  that  more  than  three 
years  ago  there  were  men  who,  finding  this  assertion  constantly  in  the 
way  of  their  schemes  to  bring  about  the  ascendency  and  perpetuation 
of  slavery,  denied  the  truth  of  it.  I  know  that  Mr.  Calhoun  and  all  the 
politicians  of  his  school  denied  the  truth  of  the  Declaration.  I  know 
that  it  ran  along  in  the  mouth  ^  of  some  Southern  men  for  a  period  of 
years,  ending  at  last  in  that  shameful,  though  rather  forcible,  declara- 
tion of  Pettit  of  Indiana,  upon  the  floor  of  the  United  States  Senate, 
that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  in  that  respect  "  a  self- 
evident  lie,"  rather  than  a  self-evident  truth.  But  I  say,  with  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  all  this  hawking  at  the  Declaration  without 
directly  attacking  it,  that  three  years  ago  there  never  had  lived  a  man 
who  had  ventured  to  assail  it  in  the  sneaking  way  of  pretending  to 
believe  it,  and  then  asserting  it  did  not  include  the  negro.  [Cheers.] 
I  believe  the  first  man  who  ever  said  it  was  Chief  Justice  Taney  in  the 
Dred  Scott  case,  and  the  next  to  him  was  our  friend  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  And  now  it  has  become  the  catch- 
word of  the  entire  party.  I  would  like  to  call  upon  his  friends  every- 
where to  consider  how  they  have  come  in  so  short  a  time  to  view  this 
matter  in  a  way  so  entirely  different  from  their  former  belief;  to  ask 
whether  they  are  not  being  borne  along  by  an  irresistible  current, — 
whither,  they  know  not.     [Great  applause.] 

In  answer  to  my  proposition  at  Galesburg  last  week,  I  see  that  some 
man  in  Chicago  has  got  up  a  letter,  addressed  to  the  Chicago  Times, 

*Read:  "mouths"  for  "mouth." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  471 

to  show,  as  he  professes,  that  somebody  had  said  so  before;  and  he 
signs  himself  "An  Old  Line  Whig, "  if  I  remember  correctly.  In  the 
first  place,  I  v/ould  say  he  was  not  an  Old  Line  Whig.  I  am  some- 
what acquainted  with  Old  Line  Whigs.  I  was  with  the  Old  Line 
Whigs  from  the  origin  to  the  end  of  that  party;  I  became  pretty  wel 
acquainted  with  them,  and  I  know  they  always  had  some  sense, 
whatever  else  you  could  ascribe  to  them.  [Great  laughter.]  I  know 
there  never  was  one  who  had  not  more  sense  than  to  try  to  show  by 
the  evidence  he  produces^  that  some  man  had,  prior  to  the  time  I 
named,  said  that  negroes  were  not  included  in  the  term  ''all  men"  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  What  is  the  evidence  he  produces? 
I  will  bring  forward  his  evidence,  and  let  you  see  what  he  offers  by 
way  of  showing  that  somebody  more  than  three  years  ago  had  said 
negroes  were  not  included  in  the  Declaration.  He  brings  forward 
part  of  a  speech  from  Henry  Clay, — the  part  of  the  speech  of  Henry 
Clay  which  I  used  to  bring  forward  to  prove  precisely  the  contrary. 
[Laughter.]  I  guess  we  are  surrounded  to  some  extent  to-day  by 
the  old  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  they  will  be  glad  to  hear  anything 
from  that  authority.  While  he  was  in  Indiana  a  man  presented  a 
petition  to  liberate  his  negroes,  and  he  (Mr.  Clay)  made  a  speech  in 
answer  to  it,  which  I  suppose  he  carefully  wrote  out  himself  and  caused 
to  be  published.  I  have  before  me  an  extract  from  that  speech 
which  constitutes  the  evidence  this  pretended  "Old  Line  Whig"  at 
Chicago  brought' forward  to  show  that  Mr.  Clay  didn't  suppose  the 
negro  was  included  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Hear  what 
Mr.  Clay  said: — 

"And  what  is  the  foundation  of  this  appeal  to  me  in  Indiana  to  liberate  the 
slaves  under  my  care  in  Kentucky?  It  is  a  general  declaration  in  the  aet  an- 
nouncing to  the  world  the  independence  of  the  thirteen  American  colonies, 
that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now,  as  an  abstract  principle,  there  is  no 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  that  declaration;  and  it  is  desirable,  in  the  original  construc- 
tion of  society  and  in  organized  societies,  to  keep  it  in  view  as  a  great  funda- 
mental principle.  But,  then,  I  apprehend  that  in  no  society  that  ever  did 
exist,  or  ever  shall  be  formed,  was  or  can  the  equality  asserted  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  human  race  be  practically  enforced  and  carried  out.  There  are 
portions,  large  portions, — women,  minors,  insane,  culprits,  transient  sojourn- 
ers,— that  will  always  probably  remain  subject  to  the  government  of  another 
portion  of  the  community. 

"  That  declaration,  whatever  may  be  the  extent  of  its  import,  was  made  by 
the  delegation  of  the  thirteen  States.  In  most  of  them  slavery  existed,  and 
had  long  existed,  and  was  established  bj'^  law.     It  was  introduced  and  forced 

*0mits  "by  the  evidence  he  produces." 


472  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

upon  the  colonies  by  the  paramount  law  of  England.  Do  you  believe  that  in 
making  that  declaration  the  States  that  concurred  in  it  intended  that  it  should 
be  tortured  into  a  virtual  emancipation  of  all  the  slaves  within  their  respective 
limits?  Would  Virginia  and  other  Southern  States  have  ever  united  in  a  dec- 
laration which  was  to  be  interpreted  into  an  abolition  of  slavery  among  them? 
Did  any  one  of  the  thirteen  colonies  entertain  such  a  design  or  expectation? 
To  impute  such  a  secret  and  unavowed  purpose,  would  be  to  charge  a  political 
fraud  upon  the  noblest  band  of  patriots  that  ever  assembled  in  council, — a 
fraud  upon  the  Confederacy  of  the  Revolution;  a  fraud  upon  the  union  of 
those  States  whose  Constitution  not  only  recognized  the  lawfulness  of  slavery, 
but  permitted  the  importation  of  slaves  from  Africa  until  the  year  1808." 

This  is  the  entire  quotation  brought  forward  to  prove  that  some- 
body previous  to  three  years  ago  had  said  the  negro  was  not  included 
in  the  term  "  all  men  "  in  the  Declaration.  How  does  it  do  so?  In 
what  way  has  it  a  tendency  to  prove  that?  Mr.  Clay  says  it  is  true  as 
an  abstract  principle  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  but  that  we 
cannot  practically  apply  it  in  all  cases.  He  illustrates  this  by  bring- 
ing forward  the  cases  of  females,  minors,  and  insane  persons,  with 
whom  it  cannot  be  enforced;  but  he  says  it  is  true  as  an  abstract 
principle  in  the  organization  of  society  as  well  as  in  organized  society 
and  it  should  be  kept  in  view  as  a  fundamental  principle.  Let  me 
read  a  few  words  more  before  I  add  some  comments  of  my  own.  Mr. 
Clay  says,  a  little  further  on: — 

"I  desire  no  concealment  of  my  opinions  in  regard  to  the  institution  of 
slavery.  I  look  upon  it  as  a  great  evil,  and  deeply  lament  that  we  have  de- 
rived it  from  the  parent  *■  Government  and  from  our  ancestors.  I  wish 
every  slave  in  the  United  States  was  in  the  country  of  his  ancestors.^  But 
here  they  are,  and  the  question  is,  How  can  they  be  best  dealt  with?  If  a 
state  of  nature  existed,  and  we  were  about  to  lay  the  foundations  of  society, 
no  man  would  be  more  strongly  opposed  than  I  should  be  to  incorporating  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery  among  its  elements." 

Now,  here  in  this  same  book,  in  this  same  speech,  in  this  same 
extract,  brought  forward  to  prove  that  Mr.  Clay  held  that  the  negro 
was  not  included  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  we  find^  no 
such  statement  on  his  part,  but  instead*  the  declaration  that  it  is 
a  great  fundamental  truth  which  should  be  constantly  kept  in  view  in 
the  organization  of  society  and  in  societies  already  organized.  But 
if  I  say  a  word  about  it;  if  I  attempt,  as  Mr.  Clay  said  all  good  men 

1- Reads:  "parental"  for  "parent." 

acjmits  "I  wish  every  slave  In  the  United  States  was  in  the  country  of  his  ancestors. " 

sOmits  "we  find." 

*0inits  "Instead  " 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  473 

ought  to  do,  to  keep  it  in  view;  if,  in  this  "organized  society,"  I  ask 
to  have  the  public  eye  turned  upon  it;  if  I  ask,  in  relation  to  the 
organization  of  new  territories,  that  the  public  eye  should  be  turned 
upon  it, — forthwith  I  am  vilified  as  you  hear  me  to-day.  What 
have  I  done  that  I  have  not  the  license  of  Henry  Clay's  illustrious 
example  here  in  doing?  Have  I  done  aught  that  I  have  not  his 
authority  for,  while  maintaining  that  in  organizing  new  Territories 
and  societies  this  fundamental  principle  should  be  regarded,  and  in 
organized  society  holding  it  up  to  the  public  view  and  recognizing 
what  he  recognized  as  the  great  principle  of  free  government?  [Great 
applause  and  cries  of  "  Hurrah  for  Lincoln. "] 

And  when  this  new  principle — this  new  proposition  that  no  human 
being  ever  thought  of  three  years  ago — is  brought  forward,  /  combat  it 
as  having  an  evil  tendency,  if  not  an  evil  design.  I  combat  it  as 
having  a  tendency  to  dehumanize  the  negro,  to  take  away  from  him 
the  right  of  ever  striving  to  be  a  man.  I  combat  it  as  being  one  of 
the  thousand  things  constantly  done  in  these  days  to  prepare  the 
public  mind  to  make  property,  and  nothing  but  property,  of  the 
negro  in  all  the  states  of  this  Union.  [Tremendous  applause.  "  Hur- 
rah for  Lincoln.     Hurrah  for  Trumbull. "] 

But  there  is  a  point  that  I  wish,  before  leaving  this  part  of  the  dis- 
cussion, to  ask  attention  to.  I  have  read  and  I  repeat  the  words  of 
Henry  Clay: 

"I  desire  no  concealment  of  my  opinions  in  regard  to  the  institution  of 
slavery.  I  look  upon  it  as  a  great  evil,  and  deeply  lament  that  we  have  de- 
rived it  from  the  parent^  Government  and  from  our  ancestors.  I  wish  every 
slave  in  the  United  States  was  in  the  country  of  his  ancestors.  But  here  they 
are ;  the  question  is,  How  can  they  best  be  dealt  with  ?  If  a  state  of  nature  ex- 
isted, and  we  were  about  to  lay  the  foundations  of  society,  no  man  would  be 
more  strongly  opposed  than  I  should  be  to  incorporate  the  institution  of  slav- 
ery among  its  elements." 

The  principle  upon  which  I  have  insisted  in  this  canvass  is  in  rela- 
tion to  laying  the  foundations  of  new  societies.  I  have  never  sought 
to  apply  these  principles  to  the  old  States  for  the  purpose  of  abolish- 
ing slavery  in  those  States.  It  is  nothing  but  a  miserable  perversion 
of  what  I  have  said,  to  assume  that  I  have  declared  Missouri,  or  any 
other  Slave  State,  shall  emancipate  her  slaves;  I  have  proposed  no 
such  thing.  But  when  Mr.  Clay  says  that  in  laying  the  foundations 
of  societies  in  our  Territories  where  it  does  not  exist,  he  would  be 

1- Reads:  "parental"  for  "parent." 


474  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

opposed  to  the  introduction  of  slavery  as  an  element,  I  insist  that  wo 
have  his  warrant — his  license —  for  insisting  upon  the  exclusion  of  that 
element  which  he  declared  in  such  strong  and  emphatic  language  was 
most  hateful  to  him.     [Loud  applause.] 

Judge  Douglas  has  again  referred  to  a  Springfield  speech  in  which 
I  said  "  a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.  "  The  Judge  has 
so  often  made  the  entire  quotation  from  that  speech  that  I  can  make 
it  from  memory.     I  used  this  language: — 

"  We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was  initiated  with  the 
avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of  putting  an  end  to  the  slavery  agita- 
tion. Under  the  operation  of  this  policy,  that  agitation  has  not  only  not 
ceased,  but  has  constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion  it  will  not  cease  until 
a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself 
cannot  stand.'  I  believe  this  Governmient  cannot  endure  permanently,  half 
Slave  and  half  Free.  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I  do  expect  it  will 
cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other.  Either  the 
opponents  of  slavery  will  ari-est  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the 
public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinc- 
tion, or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all 
the  States, — old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 

That  extract  and  the  sentiments  expressed  in  it  have  been  extreme- 
ly offensive  to  Judge  Douglas.  He  has  warred  upon  them  as  Satan 
wars'-  upon  the  Bible.  [Laughter.]  His  perversions  upon  it  are 
endless.     Here  now  are  my  views  upon  it  in  brief. 

I  said  we  were  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was  initiated 
with  the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
slavery  agitation.  Is  it  not  so?  When  that  Nebraska  bill  was  brought 
forward  four  years  ago  last  January,  was  it  not  for  the  ''avowed 
object "  of  putting  an  end  to  the  slavery  agitation?  We  were  to  have 
no  more  agitation  in  Congress;  it  was  all  to  be  banished  to  the  Ter- 
ritories.    . 

By  the  wa^',  I  will  remark  here  that  as  Judge  Douglas  is  very  fond 
of  complimenting  Mr.  Crittenden  in  these  days,  Mr.  Crittenden  has 
said  there  was  a  falsehood  in  that  whole  business,  for  there  was  no 
slavery  agitation  at  that  time  to  allay.  We  were  for  a  little  while  quiet 
on  the  troublesome  thing,  and  that  very  allaying  plaster  of  Judge 
Douglas's  stirred  it  up  again.  [Applause  and  laughter.]  But  was  it 
not  understood  or  intimated  with  the  "  confident  promise  "  of  putting 
an  end  to  the  slavery  agitation?  Surely  it  was.  In  every  speech  you 
heard  Judge  Douglas  make,  until  he  got  into  this  ''imbroglio,"  as 

iReads:  "does"  for  "wars." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  475 

they  call  it,  with  the  Administration  about  the  Lecompton  Con- 
stitution, every  speech  on  that  Nebraska  bill  was  full  of  felicitations 
that  we  were  just  at  the  end  of  the  slavery  agitation.  The  last  tip  of 
the  last  joint  of  the  old  serpent's  tail  was  just  drawing  out  of  view. 
[Cheers  and  laughter.]  But  has  it  proved  so?  I  have  asserted  that 
under  that  policy  that  agitation  "has  not  only  not  ceased,  but  has 
constantly  augmented. "  When  was  there  ever  a  greater  agitation 
in  Congress  than  last  winter?  When  was  it  as  great  in  the  country 
as  to-day? 

There  was  a  collateral  object  in  the  introduction  of  that  Nebraska 
policy,  which  was  to  clothe  the  people  of  the  Territories  with  a  super- 
ior degree  of  self-government  beyond  what  they  had  ever  had  before. 
The  first  object  and  the  main  one  of  conferring  upon  the  people  a 
higher  degree  of  "  self-government "  is  a  question  of  fact  to  be  deter- 
mined b}^  you  in  answer  to  a  single  question.  Have  you  ever  heard 
or  known  of  a  people  anywhere  on  earth  who  had  as  little  to  do  as,  in 
the  first  instance  of  its  use,  the  people  of  Kansas  had  with  this  same 
right  of  "self-government"?  [Loud  applause.]  In  its  main  policy 
and  in  its  collateral  object,  it  has  been  nothing  but  a  living,  creeping 
lie  from  the  time  of  its  introduction  till  to-day.     [Loud  cheers.] 

I  have  intimated  that  I  thought  the  agitation  would  not  cease  until 
a  crisis  should  have  been  reached  and  passed.  I  have  stated  in  what 
way  I  thought  it  would  be  reached  and  passed.  I  have  said  that  it 
might  go  one  way  or  the  other.  We  might,  by  arresting  the  further 
spread  of  it,  and  placing  it  where  the  fathers  originally  placed  it,  put  it 
where  the  public  mind  should  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  was  in  the 
course  of  ultimate  extinction.  [Great  applause.]  Thus  the  agitation 
may  cease.  It  may  be  pushed  forward  until  it  shall  become  alike 
lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South. 
I  have  said,  and  I  repeat,  my  wish  is  that  the  further  spread  of  it  may 
be  arrested,  and  that  it  may  be  placed  where  the  public  mind  shall 
rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  I  have 
expressed  that  as  my  wish.  I  entertain  the  opinion  upon  evidence 
sufficient  to  my  mind,  that  the  fathers  of  this  Government  placed 
that  institution  where  the  public  mind  did  rest  in  the  belief  that  it 
was  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  Let  me  ask  why  they  made 
provision  that  the  source  of  slavery — the  African  slave-trade — should 
be  cut  off  at  the  end  of  twenty  years?  Why  did  they  make  provision 
that  in  all  the  new  territory  we  owned  at  that  time  slavery  should  be 
forever  inhibited?    Why  stop  its  spread  in  one  direction,  and  cut  off 


476  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

its  source  in  another,  if  they  did  not  look  to  its  being  placed  in  the 
course  of  ultimate  extinction? 

Asain:  the  institution  of  slaverv  is  onlv  mentioned  in  the  Consti- 
tution  of  the  United  States  two  or  three  times,  and  in  neither  of  these 
cases  does  the  word  ■'slaver}-"  or  "negro  race"  occur:  but  covert 
language  is  used  each  time,  and  for  a  purpose  full  of  significance. 
\Miat  is  the  language  in  regard  to  the  prohibition  of  the  African 
slave-trade?  It  runs  in  about  this  way:  "The  migration  or  impor- 
tation of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think 
proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the 
year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight." 

The  next  allusion  in  the  Constitution  to  the  question  of  slavery-  and 

the  black  race  is  on  the  subject  of  the  basis  of  representation,  and 

there  the  language  used  is: 

"  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 
States  which  may  be  included  within  this  union,  according  to  their  respective 
numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free 
persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding 
Indians  not  taxed, — three-fifths  of  all  other  persons." 

It  says  ""persons. "  not  slaves,  not  negroes;  but  this  •"three-fifths" 
can  be  applied  to  no  other  class  among  us  than  the  negroes. 

Lastly,  in  the  provision  for  the  reclamation  of  fugitive  slaves,  it  is 
said :  "  Xo  person  held  to  ser^^ice  or  labor  in  one  State,  imder  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall 
be  dehvered  up,  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor 
may  be  due.  "  There  again,  there  is  no  mention  of  the  word  ''  negro  " 
or  of  slavery-.  In  all  three  of  these  places,  being  the  only  allusions  to 
slaver}-  in  the  instrument,  covert  language  is  used.  Language  is 
used  not  suggesting  that  slavery  existed  or  that  the  black  race  were 
among  us.  And  I  understand  the  contemporaneous  history  of  those 
times  to  be  that  covert  language  was  used  with  a  purpose,  and  that 
purpose  was  that  in  our  Constitution,  which  it  was  hoped  and  is  still 
hoped  win  endure  forever, — when  it  should  be  read  by  intelligent  and 
patriotic  men,  after  the  institution  of  slavery  had  passed  from  among 
us, — there  should  be  nothing  on  the  face  of  the  great  charter  of  liberty 
suggesting  that  such  a  thing  as  negro  slaver,-  had  ever  existed  among 
us.  [Enthusiastic  applause.]  This  is  part  of  the  evidence  that  .the 
fathers  of  the  government  expected  and  intended  the  institution  of 
slavery-  to  come  to  an  end.     They  expected  and  intended  that  it 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  477 

should  be  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  And  when  I  say  that 
I  desire  to  see  the  further  spread  of  it  arrested,  I  only  say  I  desire  to 
see  that  done  which  the  fathers  have  first  done.  When  I  say  I  desire 
to  see  it  placed  where  the  public  mind  will  rest  in  the  belief  that  it 
is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  I  only  say  I  desire  to  see  it 
placed  where  they  placed  it. 

It  is  not  true  that  our  fathers,  as  Judge  Douglas  assumes,  made  this 
Government  part  Slave  and  part  Free.  Understand  the  sense  in 
which  he  puts  it.  He  assumes  that  slavery  is  a  rightful  thing  within 
itself. — was  introduced  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  The 
exact  truth  is.  that  they  found  the  institution  existing  among  us.  and 
they  left  it  as  they  found  it.  But  in  making  the  Government  they 
left  this  institution  with  many  clear  marks  of  disapprobation  upon  it. 
Thev  found  slaverv  among  them,  and  thev  left  it  among  them 
because  of  the  difficulty — the  absolute  impossibility — of  its  imme- 
diate removal.  And  when  Judge  Douglas  asks  me  why  we  cannot 
let  it  remain  part  Slave  and  part  Free,  as  the  fathers  of  the  Govern- 
ment made  it.  he  asks  a  question  based  upon  an  assumption  which 
is  itself  a  falsehood:  and  I  turn  upon  him  and  ask  him  the  question, 
when  the  pohcy  that  the  fathers  of  the  Government  had  adopted  in 
relation  to  this  element  among  us  was  the  best  policy  in  the  world, 
the  only  wise  pohcy.  the  only  poHcy  that  we  can  ever  safely  continue 
upon,  that  will  ever  give  us  peac-e.  unless  this  dangerous  element 
masters  us  all  and  becomes  a  national  institution, — I  turn  upon  kim 
and  ask  him  urhy  he  could  not  leave  it  alone.  [Great  and  prolonged 
cheers.]  I  turn  and  ask  him  why  he  was  driven  to  the  necessity  of 
introducing  a  new  policy  in  regard  to  it. 

He  has  himself  said  he  introduced  a  new  policy.  He  said  so  in  his 
speech  on  the  22nd  of  March  of  the  present  year.  ISoS.  I  ask  him 
why  he  could  not  let  it  remain  where  our  fathers  placed  it.  I  ask.  too. 
of  Judge  Douglas  and  his  friends  why  we  shall  not  again  place  this 
institution  upon  the  basis  on  which  the  fathers  left  it.  I  ask  you. 
when  he  infers  that  I  am  in  favor  of  setting  the  Free  and  Slave  States 
at  war,  when  the  institution  was  placed  in  that  attitude  by  those  who 
made  the  constitution,  did  they  make  any  vrarf  ["Xo:  Xo."  and 
cheers.]  If  we  had  no  war  out  of  it  when  thus  placed,  wherein  is  the 
ground  of  beHef  that  we  shall  have  war  out  of  it  if  we  return  to  that 
policy?  Have  we  had  any  peace  upon  this  matter  springing  from  any 
other  basis?  ["'No:  No."]  I  maintain  that  we  have  not.  I  have 
proposed  nothing  more  than  a  return  to  the  policy  of  the  fathers. 


478  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  confess,  when  I  propose  a  certain  measure  of  policy,  it  is  not 
enough  for  me  that  I  do  not  intend^  anything  evil  in  the  result;  but 
it  is  incumbent  on  me  to  show  that  it  has  not  a  tendency  to  that  result 
I  have  met  Judge  Douglas  in  that  point  of  view.  I  have  not  only 
made  the  declaration  that  I  do  not  ynean  to  produce  a  conflict  between 
the  States;  but  I  have  tried  to  show  by  fair  reasoning,  and  I  think 
I  have  shown  to  the  minds  of  fair  men,  that  I  propose  nothing  but 
what  has  a  most  peaceful  tendency.  The  quotation  that  I  happened 
to  make  in  that  Springfield  speech,  that  "a  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand, "  and  which  has  proved  so  offensive  to  the  Judge 
was  part  and  parcel  of  the  same  thing.  He  tries  to  show  that  variety 
,n  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  different  States  is  necessary  and 
ndispensable.  I  do  not  dispute  it.  I  have  no  controversy  with 
Judge  Douglas  about  that. 

I  shall  very  readily  agree  with  him  that  it  would  be  foolish  for  us 
to  insist  upon  having  a  cranberry  law  here  in  Illinois,  where  we  have 
no  cranberries,  because  they  have  a  cranberry  law  in  Indiana,  where 
they  have  cranberries.  [Laughter;  "Good;"  "Good."]  I  should 
insist  that  it  would  be  exceedingly  wrong  in  us  to  deny  to  Virginia  the 
right  to  enact  oyster  laws,  where  they  have  oysters,  because  we  want 
no  such  laws  here.  [Renewed  laughter.]  I  understand,  I  hope, 
quite  as  well  as  Judge  Douglas  or  anybody  else,  that  the  variety  in 
the  soil  and  climate  and  face  of  the  country,  and  consequent  variety 
in  the  industrial  pursuits  and  productions  of  a  country,  require 
systems  of  law  conforming  to  this  variety  in  the  natural  features  of 
the  country.  I  understand  quite  as  well  as  Judge  Douglas  that  if 
we  here  raise  a  barrel  of  flour  more  than  we  want,  and  the  Louisian- 
ians  raise  a  barrel  of  sugar  more  than  they  want,  it  is  of  mutual 
advantage  to  exchange.  That  produces  commerce,  brings  us  to- 
gether, and  makes  us  better  friends.  We  like  one  another  the  more 
for  it.  And  I  understand  as  well  as  Judge  Douglas,  or  anybody  else, 
that  these  mutual  accommodations  are  the  cements  which  bind  to- 
gether the  different  parts  of  this  Union ;  that  instead  of  being  a  thing 
to  "divide  the  house," — figuratively  expressing  the  Union, — they 
tend  to  sustain  it;  they  are  the  props  of  the  house,  tending  always 
to  hold  it  up. 

But  when  I  have  admitted  all  this,  I  ask  if  there  is  any  parallel 
between  these  things  and  this  institution  of  slavery?     I  do  not  see 

iReads:  "perceive"  for  "intend." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  479 

that  there  is  any  parallel  at  all  between  them.  Consider  it.  When 
have  we  had  any  difficulty  or  quarrel  amongst  ourselves  about  the 
cranberry  laws  of  Indiana,  or  the  oyster  laws  of  Virginia,  or  the  pine- 
lumber  laws  of  Maine,  or  the  fact  that  Louisiana  produces  sugar,  and 
Illinois  flour?  When  have  we  had  any  quarrels  over  these  things? 
When  have  we  had  perfect  peace  in  regard  to  this  thing  which  I  say 
is  an  element  of  discord  in  this  Union?  We  have  sometimes  had 
peace;  but  when  was  it?  It  was  when  the  institution  of  slavery 
remained  quiet  where  it  was.  We  have  had  difficulty  and  turmoil 
whenever  it  has  made  a  struggle  to  spread  itself  where  it  was  not. 
I  ask,  then,  if  experience  does  not  speak  in  thunder-tones,  telling  us 
that  the  policy  which  has  given  peace  to  the  country  heretofore, 
being  returned  to,  gives  the  greatest  promise  of  peace  again.  ["Yes ;'' 
"Yes;"  "Yes."] 

You  may  say,  and  Judge  Douglas  has  intimated  the  same  thing 
that  all  this  diff  culty  in  regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery  is  the  mere 
agitation  of  office-seekers  and  ambitious  Northern  politicians.  He 
thinks  we  want  to  get  "  his  place, "  I  suppose.  [Cheers  and  laughter.] 
I  agree  that  there  are  office-seekers  amongst  us.  The  Bible  says 
somewhere  that  we  are  desperately  selfish.  I  think  we  would  have 
discovered  that  fact  without  the  Bible.  I  do  not  claim  that  I  am  any 
less  so  than  the  average  of  men;  but  I  do  claim  that  I  am  not  more 
selfish  than  Judge  Douglas.  [Roars  of  laughter  and  applause.]  But 
is  it  true  that  all  the  difficulty  and  agitation  we  have  in  regard  to 
this  institution  of  slavery  springs  from  office-seeking,  from  the  mere 
ambition  of  politicians?  Is  that  the  truth?  How  many  times  have 
we  had  danger  from  this  question?  Go  back  to  the  day  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  Go  back  to  the  Nullification  question,  at  the 
bottom  of  which  lay  this  same  slavery  question.  Go  back  to  the 
time  of  the  Annexation  of  Texas.  Go  back  to  the  troubles  that  led 
to  the  Compromise  of  1850.  You  will  find  that  every  time,  with  the 
single  exception  of  the  Nullification  question,  they  sprung  from  an 
endeavor  to  spread  this  institution. 

There  never  was  a  party  in  the  history  of  this  country,  and  there 
probably  never  will  be,  of  sufficient  strength  to  disturb  the  general 
peace  of  the  country.  Parties  themselves  may  be  divided  and 
quarrel  on  minor  questions,  yet  it  extends  not  beyond  the  parties 
themselves.  But  does  not  this  question  make  a  disturbance  outside 
of  political  circles?  Does  it  not  enter  into  the  churches  and  rend 
them  asunder?     What  divided  the  great  Methodist  Church  into  two 


480  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

parts,  North  and  South?  What  has  raised  this  constant  disturb- 
ance in  every  Presbyterian  General  Assembly  that  meets?  What 
disturbed  the  Unitarian  Church  in  this  very  city  two  years  ago? 
What  has  jarred  and  shaken  the  great  American  Tract  Society 
recently,  not  yet  splitting  it,  but  sure  to  divide  it  in  the  end?  Is  it  not 
this  same  mighty,  deep-seated  power  that  somehow  operates  on  the 
minds  of  men,  exciting  and  stirring  them  up  in  every  avenue  of 
society, — in  politics,  in  religion,  in  literature,  in  morals,  in  all  the 
manifold  relations  of  life? 

Is  this  the  work  of  politicians?  Is  that  irresistible  power,  which  fc  x 
fifty  years  has  shaken  the  Government  and  agitated  the  people,  to  be 
stilled  and  subdued  by  pretending  that  it  is  an  exceedingly  simple 
thing,  and  we  ought  not  to  talk  about  it?  [Great  cheers  and  laughter.] 
If  you  will  get  everybody  else  to  stop  taking  about  it,  I  assure  you^  I 
will  quit  before  they  have  half  done  so.  [Renewed  laughter.]  But 
where  is  the  philosophy  or  statesmanship  which  assures  that  you  can 
quiet  that  disturbing  element  in  our  society  which  has  disturbed  us 
for  more  than  half  a  century,  which  has  been  the  only  serious  danger 
that  has  threatened  our  institutions, — I  say,  where  is  the  philosophy 
or  the  statesmanship  based  on  the  assumption  that  we  are  to  quit 
talking  about  it,  and  that  the  public  mind  is  all  at  once  to  cease  being 
agitated  by  it?  Yet  this  is  the  policy  here  in  the  North  that  Douglas 
is  advocating, — that  we  are  to  care  nothing  about  it!  I  ask  you  if 
it  is  not  a  false  philosophy.  Is  it  not  a  false  statesmanship  that 
undertakes  to  build  up  a  system  of  policy  upon  the  basis  of  caring 
nothing  about  the  very  thing  that  everybody  does  care  the  most  about? 
[''Yes;"  "Yes;"  and  applause.] — a  thing  which  all  experience  has 
shown  we  care  a  very  great  deal  about?     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

The  Judge  alludes  very  often  in  the  course  of  his  remarks  to  the 
exclusive  right  which  the  States  have  to  decide  the  whole  thing  for 
themselves.  I  agree  with  him  very  readily  that  the  different  States 
have  that  right.  He  is  but  fighting  a  man  of  straw  when  he  assumes 
that  I  am  contending  against  the  right  of  the  States  to  do  as  they 
please  about  it.  Our  controversy  with  him  is  in  regard  to  the  new 
Territories.  We  agree  that  when  the  States  come  in  as  States  they 
have  the  right  and  the  power  to  do  as  they  please.  We  have  no  power 
as  citizens  of  the  Free  States,  or  in  our  Federal  capacity  as  members 
of  the  Federal  Union  through  the  General  Government,  to  disturb 

^Omits  "you." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  481 

slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  We  profess  constantly  that 
we  have  no  more  inclination  than  belief  in  the  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  disturb  it;  yet  we  are  driven  constantly  to  defend  ourselves 
from  the  assumption  that  we  are  warring  upon  the  rights  of  the  States. 
What  I  insist  upon  is,  that  the  new  Territories  shall  be  kept  free  from 
it  while  in  the  Territorial  condition.  Judge  Douglas  assumes  that  we 
have  no  interest  in  them, — that  we  have  no  right  whatever  to  interfere. 
I  think  we  have  some  interest.     I  think  that  as  white  men  we  have. 

Do  we  not  wish  for  an  outlet  for  our  surplus  population,  if  I  may  so 
express  myself?  Do  we  not  feel  an  interest  in  getting  to  that  outlet 
with  such  institutions  as  we  would  like  to  have  prevail  there?  If  you 
go  to  the  Territory  opposed  to  slavery,  and  another  man  comes  upon 
the  same  ground  with  his  slaves,  upon  the  assumption  that  the  things 
are  equal,  it  turns  out  that  he  has  the  equal  right  all  his  way,  and  you 
have  no  part  of  it  your  way.  If  he  goes  in  and  makes  it  a  Slave 
Territory,  and  by  consequence  a  Slave  State,  is  it  not  time  that  those 
who  desire  to  have  it  a  Free  State  were  on  equal  ground?  Let  me 
suggest  it  in  a  different  way.  How  many  Democrats  are  there  about 
here  ["A  thousand."]  who  have  left  Slave  States  and  come  into  the 
Free  State  of  Illinois  to  get  rid  of  the  institution  of  slavery?  [Another 
voice ;  "  A  thousand  and  one. "]  I  reckon  there  are  a  thousand  and  one. 
[Laughter.]  I  will  ask  you,  if  the  policy  you  are  now  advocating  had 
prevailed  when  this  country  was  in  a  Territorial  condition,  where 
would  you  have  gone  to  get  rid  of  it?  [Applause.]  Where  would 
you  have  found  your  Free  State  or  Territory  to  go  to?  And  when 
hereafter,  for  any  cause,  the  people  in  this  place  shall  desire  to  find 
new  homes,  if  they  wish  to  be  rid  of  the  institution,  where  will  they 
find  the  place  to  go  to?     [Loud  cheers.] 

Now,  irrespective  of  the  moral  aspect  of  this  question  as  to  whether 
there  is  a  right  or  wrong  in  enslaving  a  negro,  I  am  still  in  favor  of  our 
new  Territories  being  in  such  a  condition  that  white  men  may  find  a 
home, — may  find  some  spot  where  they  can  better  their  condition; 
where  they  can  settle  upon  new  soil  and  better  their  condition  in  life. 
[Great  and  continued  cheering.]  I  am  in  favor  of  this,  not  merely 
(I  must  say  it  here  as  I  have  elsewhere)  for  our  own  people  who  are 
born  amongst  us,  but  as  an  outlet  for  free  white  people  everywhere,  the 
world  over, — in  which  Hans,  and  Baptiste,  and  Patrick,  and  all  other 
men  from  all  the  world,  may  find  new  homes  and  better  their  condi- 
tion in  life.     [Loud  and  long  continued  applause.] 


482  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

I  have  stated  upon  former  occasions,  and  I  may  as  well  state  again, 
what  I  understand  to  be  the  real  issue  in  this  controversy  between 
Judge  Douglas  and  myself.  On  the  point  of  my  wanting  to  make 
war  between  the  Free  and  the  Slave  States,  there  has  been  no  issue 
between  us.  So,  too,  when  he  assumes  that  I  am  in  favor  of  intro- 
ducing a  perfect  social  and  political  equality  between  the  white  and 
black  races.  These  are  false  issues,  upon  which  Judge  Douglas  has 
tried  to  force  the  controversy.  There  is  no  foundation  in  truth  for 
the  charge  that  I  maintain  either  of  these  propositions.  The  real 
issue  in  this  controversy — the  one  pressing  upon  every  mind — is  the 
sentiment  on  the  part  of  one  class  that  looks  upon  the  institution  of 
slavery  as  a  wrong,  and  of  another  class  that  does  not  look  upon  it 
as  a  wrong. 

The  sentiment  that  contemplates  the  institution  of  slavery  in  this 
country  as  a  wrong  is  the  sentiment  of  the  Republican  party.  It  is 
the  sentiment  around  which  all  their  actions,  all  their  arguments, 
circle,  from  which  all  their  propositions  radiate.  They  look  upon  it 
as  being  a  moral,  social,  and  political  wrong;  and  while  they  contem- 
plate it  as  such,  they  nevertheless  have  due  regard  for  its  actual 
existence  among  us,  and  the  difficulties  of  getting  rid  of  it  in  any 
satisfactory  way,  and  to  all  the  constitutional  obligations  thrown 
about  it.  Yet,  having  a  due  regard  for  these,  they  desire  a  policy 
in  regard  to  it  that  looks  to  its  not  creating  any  more  danger.  They 
insist  that  it  should,  as'-  far  as  may  be,  be  treated  as  a  wrong;  and  one 
of  the  methods  of  treating  it  as  a  wrong  is  to  make  provision  that  it 
shall  grow  no  larger.  [Loud  applause.]  They  also  desire  a  policy 
that  looks  to  a  peaceful  end  of  slavery  at  some  time,  as  being  wrong. 

These  are  the  views  they  entertain  in  regard  to  it  as  I  understand 
them;  and  all  their  sentiments,  all  their  arguments  and  propositions, 
are  brought  within  this  range.  I  have  said,  and  I  repeat  it  here,  that 
if  there  be  a  man  amongst  us  who  does  not  think  that  the  institution  of 
slavery  is  wrong  in  any  one  of  the  aspects  of  which  I  have  spoken,  he 
is  misplaced,  and  ought  not  to  be  with  us.  And  if  there  be  a  man 
amongst  us  who  is  so  impatient  of  it  as  a  wrong  as  to  disregard  its 
actual  presence  among  us  and  the  difficulty  of  getting  rid  of  it  sud- 
denly in  a  satisfactory  way,  and  to  disregard  the  constitutional 
obligations  thrown  about  it,  that  man  is  misplaced  if  he  is  on  our 
platform.  We  disclaim  sympathy  with  him  in  practical  action. 
He  is  not  placed  properly  with  us. 

1- Reads:  "so"  for  "as." 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  4g3 

On  this  subject  of  treating  it  as  a  wrong,  and  limiting  its  spread,  let 
me  say  a  word.  Has  anything  ever  threatened  the  existence  of  this 
Union  save  and  except  this  very  institution  of  slavery?  What  is  it 
that  we  hold  most  dear  amongst  us?  Our  own  liberty  and  prosper- 
ity. What  has  ever  threatened  our  liberty  and  prosperity,  save  and 
except  this  institution  of  slavery?  If  this  is  true,  how  do  you  propose 
to  improve  the  condition  of  things  by  enlarging  slavery, — by  spread- 
ing it  out  and  making  it  bigger?  You  can  have  a  wen  or  cancer  upon 
your  person,  and  not  be  able  to  cut  it  out,  lest  you  bleed  to  death;  but 
surely  it  is  no  way  to  cure  it,  to  engraft  it  and  spread  it  over  your 
whole  body.  That  is  no  proper  way  of  treating  what  you  regard  a 
wrong.  You  see  this  peaceful  way  of  dealing  with  it  as  a  wrong, — 
restricting  the  spread  of  it,  and  not  allowing  it  to  go  into  new  countries 
where  it  has  not  already  existed.  That  is  the  peaceful  way,  the  old- 
fashioned  way,  the  way  in  which  the  fathers  themselves  set  us  the 
example. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  have  said  there  is  a  sentiment  which  treats  it 
as  not  being  wrong.  That  is  the  Democratic  sentiment  of  this  day. 
I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  every  man  who  stands  within  that  range 
positively  asserts  that  it  is  right.  That  class  will  include  all  who 
positively  assert  that  it  is  right,  and  all  who,  like  Judge  Douglas,  treat 
it  as  indifferent  and  do  not  say  it  is  either  right  or  wrong.  These  two 
classes  of  men  fall  within  the  general  class  of  those  who  do  not  look 
upon  it  as  a  wrong.  And  if  there  be  among  you  anybody  who  sup- 
poses that  he,  as  a  Democrat,  can  consider  himself  "  as  much  opposed 
to  slavery  as  anybody,"  I  would  like  to  reason  with  him.  You 
never  treat  it  as  a  wrong.  What  other  thing  that  you  consider  as  a 
wrong  do  you  deal  with  as  you  deal  with  that?  Perhaps,  you  say 
it  is  a  wrong,  but  your  leader  never  does,  and  you  quarrel  with  anybody 
who  says  it  is  wrong.  Although  you  pretend  to  say  so  yourself,  you 
can  find  no  fit  place  to  deal  with  it  as  a  wrong.  You  must  not  say 
anything  about  it  in  the  Free  States,  because  it  is  not  here.  You  must 
not  say  anything  about  it  in  the  Slave  States,  because  it  is  there. 
You  must  not  say  anything  about  it  in  the  pulpit,  because  that  is 
religion,  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  it.  You  must  not  say  anything 
about  it  in  politics,  because  that  will  disturb  the  security  of  "my  place.  " 
[Shouts  of  laughter  and  cheers.]  There  is  no  place  to  talk  about  it 
as  being  a  wrong,  although  you  say  yourself  it  is  wrong. 

But,  finally,  you  will  screw  yourself  up  to  the  belief  that  if  the  people 


484  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

of  the  Slave  States  should  adopt  a  system  of  gradual  emancipation  on 
the  slavery  question,  you  would  be  in  favor  of  it.  You  would  be  in 
favor  of  it.  You  say  that  is  getting  it  in  the  right  place,  and  you 
would  be  glad  to  see  it  succeed.  But  you  are  deceiving  yourself. 
You  all  know  that  Frank  Blair  and  Gratz  Brown,  down  there  in  St. 
Louis,  undertook  to  introduce  that  system  in  Missouri.  They  fought 
as  valiantly  as  they  could  for  the  system  of  gradual  emancipation 
which  you  pretend  you  would  be  glad  to  see  succeed.  Now,  I  will 
bring  you  to  the  test.  After  a  hard  fight  they  were  beaten,  and  when 
the  news  came  over  here,  you  threw  up  your  hats  and  hurrahed  for 
Democracy.  [Great  applause  and  laughter.]  More  than  that,  take 
all  the  argument  made  in  favor  of  the  system  you  have  proposed, 
and  it  carefully  excludes  the  idea  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in 
the  institution  of  slavery.  The  arguments  to  sustain  that  policy 
carefully  exclude  it.  Even  here  to-day  you  heard  Judge  Douglas 
quarrel  with  me  because  I  'uttered  a  wish  that  it  might  sometime 
come  to  an  end.  Although  Henry  Clay  could  say  he  wished  every 
slave  in  the  United  States  was  in  the  country  of  his  ancestors,  I  am 
denounced  by  those  pretending  to  respect  Henry  Clay  for  uttering  a 
wish  that  it  might  sometime,  in  some  peaceful  way,  come  to  an  end. 
The  Democratic  policy  in  regard  to  that  institution  will  not  tolerate 
the  merest  breath,  the  slightest  hint,  of  the  least  degree  of  wrong 
about  it. 

Try  it  by  some  of  Judge  Douglas's  arguments.  He  says  he  "  don't 
care  whether  it  is  voted  up  or  voted  down  "  in  the  Territories.  I  do  not 
care  myself,  in  dealing  with  that  expression,  whether  it  is  intended  to 
be  expressive  of  his  individual  sentiments  on  the  subject,  or  only  of 
the  national  policy  he  desires  to  have  established.  It  is  alike  valuable 
for  my  purpose.  Any  man  can  say  that,  who  does  not  see  anything 
wrong  in  slavery;  but  no  man  can  logically  say  it  who  does  see  a  wrong 
in  it,  because  no  man  can  logically  say  he  don't  care  whether  a  wrong 
is  voted  up  or  voted  down.  He  may  say  he  don't  care  whether  an 
indifferent  thing  is  voted  up  or  down;  but  he  must  logically  have  a 
choice  between  a  right  thing  and  a  wrong  thing.  He  contends  that 
whatever  community  wants  slaves  has  a  right  to  have  them.  So  they 
^iiave,  if  it  is  not  a  wrong.  But  if  it  is  a  wrong,  he  cannot  say  people 
have  a  right  to  do  wrong.  He  says  that  upon  the  score  of  equality, 
slaves  should  be  allowed  to  go  into  a  new  Territory, like  other  property. 
'This  is  strictly  logical  if  there  is  no  difference  between  it  and  other 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  485 

property.  If  it  and  other  property  are  equal,  his  argument  is  entirely 
logical.  But  if  you  insist  that  one  is  wrong  and  the  other  right,  there 
is  no  use  to  institute  a  comparison  between  right  and  wrong.  You 
may  turn  over  everything  in  the  Democratic  policy  from  beginning  to 
end,  whether  in  the  shape  it  takes  on  the  statute  book,  in  the  shape 
it  takes  in  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  in  the  shape  it  takes  in  conversa- 
tion, or  the  shape  it  takes  in  short  maxim-like  arguments, — it  every- 
where carefully  excludes  the  idea  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in  it. 

That  is  the  real  issue.  That  is  the  issue  that  will  continue  in  this 
country  when  these  poor  tongues  of  Judge  Douglas  and  myself  shall  be 
silent.  It  is  the  eternal  struggle  between  these  two  principles — right 
and  wrong — throughout  the  world.  They  are  the  two  principles  that 
have  stood  face  to  face  from  the  beginning  of  time,  and  will  ever  con- 
tinue to  struggle.  The  one  is  the  common  right  of  humanity,  and  the 
other  the  "  divine  right  of  kings. "  It  is  the  same  principle  in  what- 
ever shape  it  develops  itself.  It  is  the  same  spirit  that  says,  "  You 
work  and  toil  and  earn  bread,  and  I'll  eat  it."  [Loud  applause.] 
No  matter  in  what  shape  it  comes,  whether  from  the  mouth  of  a  king 
who  seeks  to  bestride  the  people  of  his  own  nation  and  live  by  the 
fruit  of  their  labor,  or  from  one  race  of  men  as  an  apology  for  enslaving 
another  race,  it  is  the  same  tyrannical  principle. 

I  was  glad  to  express  my  gratitude  at  Quincy,  and  I  re-express  it 
here  to  Judge  Douglas, — that  he  looks  to  no  end  of  the  institution  of 
slavery.  That  will  help  the  people  to  see  where  the  struggle  really  is. 
It  will  hereafter  place  with  us  all  men  who  really  do  wish  the  wrong 
may  have  an  end.  And  whenever  we  can  get  rid  of  the  fog  which 
obscures  the  real  question,  when  we  can  get  Judge  Douglas  and  his 
friends  to  avow  a  policy  looking  to  its  perpetuation, — we  can  get  them 
out  from  among  that  class  of  men  and  bring  them  to  the  side  of  those 
who  treat  it  as  a  wrong.  Then  there  will  soon  be  an  end  of  it,  and  that 
end  will  be  its  "  ultimate  extinction. "  Whenever  the  issue  can  be 
distinctly  made,  and  all  extraneous  matter  thrown  out  so  that  men 
can  fairly  see  the  real  difference  between  the  parties,  this  controversy 
will  soon  be  settled,  and  it  will  be  done  peaceably  too.  There  will  be 
no  war,  no  violence.  It  will  be  placed  again  where  the  wisest  and  best 
men  of  the  world  placed  it.  Brooks  of  South  Carolina  once  declared 
that  when  this  Constitution  was  framed,  its  framers  did  not  look  to 
the  institution  existing  until  this  day.  When  he  said  this,  I  think  he 
stated  a  fact  that  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  history  of  the  times.    But 


486  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

he  also  said  they  were  better  and  wiser  men  than  the  men  of  these 
days;  yet  the  men  of  these  days  had  experience  which  they  had  not, 
and  by  the  invention  of  the  cotton-gin  it  became  a  necessity  in  this 
country  that  slavery  should  be  perpetual.  I  now  say  that,  willingly 
or  unwillingly,  purposely  or  without  purpose,  Judge  Douglas  has  been 
the  most  prominent  instrument  in  changing  the  position  of  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  which  the  fathers  of  the  Government  expected  to 
come  to  an  end  ere  this, — and  'putting  it  upon  Brook's  cotton-gin 
basis;  [great  applause]  placing  it  where  he  openly  confesses  he  has  no 
desire  there  shall  ever  be  an  end  of  it.     [Renewed  applause.] 

I  understand  I  have  ten  minutes  yet.  I  will  employ  it  in  saying 
something  about  this  argument  Judge  Douglas  uses,  while  he  sustains 
the  Dred  Scott  decision,  that  the  people  of  the  Territories  can  still 
somehow  exclude  slaver5^  The  first  thing  I  ask  attention  to  is  the 
fact  that  Judge  Douglas  constantly  said,  before  the  decision,  that 
whether  they  could  or  not,  was  a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court. 
[Cheers.]  But  after  the  court  has  made  the  decision  he  virtually 
says  it  is  not  a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court,  but  for  the  people. 
[Renewed  applause.]  And  how  is  it  he  tells  us  they  can  exclude  it? 
He  says  it  needs  "  police  regulations, "  and  that  admits  of  "  unfriendly 
legislation. "  Although  it  is  a  right  established  by  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  to  take  a  slave  into  a  Territory  of  the  United 
States  and  hold  him  as  property,  yet  unless  the  Territorial  Legislature 
will  give  friendly  legislation,  and,  more  especially,  if  they  adopt  un- 
friendly legislation,  they  can  practically  exclude  him. 

Now,  without  meeting  this  proposition  as  a  matter  of  fact,  I  pass  to 
consider  the  real  constitutional  obligation.  Let  me  take  the  gentle- 
man who  looks  me  in  the  face  before  me,  and  let  us  suppose  that  he  is 
a  member  of  the  Territorial  Legislature.  The  first  thing  he  will  do 
will  be  to  swear  that  he  will  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  [Great  applause.]  His  neighbor  by  his  side  in  the  Territory 
has  slaves  and  needs  Territorial  legislation  to  enable  him  to  enjoy 
that  constitutional  right.  Can  he  withhold  the  legislation  which  his 
neighbor  needs  for  the  enjoyment  of  a  right  which  is  fixed  in  his  favor 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  which  he  has  sworn  to  sup. 
port?  Can  he  withhold  it  without  violating  his  oath?  And  more 
especially,  can  he  pass  unfriendly  legislation  to  violate  his  oath? 

Why,  this  is  a  monstrous  sort  of  talk  about  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States!     [Great  applause.]     There  has  never  been  as  outlandish 


LINCOLN  AT  ALTON  487 

or  lawless  a  doctrine  from  the  mouth  of  any  respectable  man  on  earth. 
[Tremendous  cheery.]  I  do  not  believe  it  is  a  constitutional  right  to 
hold  slaves  in  a  Territory  of  the  United  States.  I  believe  the  decision 
was  improperly  made  and  I  go  for  reversing  it.  Judge  Douglas  is 
furious  against  those  who  go  for  reversing  a  decision.  But  he  is  for 
legislating  it  out  of  all  force  while  the  law  itself  stands.  I  repeat  that 
there  has  never  been  so  monstrous  a  doctrine  uttered  from  the  mouth 
of  a  respectable  man.     [Loud  cheers.] 

I  suppose  most  of  us  (I  know  it  of  myself)  believe  that  the  people 
of  the  Southern  States  are  entitled  to  a  Congressional  Fugitive-Slave 
law, — that  is  a  right  fixed  in  the  Constitution.  But  it  cannot  be  made 
available  to  them  without  Congressional  legislation.  In  the  Judge's 
language,  it  is  a  "  barren  right, "  which  needs  legislation  before  it  can 
become  efficient  and  valuable  to  the  persons  to  whom  it  is  guaranteed. 
And  as  the  right  is  constitutional,  I  agree  that  the  legislation  shall  be 
granted  to  it, — and  that,  not  that  we  like  the  institution  of  slavery. 
We  profess  to  have  no  taste  for  running  and  catching  niggers, — at 
least,  I  profess  no  taste  for  that  job  at  all.  Why  then  do  I  yield  sup- 
port to  a  Fugitive-Slave  law?  Because  I  do  not  understand  that  the 
Constitution,  which  guarantees  that  right,  can  be  supported  without 
it.  And  if  I  believed  that  the  right  to  hold  a  slave  in  a  Territory  was 
equally  fixed  in  the  Constitution  with  the  right  to  reclaim  fugitives, 
I  should  be  bound  to  give  it  the  legislation  necessary  to  support  it. 
I  say  that  no  man  can  deny  his  obligation  to  give  the  necessary  legis- 
lation to  support  slavery  in  a  Territory,  who  believes  it  is  a  constitu- 
tional right  to  have  it  there.  No  man  can,  who  does  not  give  the 
Abolitionists  an  argument  to  deny  the  obligation  enjoined  by  the 
Constitution  to  enact  a  Fugitive  Slave  law.  Try  it  now.  It  is  the 
strongest  Abolition  argument  ever  made.  I  say  if  that  Dred  Scott 
decision  is  correct,  then  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  a  Territory  is 
equally  a  constitutional  right  with  the  right  of  a  slaveholder  to  have 
his  runaway  returned.  No  one  can  show  the  distinction  between 
them.  The  one  is  express,  so  that  we  cannot  deny  it.  The  other  i.^ 
construed  to  be  in  the  Constitution, so  that  he  who  believes  the  decision 
to  be  correct  believes  in  the  right.  And  the  man  who  argues  that  by 
unfriendly  legislation,  in  spite  of  that  constitutional  right,  slavery 
may  be  driven  from  the  Territories,  cannot  avoid  furnishing  an  argu- 
ment by  which  Abolitionists  may  deny  the  obligation  to   return 


488  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

fugitives,  and  claim  the  power  to  pass  laws  unfriendly  to  the  right  of 
the  slaveholder  to  reclaim  his  fugitive. 

I  do  not  know  how  such  an  argument  may  strike  a  popular  assem- 
bly like  this,  but  I  defy  anybody  to  go  before  a  body  of  men  whose 
minds  are  educated  to  estimating  evidence  and  reasoning  and  show, 
that  there  is  an  iota  of  difference  between  the  constitutional  right  to 
reclaim  a  fugitive,  and  the  constitutional  right  to  hold  a  slave,  in  a 
Territory,  provided  this  Dred  Scott  decision  is  correct.  [Cheers.] 
I  defy  any  man  to  make  an  argument  that  will  justify  unfriendly 
legislation  to  deprive  a  slaveholder  of  his  right  to  hold  his  slaves  in  a 
Territory,  that  will  not  equally,  in  all  its  length,  breadth,  and  thick- 
ness, furnish  an  argument  for  nullifying  the  Fugitive-Slave  law. 
Why,  there  is  not  such  an  Abolitionist  in  the  nation  as  Douglas,  after 
all.     [Loud  and  enthusiastic  applause.] 


Mr.  Doiig-las's  Rejoinder 

Senator  Douglas'  reappearance  in  front  of  the  stand  was  the  signal 
for  a  general  yell  of  applause,  which  fairly  shook  the  earth  and  startled 
the  old  Mississippi  which  was  rolling  gently  along  in  all  its  majesty 
within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  stand. 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  concluded  his  remarks  by  saying  there  is  not  such 
an  Abolitionist  as  I  am  in  all  America.  [Laughter.]  If  he  could 
make  the  Abolitionists  of  Illinois  believe  that,  he  would  not  have 
much  show  for  the  Senate.  [Great  laughter  and  applause.]  Let 
him  make  the  Abolitionists  believe  the  truth  of  that  statement,  and 
his  political  back  is  broken.     [Renewed  laughter.] 

His  first  criticism  upon  me  is  the  expression  of  his  hope  that  the  war 
of  the  Administration  will  be  prosecuted  against  me  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  this  State  with  vigor.  He  wants  that  war  prosecuted 
with  vigor;  I  have  no  doubt  of  it.  His  hopes  of  success  and  the  hopes 
of  his  party  depend  solely  upon  it.  They  have  no  thance  of  destroy- 
ing the  Democracy  of  this  State  except  by  the  aid  of  Federal  patron- 
age. ["  That's  a  fact ; "  "  Good, "  and  cheers.]  He  has  all  the  Federal 
office-holders  here  as  his  allies,  ["That's  so. "]  running  separate  tickets 
against  the  Democracy  to  divide  the  party,  although  the  leaders  all 
intend  to  vote  directly  the  Abolition  ticket  and  only  leave  the  green- 
horns to  vote  this  separate  ticket  who  refuse  to  go  into  the  Abolition 
camp.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  There  is  something  really  refreshing 
in  the  thought  that  Mr.  Lincoln  is  in  favor  of  prosecuting  one  war 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  489 

vigorously.  [Roars  of  laughter.]  It  is  the  first  war  I  ever  knew  him 
to  be  in  favor  of  prosecuting.  [Renewed  laughter.]  It  is  the  first 
war  that  I  ever  knew  him  to  believe  to  be  just  or  constitutional. 
[Laughter  and  cheers.]  When  the  Mexican  war  was  being  waged, 
and  the  American  army  was  surrounded  by  the  enemy  in  Mexico, 
he  thought  that  war  was  unconstitutional,  unnecessary,  and  unjust. 
["That's  so;"  ''You've  got  him;"  "He  voted  against  it,"  etc.] 
He  thought  it  was  not  commenced  on  the  right  spot. 

When  I  made  an  incidental  allusion  of  that  kind  in  the  joint  dis- 
cussion over  at  Charleston  some  weeks  ago,  Lincoln,  in  replying,  said 
that  I,  Douglas,  had  charged  him  with  voting  against  supplies  for 
the  Mexican  War,  and  then  he  reared  up,  full  length,  and  swore  that 
he  never  voted  against  the  supplies;  that  it  was  a  slander;  and  caught 
hold  of  Ficklin,  who  sat  on  the  stand,  and  said,  "Here,  Ficklin,  tell 
the  people  that  it  is  a  lie."  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Well,  Ficklin, 
who  had  served  in  Congress  with  him,  stood  up  and  told  them  all  that 
he  recollected  about  it.  It  was  that  when  George  Ashmun,  of  Mass- 
achusetts, brought  forward  a  resolution  declaring  the  war  unconstitu- 
tional, urmecessary,  and  unjust,  that  Lincoln  had  voted  for  it,  "  Yes, " 
said  Lincoln,  "  I  did.  "  Thus  he  confessed  that  he  voted  that  the  war 
was  wrong,  that  our  country  was  in  the  wTong,  and  consequently 
that  the  Mexicans  were  in  the  right ;  but  charged  that  I  had  slandered 
him  by  saying  that  he  voted  against  the  supplies.  I  never  charged 
him  with  voting  against  the  supplies  in  my  life,  because  I  knew  that 
he  was  not  in  Congress  when  they  were  voted.  [Tremendous  shouts 
of  laughter.]  The  war  was  commenced  on  the  13th  day  of  May,  1S46, 
and  on  that  day  we  appropriated  in  Congress  ten  millions  of  dollars 
and  fifty  thousand  men  to  prosecute  it.  During  the  same  session  we 
voted  more  men  and  more  money,  and  at  the  next  session  we  voted 
more  men  and  more  money,  so  that  by  the  time  Mr.  Lincoln  entered 
Congress  we  had  enough  men  and  enough  money  to  carry  on  the  war, 
and  had  no  occasion  to  vote  for^  any  more.  [Laughter  and  cheers.] 
W^hen  he  got  into  the  House,  being  opposed  to  the  war,  and  not  being 
able  to  stop  the  supplies,  because  they  had  all  gone  forward,  all  he 
could  do  was  to  follow  the  lead  of  Corwin,  and  prove  that  the  war  was 
not  begun  on  the  right  spot,  and  that  it  was  unconstitutional,  un- 

*Omits"for." 


490  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

necessary,  and  wrong.     Remember,  too,  that  this  he  did  after  the  war 
had  been  begun. 

It  is  one  thing  to  be  opposed  to  the  declaration  of  a  war,  another  and 
very  different  thing  to  take  sides  with  the  enemy  against  your  own 
country  after  the  war  has  been  commenced.  ["  Good, "  and  cheers.] 
Our  army  was  in  Mexico  at  the  time,  many  battles  had  been  fought; 
our  citizens,  who  were  defending  the  honor  of  their  country's  flag  were 
surrounded  b}^  the  daggers,  the  guns,  and  the  poison  of  the  enemy. 
Then  it  was  that  Corwin  made  his  speech  in  which  he  declared  that 
the  American  soldiers  ought  to  be  welcomed  by  the  Mexicans  with 
bloody  hands  and  hospitable  graves;  then  it  was  that  Ashmun  and 
Lincoln  voted  in  the  House  of  Representatives  that  the  war  was  un- 
constitutional and  unjust;  and  Ashmun's  resolution,  Corwin's  speech 
and  Lincoln's  vote  were  sent  to  Mexico  and  read  at  the  head  of  the 
Mexican  army,  to  prove  to  them  that  there  was  a  Mexican  party  in 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  who  were  doing  all  in  their  power  to 
aid  them.  ["That's  the  truth;"  "Lincoln  is  a  traitor,"  etc.]  That 
a  man  who  takes  sides  with  the  common  enemy  against  his  own 
country  in  time  of  war  should  rejoice  in  a  war  being  made  on  me  now, 
is  very  natural.  [Immense  applause.]  And,  in  my  opinion,  no  other 
kind  of  a  man  would  rejoice  in  it.  ["  That's  true; "  "  Hurrah  for  Doug- 
las, "  and  cheers.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  told  you  a  great  deal  to-day  about  his  being  an  old 
line  Clay  Whig.  ["  He  never  was.  "]  Bear  in  mind  that  there  are  a 
great  many  old  Clay  Whigs  down  in  this  region.  It  is  more  agreeable 
therefore,  for  him  to  talk  about  the  old  Clay  Whig  party  than  it  is  for 
him  to  talk  about  Abolitionism.  We  did  not  hear  much  about  the 
old  Clay  Whig  party  up  in  the  Abolition  districts.  How  much  of  an 
old  line  Henry  Clay  Whig  was  he?  Have  you  read  General  Singleton's 
speech  at  Jacksonville?  ["  Yes,  yes. "]  You  know  that  General 
Singleton  was  for  twenty-five  years  the  confidential  friend  of  Henry 
Clay  in  Illinois,  and  he  testified  that  in  1847,  when  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  this  State  was  in  session,  the  Whig  members  were 
invited  to  a  Whig  caucus  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  brother-in- 
law,  where  Mr.  Lincoln  proposed  to  throw  Henry  Clay  overboard  and 
take  up  General  Taylor  in  his  place,  giving  as  his  reason  that  if  the 
Whigs  did  not  take  up  General  Taylor,  the  Democrats  would.  [Cheers 
and  laughter.]  Singleton  testifies  that  Lincoln  in  that  speech  urged 
as  another  reason  for  throwing  Henry  Clay  overboard,  that  the  Whigs 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  491 

had  fought  long  enough  for  principle,  and  ought  to  begin  to  fight  for 
success.  Singleton  also  testifies  that  Lincoln's  speech  did  have  the 
effect  of  cutting  Clay's  throat,  and  that  he  (Singleton)  and  others 
withdrew  from  the  caucus  in  indignation.  He  further  states  that 
when  they  got  to  Philadelphia  to  attend  the  National  Convention 
of  the  Whig  party,  that  Lincoln  was  there,  the  bitter  and  deadly 
enemy  of  Clay,  and  that  he  tried  to  keep  him  (Singleton)  out  of  the 
Convention  because  he  insisted  on  voting  for  Clay,  and  Lincoln  was 
determined  to  have  Taylor.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Singleton 
says  that  Lincoln  rejoiced  with  very  great  joy  when  he  found  the 
mangled  remains  of  the  murdered  Whig  statesman  lying  cold  before 
him.  Now,  Mr.  Lincoln  tells  you  that  he  is  an  old  line  Clay  Whig! 
[Laughter  and  cheers.]  General  Singleton  testifies  to  the  facts  I 
have  narrated,  in  a  public  speech  which  has  been  printed  and  circu- 
lated broadcast  over  the  State  for  weeks,  yet  not  a  lisp  have  we  heard 
from  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  subject,  except  that  he  is  an  old  Clay  Whig. 
What  part  of  Henry  Clay's  policy  did  Lincoln  ever  advocate?  He 
was  in  Congress  in  1848-9,  when  the  Wilmot  Proviso  warfare  disturbed 
the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country,  until  it  shook  the  foundation 
of  the  Republic  from  its  center  to  its  circumference.  It  was  that 
agitation  that  brought  Clay  forth  from  his  retirement  at  Ashland 
again  to  occupy  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  see  if 
he  could  not,  by  his  great  wisdom  and  experience,  and  the  renown 
of  his  name,  do  something  to  restore  peace  and  quiet  to  a  disturbed 
country.  Who  got  up  that  sectional  strife  that  Clay  had  to  be  called 
upon  to  quell?  I  have  heard  Lincoln  boast  that  he  voted  forty-two 
times  for  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  and  that  he  would  have  voted  as  many 
times  more  if  he  could.  [Laughter.]  Lincoln  is  the  man,  in  con- 
nection with  Seward,  Chase,  Giddings,  and  other  Abolitionists,  who 
got  up  that  strife  that  I  helped  Clay  to  put  down.  [Tremendous 
applause.]  Henry  Clay  came  back  to  the  Senate  in  1849,  and  saw 
that  he  must  do  something  to  restore  peace  to  the  country.  The 
Union  Whigs  and  the  Union  Democrats  welcomed  him,  the  moment 
he  arrived,  as  the  man  for  the  occasion.  We  believed  that  he,  of  all 
men  on  earth,  had  been  preserved  by  Divine  Providence  to  guide  us 
out  of  our  difficulties,  and  we  Democrats  rallied  under  Clay  then,  as 
you  Whigs  in  Nullification  time  rallied  under  the  banner  of  old 
Jackson,  forgetting  party  when  the  country  was  in  danger,  in  order 


492  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

that  we  might  have  a  country  first,  and  parties  afterward.  [''Three 
cheers  for  Douglas. "] 

And  this  reminds  me  that  Mr.  Lincobi  told  you  that  the  slavery 
question  was  the  only  thing  that  ever  disturbed  the  peace  and  har- 
mony of  the  Union.  Did  not  Nullification  once  raise  its  head  and 
disturb  the  peace  of  this  Union  in  1832?  Was  that  the  slavery 
question  Mr.  Lincoln?  Did  not  disunion  raise  its  monster  head 
during  the  last  war  with  Great  Britain?  Was  that  the  slavery 
question,  Mr.  Lincoln?  The  peace  of  this  country  has  been  dis- 
turbed three  times,  once  during  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  once  on 
the  tariff  question,  and  once  on  the  slavery  question.  ["  Three  cheers 
for  Douglas. "]  His  argument,  therefore,  that  slavery  is  the  only 
question  that  has  ever  created  dissension  in  the  Union  falls  to  the 
ground.  It  is  true  that  agitators  are  enabled  now  to  use  this  slavery 
question  for  the  purpose  of  sectional  strife.  ["That's  so."]  He 
admits  that  in  regard  to  all  things  else,  the  principle  that  I  advocate, 
making  each  State  and  Territory  free  to  decide  for  itself,  ought  to 
prevail.  He  instances  the  cranberry  laws  and  the  oyster  laws,  and 
he  might  have  gone  through  the  whole  list  with  the  same  effect. 
I  say  that  all  these  laws  are  local  and  domestic,  and  that  local  and 
domestic  concerns  should  be  left  to  each  State  and  each  Territory 
to  manage  for  itself.  If  agitators  would  acquiesce  in  that  principle, 
there  never  would  be  any  danger  to  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the 
Union.     ["That's  so,"   and  cheers.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  tries  to  avoid  the  main  issue  by  attacking  the  truth  of 
my  proposition,  that  our  fathers  made  this  government  divided  into 
Free  and  Slave  States,  recognizing  the  right  of  each  to  decide  all  its 
local  questions  for  itself.  Did  they  not  thus  make  it?  It  is  true  that 
they  did  not  establish  slavery  in  any  of  the  States,  or  abolish  it  in  any 
of  them;  but  finding  thirteen  States,  twelve  of  which  were  Slave  and 
one  Free,  they  agreed  to  form  a  government  uniting  them  together 
as  they  stood,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  and  to  guarantee 
forever  to  each  State  the  right  to  do  as  it  pleased  on  the  slavery 
question.  [Cheers.]  Having  thus  made  the  government  and  con- 
ferred this  right  upon  each  State  forever,  I  assert  that  this  Govern- 
ment can  exist  as  they  made  it,  divided  into  Free  and  Slave  States,  if 
any  one  State  chooses  to  retain  slavery.  [Cheers.]  He  says  that  he 
looks  forward  to  a  time  when  slavery  shall  be  abolished  everywhere. 
I  look  forward  to  a  time  when  each  State  shall  be  allowed  to  do  as  it 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  493 

pleases.  If  it  chooses  to  keep  slavery  forever,  it  is  not  my  business^ 
but  its  own;  if  it  chooses  to  abolish  slavery,  it  is  its  own  business, — 
not  mine.  I  care  more  for  the  great  principle  of  self-government, 
the  right  of  the  people  to  rule,  than  I  do  for  all  the  negroes  in  Christen- 
dom. [Cheers.]  I  would  not  endanger  the  perpetuity  of  this  Union, 
I  would  not  blot  out  the  great  inahenable  rights  of  the  white  men,  for 
all  the  negroes  that  ever  existed.     [Renewed  applause.] 

Hence,  I  say  let  us  maintain  this  Government  on  the  principles  that 
our  fathers  made  it,  recognizing  the  right  of  each  State  to  keep  slavery' 
as  long  as  its  people  determine,  or  to  abolish  it  when  they  please. 
[Cheers.]  But  Mr.  Lincoln  says  that  when  our  fathers  made  this 
Government  they  did  not  look  forward  to  the  state  of  things  now 
existing,  and  therefore  he  thinks  the  doctrine  was  wrong;  and  he 
quotes  Brooks  of  South  Carolina  to  prove  that  our  fathers  then 
thought  that  probably  slavery  would  be  abolished  by  each  State 
acting  for  itself  before  this  time.  Suppose  they  did;  suppose  they 
did  not  foresee  what  has  occurred, — does  that  change  the  principles 
of  our  Government?  They  did  not  probably  foresee  the  telegraph 
that  transmits  intelligence  by  lightning,  nor  did  they  foresee  the  rail- 
roads that  now  form  the  bonds  of  union  between  the  different  States, 
or  the  thousand  mechanical  inventions  that  have  elevated  mankind. 
But  do  these  things  change  the  principles  of  the  Government?  Our 
fathers,  I  say,  made  this  Government  on  the  principle  of  the  right 
of  each  State  to  do  as  it  pleases  in  its  own  domestic  affairs,  subject 
to  the  Constitution,  and  allowed  the  people  of  each  to  apply  to  every 
new  change  of  circumstances  such  remedy  as  they  may  see  fit  to  im- 
prove their  condition.  This  right  they  have  for  all  time  to  come. 
[Cheers.] 

Mr.  Lincoln  went  on  to  tell  you  that  he  does  not  at  all  desire  to 
interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists,  nor  does  his  party. 
I  expected  him  to  say  that  down  here.  [Laughter.]  Let  me  ask  him, 
then,  how  he  expects-i-  to  put  slavery  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinc- 
tion ever}'where,  if  he  does  not  intend  to  interfere  with  it  in  the  States 
where  it  exists?  [Renewed  laughter.]  He  says  that  he  will  prohibit 
it  in  all  Territories,  and  the  inference  is,  then,  that  unless  they  make 
Free  States  out  of  them  he  will  keep  them  out  of  the  Union;  for,  mark 
you,  he  did  not  say  whether  or  not  he  would  vote  to  admit  Kansas 
with  slavery  or  not,  as  her  people  might  apply  (he  forgot  that,  as 

1  Reads:  "is  going"  for  "expects." 


494  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

usual,  etc.) ;  he  did  not  say  whether  or  not  he  was  in  favor  of  bringing 
the  Territories  now  in  existence  into  the  Union  on  the  principle  of 
Clay's  Compromise  Measures  on  the  slavery  question.  I  told  3"ou 
that  he  would  not.  ["  Give  it  to  him,  he  deserves  it, "  etc.]  His  idea 
is  that  he  will  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  Territories,  and  thus  force 
them  all  to  become  Free  States,  surrounding  the  Slave  States  with  a 
cordon  of  Free  States,  and  hemming  them  in,  keeping  the  slaves 
confined  to  their  present  limits  whilst  they  go  on  multiplying,  until 
the  soil  on  which  they  live  will  no  longer  feed  them,  and  he  will  thus 
be  able  to  put  slavery  in  a  course  of  ultimate  extinction  by  starvation. 
[Cheers.]  He  will  extinguish  slavery  in  the  Southern  States  as  the 
French  general  exterminated  the  Algerines  when  he  smoked  them  out. 
He  is  going  to  extinguish  slavery  by  surrounding  the  Slave  States, 
hemming  in  the  slaves,  and  starving  them  out  of  existence,  as  you 
smoke  a  fox  out  of  his  hole. 

He  "^intends  to  do  that  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  Christianity, 
in  order  that  we  may  get  rid  of  the  terrible  crime  and  sin  entailed  upon 
our  fathers  of  holding  slaves.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Mr.  Lincoln 
makes  out  that  line  of  policy,  and  appeals  to  the  moral  sense  of  justice 
and  to  the  Christian  feeling  of  the  community  to  sustain  him.  He 
says  that  any  man  who  holds  to  the  contrary  doctrine  is  in  the  position 
of  the  king  who  claimed  to  govern  by  divine  right.  Let  us  examine 
for  a  moment  and  see  what  principle  it  was  that  overthrew  the  divine 
right  of  George  the  Third  to  govern  us.  Did  not  these  Colonies  rebel 
because  the  British  Parliament  had  no  right  to  pass  laws  concerning 
our  property  and  domestic  and  private  institutions  without  our 
consent?  We  demanded  that  the  British  Government  should  not 
pass  such  laws  unless  they  gave  us  representation  in  the  body  passing 
them;  and  this  the  British  Government  insisting  on  doing,  we  went 
to  war,  on  the  principle  that  the  home  Government  should  not  control 
and  govern  distant  colonies  without  giving  them  a  representation. 
Now,  Mr.  Lincoln  proposes  to  govern  the  Territories  without  giving 
them^  a  representation,  and  calls  on  Congress  to  pass  laws  controlling 
their  property  and  domestic  concerns  without  their  consent  and 
against  their  will.  Thus,  he  asserts  for  his  party  the  identical  principle 
asserted  by  George  III.  .and  the  Tories  of  the  Revolution.     [Cheers.] 

I  ask  you  to  look  into  these  things,  and  then  tell  me  whether  the 
Democracy  or  the.  Abolitonists  are  right.      I  hold  that  the  people  of  a 

^Inserts,  "And"  before  "He." 
sReads:  "the  people"  for  "them." 


DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON  495 

Territory,  like  those  of  a  State  (I  use  the  language  of  Mr.  Buchanan  in 
his  letter  of  acceptance),  have  the  right  to  decide  for  themselves 
whether  slavery  shall  or  shall  not  exist  within  their  limits.  ["That's 
the  idea;"  "Hurrah  for  Douglas."]  The  point  upon  which  Chief 
Justice  Taney  expresses  his  opinion  is  simply  this,  that  slaves,  being 
property,  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  other  property,  and  conse- 
quently that  the  owner  has  the  same  right  to  carry  that  property  into 
a  Territory  that  he  has  any  other,  subject  to  the  same  conditions. 
Suppose  that  one  of  your  merchants  was  to  take  fifty  or  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars'  worth  of  liquors  to  Kansas.  He  has  a  right  to  go 
there,  under  that  decision;  but  when  he  gets  there  he  finds  the  Maine 
liquor  law  in  force,  and  what  can  he  do  with  his  property  after  he 
gets  it  there?  He  cannot  sell  it,  he  cannot  use  it;  it  is  subject  to  the 
local  law,  and  that  law  is  against  him,  and  the  best  thing  he  can  do 
with  it  is  to  bring  it  back  into  Missouri  or  Illinois  and  sell  it.  If  you 
take  negroes  to  Kansas,  as  Colonel  Jefferson  Davis  said  in  his  Bangor 
speech,  from  which  I  have  quoted  to-day,  you  must  take  them  there 
subject  to  the  local  law.  If  the  people  want  the  institution  of  slavery 
they  will  protect  and  encourage  it;  but  if  they  do  not  want  it,  they 
will  withhold  that  protection,  and  the  absence  of  local  legislation 
protecting  slavery  excludes  it  as  completely  as  a  positive  prohibition. 
["That's  so,"  and  cheers.]  You  slaveholders  of  Missouri  might  as 
well  understand  what  you  know  practically,  that  you  cannot  carry 
slavery  where  the  people  do  not  want  it.  ["That's  so."]  All  you 
have  a  right  to  ask  is  that  the  people  shall  do  as  they  please ;  if  they 
want  slavery,  let  them  have  it;  if  they  do  not  want  it,  allow  them  to 
refuse  to  encourage  it. 

My  friends,  if,  as  I  have  said  before,  we  will  only  live  up  to  this 
great  fundamental  principle,  there  will  be  peace  between  the  North 
and  the  South.  Mr.  Lincoln  admits  that,  under  the  Constitution,  on 
all  domestic  questions,  except  slavery,  we  ought  not- to  interfere  with 
the  people  of  each  State.  What  right  have  we  to  interfere  with 
slavery  any  more  than  we  have  to  interfere  with  any  other  question? 
He  says  that  this  slavery  question  is  now  the  bone  of  contention. 
Why?  Simply  because  agitators  have  combined  in  all  the  Free  States 
to  make  war  upon  it.  Suppose  the  agitators  in  the  States  should 
combine  in  one  half  of  the  Union  to  make  war  upon  the  railroad 
system  of  the  other  half?  They  would  thus  be  driven  to  the  same 
sectional  strife.  Suppose  one  section  makes  war  upon  any  other 
peculiar  institution  of  the  opposite  section,  and  the  same  strife  is 


496  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

produced.  The  only  remedy  and  safety  is  that  we  shall  stand  by 
the  Constitution  as  our  fathers  made  it,  obey  the  laws  as  they  are 
passed,  while  they  stand  the  proper  test,  and  sustain  the  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  the  constituted  authorities. 

Senator  Douglas'  half  hour  here  expired.  For  some  minutes  after 
he  concluded,  the  applause  was  perfectly  deafening  and  overwhelm- 
ing. He  seemed  to  have  carried  his  vast  auditory  entirely  with  him 
in  sympathy  and  feeling,  for  their  enthusiasm  was  boundless. 

[Missouri  Democrat,  Oct.   16,   1858] 

LAST  OF  THE  JOINT  DISCUSSIONS  BETWEEN  LINCOLN 

AND  DOUGLAS 


The  Debate  at  Alton 

About  5,000  people  gathered  at  Alton  yesterday  to  hear  these  two 
gentlemen  discuss  the  questions  agitating  the  public  mind  in  the  pres- 
ent contest.  The  "White  Cloud"  left  St.  Louis  about  ten  o'clock 
yesterday  morning  with  over  300  people  aboard,  and  arrived  at  Alton 
at  twelve  o'clock.  We  found  the  landing  at  Alton  crowded  with 
people,  and  the  whole  town  alive  and  stirring  with  large  masses  of 
human  beings.  The  Douglas  men  had  raised  a  banner  across  one  of 
the  principle  streets,  upon  which  was  inscribed: 

"POPULAR  SOVEREIGNTY!" 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  The  People's  Choice. 

In  close  proximity  to  this  was  a  banner  of  the  Republicans  bearing 
the  following: 

Illinois  Born  A  Free  State  Under  the 
Ordinance  of  '87. 
SHE  WILL  MAINTAIN  ITS  PROVISIONS! 

And  another  having  in  large  letters: 

LINCOLN  NOT  TROTTED  OUT  YET! 
alluding  to  Douglas'  threat  that  he  would  trot  Lincoln  out  down  in 
Egypt. 

Parties  of  men  and  boys  were  traversing  the  streets,  hurrahing  for 
Douglas  or  Lincoln,  as  their  preferences  might  dictate. 

The  stand  erected  for  the  speakers  was  placed  against  the  southern 
side  of  the  new  City  Hall,  and  at  1-^  o'clock  Messrs.  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  were  promptly  on  hand,  while  the  vast  crowd  filled  up  the 
space  between  the  stand  and  the  Congregational  church  on  the  South. 


THE  ALTON  DEBATE  497 

By  an  understanding  between  the  speakers,  previously  had,  Mr. 
Douglas  occupied  an  hour  in  opening.  Mr.  Lincoln  followed,  occu- 
pying an  hour  and  a  half,  and  Mr.  Douglas  closed  with  a  speech  of 
half  an  hour. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  meeting.  Dr.  Hope,  National  Demo" 
cratic  candidate  for  Congress,  appeared  in  front  of  the  stand  and  asked 
to  be  heard,  but  his  first  words  happening  to  be  against  Judge  Doug- 
las, that  gentleman's  friends  in  the  crowd  set  up  a  storm  of  yells, 
which  completely  drowned  his  voice.  The  noisy  parties  could  be 
easily  detected  as  rowdies  and  drunkards  who  kept  up  a  continual 
shout  for  Douglas.  One  man  had  a  quart  whisky  bottle  which  he 
held  aloft,  and  screamed  out  an  invitation  for  the  "Douglas  boys" 
to  "  come  and  drink. "     The  whole  quart  of  whisky  soon  disappeared. 

We  learn  from  Dr.  Hope,  that  he  asked  Douglas  if  he  would  permit 
F.  P.  Blair  to  make  public  what  transpired  between  them  (Douglas 
and  Blair)  last  winter  in  Washington  City  and  that  he  was  answered 
curtly  and  sternly  in  the  negative.  The  Doctor  interprets  the  answer 
as  an  admission  on  the  part  of  Douglas,  that  he  (Douglas)  was  in  fuU 
fellowship  with  the  Republican  party  at  that  time. 

[Chicago  Times,  October  17,   1858J 

THE  CAMPAIGN.— THE  LAST  JOINT  DEBATE 


Doug-las  and  Lincoln  at  Alton.— 5,000  to  10,000  Persons  Present!— 
Lincoln  Aga,m  Refuses  to  Answer  Whether  He  Will  Vote  to  Admit 
Kansas  If  Her  People  Apply  with  a  Constitution  Recog-nizing- 
Slavery.— Appears  in  His  Old  Character  of  the  "Artful  Dodger."— 
Tries  to  Palm  Himself  off  to  the  Whig-s  of  Madison  County  as  a 
Friend  of  Henry  Clay  and  No  Abolitionist,  and  Is  Exposed.— Great 
Speeches  of  Senator  Doug"las.— People  of  Illinois,  Read  and  Be 
Convinced 

The  last  of  the  series  of  joint  debates  between  Senator  Douglas  and 
Honorable  Abraham  Lincoln  took  place  at  Alton  on  Friday.  From 
five  to  ten  thousand  people  were  in  attendance,  the  majority  of  whom 
were  Democrats.  A  large  delegation  came  up  from  St.  Louis  on  the 
Steamer  White  Cloud,  and  quite  a  number  of  Missourians  were  pres- 
ent from  the  adjoining  counties,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Mississippi 
river,  whilst  not  a  few  Kentuckians  had  found  their  way  up  to  Alton 


498  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

to  hear  the"debate.  Lincoln,  as  usual,  tried  to  suit  himself  to  the 
locality  and  to  conceal  his  Abolition  sentiments,  whilst  pretending 
to  be  the  friend  of  Henr}^  Clay,  and  to  have  his  sanction  for  all  the 
principles  he  has  avowed  during  this  campaign.  He  again  refused 
to  answer  whether  or  not,  if  placed  in  a  position  where  he  would  be 
required  to  vote  on  the  subject,  he  would  vote  for  the  admission  of 
a  State  into  the  Union  if  her  people  applied  with  a  constitution 
recognizing  slavery.  This  question  Senator  Douglas  has  propounded 
to  him  at  every  joint  debate,  and  he  has  studiously  avoided  an 
answer. 

Lincoln's  conduct  at  this  last  debate  was  most  improper  and  ungen- 
tlemanly.  After  he  concluded  his  hour  and  a  half  speech,  and  Senator 
Douglas  arose  to  reply,  he  sat  himself  where  his  motions  could  not  be 
observed  by  the  Senator,  and,  whenever  a  point  was  made  against  him, 
would  shake  his  head  at  the  crowd,  intimating  that  it  was  not  true, 
and  that  they  should  place  no  reliance  on  what  was  said.  This  course 
was  a  direct  violation  of  the  rules  of  the  debate,  and  was  a  mean  trick, 
beneath  the  dignity  of  a  man  of  honor.  Besides,  in  his  speech,  he 
entirely  misrepresented  and  misstated  the  positions  taken  by  Senator 
Douglas,  and  based  his  arguments  upon  his  falsehoods  as  all  who  will 
take  the  trouble  to  read  the  debate  cannot  fail  to  see.  We  undertake 
to  say  that  this  last  effort  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  is  the  lamest  and  most  im- 
potent attempt  he  has  yet  made  to  bolster  up  the  false  position  he 
took  at  the  outset  of  the  fight.  We  have  given  a  verbatim  report  of 
the  debate,  and  invite  for  it  the  careful  persual  of  our  readers.  All 
we  can  ask  is  that  our  enemies,  as  well  as  our  friends  will  read  and 
study  well  the  positions  taken  by  the  two  leaders  of  the  respective 
parties,  and  we  do  not  fear  the  judgment  at  which  they  will  arrive. 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  October  20,   1858] 

POLITICAL.-THE  CANVASS  IN  ILLINOIS 


Close  of  the  Joint  Debate.— Progress  of  Doug-las  Colonization.— Corn 
Juice  and  Corn  Stalks.— Dousrias's  Voice  Failing- 
Correspondence  of  the  Evening  Post 

Springfield,  III.,  October  16,  1858 

The  seven  joint  debates  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  have  con- 
cluded. The  last  was  held  at  Alton  yesterday.  These  debates  have 
not  only  been  published  in  nearly  all  the  journals  in  this  state,  but 


^^^  ^^^  ^^^\ 

Last  Great  Discussion.  I 

Let  all  take  notice,  that  on  Fri- 
day next,  Hon.  S.  A.  Douglas  and 
Hon.  a.  Lincoln,  will  hold  the 
seventh  and  closing  joint  debate  of 
the  canvass  at  this  place.  We 
hope  the  country  will  turn  out,  to 
a  man,  to  hear  these  gentlemen. 

Ihe  following  programme  for 
the  discussion  has  been  decided 
upon  hy  the  Joint  Committee  ap- 
pointed by  the  People's  Party 
Club  and  the  Democratic  Club  for 
that  purpose. 

ArraHreMcata  c«r  the  I6tlt  last. 

The  tw^o  Oommitt«et — one  from  each  par- 
ty— heretofore  appointed  to  make  arrange- 
ments for  the  paolio  speaking  on  the  15  th 
iD8t.,  met  in  joint  Comaiittee,  and  the  fol- 
lowing programme  of  prooeediae;8  waa 
adopted,  viz : 

Ist.  The  place  for  said  speaking  sball  tr'eini 
the  east  side  of  City  Uall. 

2d.  The  time  sbail  be  1|  o'jlook,  P.  M.  on 
said  day. 

3d.  That  Messes.  C.  Stiqlbxan  and  W.  T. 
Miller  be  a  Committee  to  ereet  a  plat- 
form; also,  seats  to  aooommodato  ladies. 

4th.  That  Messrs.  B.  F.  Barry  and  Williak 
Post  ouperintend  musio  and  salutes. 

5th.  Messrs.  H.  G.  McPikb  aad  W.  C.  Qcio- 
Lir  be  a  committee  having  charge  of  the 
platform,  and  reoeption  of  ladies,  and 
have  power  to  appoint  assistants.    - 

6tb.  That  the  reoeption  of  Messrs.  Doholas 
and  Lincoln  shall  be  a  quiet  one,  and  no 
public  display.     > 

7tb.  That  no  banner  or  motto,  except  na- 
tional colors,  shall  be  allowed  on  the 
speakers'  stand. 

On  motion,  a  cjommittee,  oonsistiog  of 
Messrs.  W.  C.  Qpiolsy  and  H.  Q.  McPikk. 
be  appointed  to  pabUsh  this  programme  of 
proceedings.  W.  0.  QUIGLEY, 

H.  G.  McPIKE. 

Altok,  Oct.  18, 1858. 

To  the  above  it  should  be  added  that  the 
0.  A.  &  St.  Louis  Railroad,  will,  on  Friday, 
carry  pussengers  to  and  from  this  city  at 
half  its  asual  rates.  Persons  oan  come  in 
on  the  10:40  a.  m.  train,  and  go  out  at  6:20 
in  the  evening. 


1  ^  1  ^  1  H  S  1  1 


CLIPPING  FROM  THE  ALTON  DAILY  WHIG 


THE  ALTON  DEBATE  499 

they  have  attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole  country.  They  have 
been  next  in  importance  and  interest  to  some  of  the  great  senatorial 
debates,  when  the  whole  nation  has  stood  still  to  listen  to  the  voice 
of  its  greatest  men. 

For  the  rest  of  the  canvass,  Mr.  Lincoln  makes  twelve  speeches,  and 
Mr.  Douglas  makes  nine.  Each  is  to  speak  in  sections  where  they 
deem  it  most  necessary  to  exert  a  personal  influence. 

The  Alton  meeting,  which  was  the  seventh  and  last  joint  debate,  was 
not  ver}^  largly  attended,  but  in  many  respects  it  was  the  greatest  dis- 
cussion yet  held.  Both  speakers  applied  themselves  to  their  work 
with  new  power  and  energy.  The  audience  was  mostly  composed  of 
voters,  and  the  Lincoln  men  took  heart  from  the  conflict. 

Judge  Douglas's  voice  suffered  badly  by  this  out-door  speaking. 
It  is  very  indistinct.  He  has  voice  enough,  but  it  cannot  be  heard  any 
distance.  He  speaks  slowly,  and  gives  every  syllable  an  emphasis, 
but  it  seems  as  if  every  tone  went  forth  surrounded  and  enveloped  by 
an  echo,  which  blunts  the  sound  and  utterly  destroys  the  word. 
You  hear  a  voice,  but  catch  no  meaning.  This  peculiar  effect  has 
been  more  marked  lately.  At  Quincy  the  Judge  had  to  confine  his 
attempts  to  make  himself  understood  to  a  small  crowd  gathered 
closely  about  the  stand.  Yours,  &c.. 

Bayou 

[Alton  (111.)   Daily  Courier,  October  16,   1858] 

LAST  JOINT  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 


6,000   People   Present. — Lincoln    Triumphant. — Republicanism    in   the 
Ascendent.— Doug-las  Vanquished 

The  seventh  and  closing  debate  between  Messrs  Douglas  and  Lin- 
coln came  off  at  this  city  yesterday  afternoon.  The  day  was  not  the 
best — the  morning  being  somewhat  cloudy  with  indications  of  rain. 
At  an  early  hour  the  country  began  to  arrive.  It  came  on  foot,  on 
horseback,  by  carriage,  by  lumber  wagon,  and  by  all  other  convey- 
ances possible.  The  steamer  Baltimore,  from  St.  Louis,  brought  up  its 
load  of  those  desirous  of  hearing  the  debate.  At  half  past  ten  o'clock 
the  train  on  the  Chicago,  Alton  &  St.  Louis  railroad,  freighted  with 
its  gatherings  from  Springfield,  Auburn,  (iirard,  Carlinville,  Brighton, 


500  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

and  we  know  not  how  many  other  towns,  streamed  slowly  into  the 
city  with  its  burden  of  eight  full  cars.  The  other  passenger  trains  of 
the  forenoon  and  early  afternoon  demonstrated,  too,  that  the  names 
of  Lincoln  and  Douglas  have  a  hold  upon  the  country.  About  noon 
the  extra  steamer,  White  Cloud,  landed  upon  the  levee  its  quota  of 
denizens  of  St.  Louis.  With  the  earliest  arrivals,  the  rooms  of  Messrs 
Douglas  and  Lincoln,  who  reached  the  city  before  daylight — coming 
down  the  river  from  Quincy — became  the  centres  of  attraction.  Mr. 
Lincoln  received  at  the  Franklin  House,  and  Mr.  Douglas  at  the  Alton. 
The  train  of  the  Chicago,  Alton  &  St.  Louis  railroad  brought  down 
Springfield  Cadets,  a  fine  military  company,  which  paraded  through 
our  streets,  accompanied  by  Merritt's  cornet  band — discoursing  sweet 
music.  At  a  later  hour,  the  band  of  the  Edwardsville  delegation  also 
gave  us  a  display  of  its  power  "to  charm  the  sense  and  drive  dull 
care  away, " 

By  the  hour  of  12,  the  great  American  people  had  taken  possession 
of  the  city.  It  went  up  and  down  the  streets — it  hurrahed  for  Lin- 
coln and  hurrahed  for  Douglas — it  crowded  the  auction  rooms — it 
thronged  the  stores  of  our  merchants — it  gathered  on  the  street  cor- 
ners and  discussed  politics — it  shook  its  fists  and  talked  loudly — it 
mounted  boxes  and  cried  the  virtues  of  Pain  Killer — it  mustered  to 
the  eating  saloons  and  did  not  forget  the  drinking  saloons — it  was  here, 
there  and  everywhere,  asserting  its  privileges  and  maintaining  its 
rights.  Immediately  thereafter  couples  and  triplets  and  singles  of 
its  6000  component  parts  betook  themselves  to  the  neighborhood  of 
the  stand  prepared  for  the  speaking. 

Over  this,  which  was  located  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  City  Hall 
and  Market  building,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floated  upon  the  breeze. 
Mr.  Henry  Lea  displayed  several  banners  and  flags.  One  was  in- 
scribed; "  Illinois,  born  under  the  Ordinance  of  '87 — she  will  maintain 
its  provisions."  Another:  "Lincoln  not  yet  Trotted  Out,"  and 
a  third : 

"free  territories  and  free  men, 

free  pulpits  and  free  preachers, 

free  press  and  free  pen, 

free  schools  and  free  teachers." 

Mr.  E.  H.  Goulding  notified  everybody  in  this  style:  "Squat  Row 
for  Old  Abe  and  free  Labor. "  A  cord  stretched  from  the  store  of 
I.  Scarritt  to  that  of  DeBow  &  Barr  sustained  a  large  flag,  bearing  the 


THE  ALTON  DEBATE  501 

mottoes:  "Old  Madison  for  Lincoln"  and  "Too  late  for  the  Milk- 
ing. "  The  national  colors  floated  proudly  from  the  flag  staff  of  the 
Courier  office.  The  Douglas  men  concentrated  their  whole  energies 
in  one  grand,  magnificent,  superb,  right-royal  banner,  which  was  sus- 
pended between  the  store  of  Mr.  Henry  Lea  and  the  Bank  building. 
The  words,  "Popular  Sovereignty — National  Union — S.  A.  Douglas 
the  People's  Choice,"  were  surmounted  by  a  very  buzzard-like  bird, 
ready  to  swoop  down  upon  its  prey,  and  surrounded  by  five  stars, 
intended,  we  presume,  to  represent  the  four  states  of  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  Indiana  and  Iowa,  which  have  already  put  their  knives  to  the 
throat  of  Mr.  Douglas,  and  Illinois  will  do  so  in  November,  after  which 
he  will  be  ready,  politically,  for  the  buzzards. 

The  hour  of  two  having  nearly  arrived,  the  great  American  people, 
having  gathered  all  its  parts,  or  so  many  of  them  as  would  consent  to 
be  gathered,  to  the  first  floor  of  the  City  Hall  Building  and  the  ground 
between  that  and  the  Presbyterian  church,  Messrs  Lincoln  and  Doug- 
las made  their  appearance  upon  the  stand.  As  previously  agreed 
Judge  Douglas  opened  the  debate  in  a  speech  of  one  hour.  Although 
appearing  very  well  his  voice  was  completely  shattered,  and  his 
articulation  so  very  much  impeded  that  very  few  of  the  large  crowd 
he  addressed,  could  understand  an  entire  sentence.  Nearly  all  his 
speech  was  a  repetition  of  his  previous  charges  of  amalgamation,  negro 
equality,  etc.,  against  the  Republican  party;  and  he  labored  and  twis- 
ted them  and  rolled  them  as  sweet  morsels  under  his  tongue,  till  his 
own  friends  were  disgusted  with  his  pertinacity  and  falsehood. 
Having  nearly  exhausted  himself  and  his  hour,  also,  on  this  terrible 
bugbear,  the  Judge  then  ventured  upon  one  of  the  most  important 
and,  to  him,  the  most  fearful  act  of  his  life.  He  actually  attacked 
Buchanan  and  his  administration,  and  berated  them  to  his  heart's 
content.  His  friends  were  not  prepared  for  this  bold  step  on  the 
part  of  their  leader,  and  opened  wide  their  eyes  in  astonishment. 
What!  had  their  Little  Giant,  their  terrible  leader,  stood  so  long 
calmly  and  meekly  by  when  the  heads  of  his  friends,  one  after  the 
other,  in  rapid  succession,  rolled  before  him  in  the  dust,  and  not  a 
word  of  rebuke  or  condemnation,  and  now,  at  the  very  heels  of  an 
election,  more  important  to  him  than  any  other  of  his  life,  he  plucks 
up  courage  and  denounces  the  President  in  terms  admitting  of  no 
mistake  as  to  his  feelings.     With  this  exception  his  speech  was  in  no 


]7- 


502  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

respect  different  from  his  previous  efforts.  It  was  flat  and  unsatis- 
factory, unredeemed  by  a  single  sparkle  of  wit  or  patriotic  elevation. 

The  hour  and  a  half  reply  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  effort  of  which  his 
friends  had  every  reason  to  be  proud.  One  by  one  he  took  up  the  oft- 
exploded  charges  of  Douglas  against  the  Republican  party  and  scat- 
tered them  to  the  winds,  and  charged  back  upon  him  his  own  army  of 
sins  of  omissions  and  commission  with  terrible  effect.  Not  a  single 
one  of  all  the  charges  Douglas  made  was  left  unanswered,  and  so  con- 
vincing was  the  array  of  testimony  he  produced,  so  clear  and  logical 
every  deduction  made  from  them,  and  so  honest  and  candid  was  he 
in  all  his  assertions,  that  the  Douglasites  themselves  were  forced  to 
admit  that  they  had  not  only  underrated  the  native  strength  of  the 
man,  but  that  he  was  greatly  misrepresented  in  their  papers.  His 
reply  was,  in  fact,  a  complete  vindication  of  himself  and  the  Repub- 
lican party,  from  the  foul  slanders  sought  to  be  heaped  upon  them, 
and  as  a  vindication  could  not  be  successfully  answered. 

Douglas'  half  hour  rejoinder  was  both  in  better  spirit  and  better 
taste  than  his  opening.  It  was  not,  in  fact,  a  rejoinder  at  all.  It  was 
principally  a  series  of  charges  against  Mr.  Lincoln  about  his  Mexican 
war  votes,  which  he  then  introduced  so  that  Mr.  Lincoln  could  have 
no  opportunity  of  replying.  Brave  Little  Giant!  Cunning  Little 
Giant!  magnanimous  Little  Giant! 

As  we  intend  to  publish  the  speeches  in  full,  in  a  few  days,  we  shall 
not  further  speak  of  them  now.  The  discussion  has  been  longed  for 
by  the  Republicans  of  this  city  and  vicinity,  and  their  expectations 
have  been  more  than  realized.  As  the  Democracy  of  the  States  of 
Iowa,  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Pennsylvania  has  been  thrashed  out,  so  was 
Mr.  Douglas  thrashed  out  by  Mr.  Lincoln  yesterday. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  October  18,   1858] 

THE  DISCUSSION  AT  ALTON 

Alton,  October  16. 

Editors  State  Register: — Not  having  seen  you  at  the  public  discus- 
sion which  took  place  between  Messrs.  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  on  yes- 
terday, we  presume  you  would  like  to  have  a  brief  account  of  what 
took  place. 

The  number  present  at  the  discussion  numbered  about  five  thou- 
sand, probably  six  thousand.  It  is  said,  by  the  friends  of  each  party, 
that  the  number  was  not  so  great  as  at  anv  former  discussion.     The 


THE  ALTON  DEBATE  503 

audience  was  very  attentive  and  treated  both  the  speakers  with 
courtesy.  Quite  a  number  of  citizens  of  St.  Louis  were  present, 
having  chartered  a  steamer  to  bring  them  up  and  hear  the  debate. 

After  Mr.  Douglas  had  commenced  his  opening  speech,  Hope 
interrupted  him  with  the  first  question  that  Sturgeon  had  given  him. 
He  fared  as  others  have  done  on  Hke  occasions.  He  was  over- 
whelmed by  the  answer,  and  the  cheers  of  the  multitude  conse- 
quent thereto,  and  dropped  back,  without  attempting  to  go  through 
the  series.  After  Messrs.  Douglas  and  Lincoln  had  got  through  their 
debate  and  had  left  the  stand.  Dr.  Hope  made  his  appearance  upon  it, 
and  attempted  to  address  the  crowd,  but  he  had  scarcely  thrown  back 
his  oily  locks  and  opened  his  mouth,  before  he  was  greeted  by  a  torrent 
of  noise  of  every  description,  such  as  "  Hurrah  for  Douglas, "  "  Hur- 
rah for  Lincoln, "  "  Dry  up, "  "  You're  a  hopeful  case, "  etc.  But  the 
would  be  congressman  was  not  to  be  put  down  in  this  way.  He 
handed  his  hat  to  a  friend,  then  used  both  his  fists  in  defiance.  We 
suppose  he  was  talking  all  the  time,  but  we  could  not  hear  one  word. 
He  danced  over  the  platform  in  a  frantic  manner  shook  his  head  and 
fists  in  defiance  at  divers  persons  in  the  crowd,  and  disappeared  (after 
speaking  half  an  hour  and  making  a  fool  of  himself)  off  the  stage  in 
a  most  theatrical  manner;  that  is  chasing  an  individual  who  was 
making  a  noise.  During  all  the  time  the  crowd  was  convulsed  with 
laughter.  All  declared  it  to  be  the  best  circus  that  had  been  in  town 
for  many  a  day.  Hope  had  no  friends  except  Sturgeon,  and  one  or 
two  postmasters. 

Judge  Douglas  made  his  headquarters  at  the  Alton  House.  Mr. 
Lincoln  stopped  at  the  Franklin.  Douglas'  room  was  crowded  all  the 
time.     The  old  whigs  and  Americans  came  in  crowds  to  see  him. 

Madison 
{New  York  Semi-Weekly  Tribune,  October  26,   1858] 

THE  LAST  DEBATE  BETWEEN  DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN 


Their  Meeting-  at  Alton 
Correspondence  of  the  New   York  Tribune 

Alton,  III.,  Oct.  15,  1858 
The  last  great  debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln  took  place 
today  in  our  city  in  the  presence  of  a  vast  multitude,  in  the  open  air. 


504  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

The  place  of  meeting  was  on  the  public  square,  adjoining  the  new 
City  Hall,  where,  it  is  estimated  10,000  persons  were  present,  com- 
prising delegations  from  the  neighboring  towns  and  cities,  and  our 
own  citizens  and  country  people.  The  speakers'  stand  was  at  the  side 
of  the  building,  the  colors  of  the  United  States  waving  over  their  heads 
and  many  ladies  occupied  the  windows  and  adjoining  rooms  of  the 
City  Hall.  No  Political  flags  or  mottoes  were  allowed.  The  vast 
numbers  present  showed  the  interest  that  is  felt  in  this  part  of  the 
State  in  the  pending  contest;  for  Central  Illinois  is  the  battle  ground 
of  the  parties,  turning  the  scale  this  way  or  that. 

As  we  approached  the  ground,  Douglas  was  speaking,  having 
just  commenced.  His  manner  was  excited  and  animating,  his  voice 
reached  a  great  distance,  but  his  articulation  was  thick  and  imperfect, 
so  that  the  outside  circle  of  the  crowd  could  not  hear  what  he  said- 
Certain  emphatic  words,  such  as  "Democracy,"  "nigger  equality," 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  not  made  for  "  niggers, "  made  for 
"  white  men, "  "  Abolition, "  etc.,  were  all  that  could  be  heard,  without 
pressing  forward  deep  into  the  crowd.  His  voice  on  these  emphatic 
words  was  always  pitched  on  a  high,  loud  note,  which  was  never  varied 
and  these  loud  monotones  were  uttered  with  all  the  physical  force  and 
violence  of  gesticulation  the  speaker  could  demand,  occurring  with 
wonderful  regularity;  but  the  intervening  words  being  lost,  his  mean- 
ing was  seldom  apprehended  by  any  except  those  who  were  quite  near. 
Nevertheless,  there  was  in  this  outer  circle,  a  considerable  number  of 
rowdies,  drinkers  of  rum,  accustomed  to  give  vent  to  their  feelings 
in  yells,  screams  and  vulgar  mirth,  who  responded  regularly  at  the 
recurrence  of  certain  words,  and  cried,  "That's  so, "  "  Hit  him  again, " 
the  latter  referring  especially  to  every  personal  allusion  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
of  which  there  were  many,  and  some  of  them  uttered  in  the  insolent 
manner  that  characterizes  the  overseer  of  the  negro  plantation,  from 
which  Mr.  Douglas  must  at  some  period  of  his  life,  have  taken  lessons. 
These  cries  and  "  hurrah  for  Douglas  "  were  a  serious  interruption,  and 
the  Little  Giant  is  cunning  enough,  whenever  a  little  confusing  and 
commingling  of  cries  results,  to  charge  the  interruption  upon  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  alleging  that  the  latter  gentleman  is  always 
listened  to  with  attention  by  the  Democrats,  although  today  he  was 
frequently  interrupted  by  "  hoorahs  for  Douglas  "  from  certain  of  the 
baser  sort,  who  mingled  in  the  outside  of  the  crowd. 

[Here  follows  the  opening  speech  of  Mr.  Douglas.] 


THE  ALTON  DEBATE  505 

At  the  close  of  Mr.  Douglas'  speech,  which  occupied  an  hour,  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  introduced,  and  received  with  music  from  a  band  and 
cheers.  Having  never  seen  or  heard  him  before,  the  first  impression 
was  much  more  agreeable  than  we  had  anticipated.  The  Douglas 
papei*s  had  so  belied  him  that  we  expected  to  see  a  man  of  most 
homely  and  awkward  figure,  of  slow  and  hesitating  speech,  in  no  re- 
spect the  equal  of  Mr.  Douglas  as  a  political  orator.  We  had  heard 
the  lying  report  of  Douglas'  paid  letter  writers  and  reporters,  who  go 
around  with  him,  that  at  Freeport  Mr.  Lincoln  was  so  utterly  routed 
in  the  debate,  and  "cowed  down"  (that  was  the  expression),  that  he 
had  to  be  carried  off  the  stand  by  his  friends ;  we  had  read  again  and 
again  in  these  partisan  papers  Douglas  Triumphant,  until  we  had 
come  to  fear  that  the  Republican  standard-bearer  was  really  much 
inferior  to  his  opponent,  and  that  he  must  be  losing  ground  in  these 
debates. 

Imagine,  then,  the  agreeable  surprise  when  we  saw  and  heard  the 
man.  There  stood  before  the  multitude  one  of  nature's  noblemen, 
with  a  head  and  countenance  expressive  of  the  highest  moral  and  men- 
tal qualities,  a  form  tall  and  erect,  an  eye  and  expression  of  face 
beaming  with  kindly  sentiments,  and  a  voice  and  articulation  so  clear 
and  distinct  that  every  word  was  heard  to  the  farthest  extreme  of  the 
assembly — a  voice  natural,  not  strained,  various  in  its  modulations, 
and  pleasant  to  listen  to. 

[Here  follows  the  reply  of  Mr.  Lincoki.] 

If  hurrahs,  noise  and  rowdyism,  can  carry  the  day,  Douglas  will  be 
re-elected.  If  the  intelligence  and  enlightened  sentiment  of  the  people 
shall  prevail,  then  Mr.  Lincoln  is  as  sure  to  be  successor  of  Mr.  Doug- 
las in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  as  there  is  a  sun  in  the  Heavens, 
and  the  probablities  are  now  working  very  strongly  in  this  way. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  October  18,   1858] 

THE  SEVENTH  AND  LAST   GREAT  DEBATE  BETWEEN 
LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS,  AT  ALTON 

Correspondence  of  the  Transcript 

Springfield,  Oct.  16,  1858 
The  seventh  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  came  off  today 
at  Alton.     The  number  present  was  not  so  great  as  it  has  been  at  most 
of  these  discussions.     However,  at  an  early  hour  the  crowd  began  to 


506  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

assemble  at  the  City  Hall.  At  2  p.  m.  the  speakers  were  announced 
by  various  demonstrations  among  the  crowd. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  through  his  whole  speech,  was  listened  to  with  the 
greatest  attention,  and  was  only  interrupted  by  men  who,  though 
they  could  scarcely  stand,  yet  could  hurrah  for  Douglas,  men  who 
when  Douglas  was  speaking  could  belch  forth  various  exclamations, 
as  "Give  him  h — 1, "  &c. 

So  much  has  been  said  about  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  that  we  will 
not  attempt  to  follow  Judge  Douglas  in  his  wanderings  to  the  end. 

The  vote  on  the  cars,  on  returning,  stood  Lincoln  167;  Douglas,  137. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Alton  the  Democracy  are  so  divided  that  we  shall 
undoubtedly  have  a  clear  majority.  J.  D. 

[St.  Louis  Morning  Herald,  October  16,  1858] 

POLITICAL  DISCUSSION  AT  ALTON 

A  large  and  highly  respectable  crowd  of  our  citizens  visited  the  City 
of  Alton  yesterday,  for  the  purpose  of  listening  to  the  speeches  of 
Douglas  (Democrat)  and  Lincoln  (Abolitionist). 

About  five  thousand  people  were  present  at  the  discussion,  and 
throughout  the  speaking  they  preserved  very  good  order. 

Douglas  opened  the  ball,  but  just  before  commencing,  a  fat,  burly- 
looking  man,  with  frizzly-looking  side-boards  on  his  cheeks,  pro- 
pounded a  question  to  Judge  Douglas.  The  individual  had  just  left 
the  side  of  a  prominent  office-holder  of  this  city,  and  it  was  generally 
supposed  that  the  question  came  from  that  source.  The  question 
was  something  in  regard  to  the  power  of  the  legislative  assemblies 
of  the  territories  legislating  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  Mr.  Douglas 
told  him  that  his  speech  would  be  a  reply  to  the  question. 

In  course  of  Mr.  Douglas'  remarks,  he  made  the  fur  fly  off  the 
abolitionists,  the  government  ofhce-holders,  and  Abe  Lincoln.  We 
pitied  the  poor  fellows,  as  we  saw  them  squirm,  and  listened  to  the 
shouts  of  the  assembled  multitude,  whilst  Douglas  was  skinning  them. 

He  was  followed  by  long  Abe,  with  a  kind  of  half  and  half  mour- 
ners'-bench  exhortation  to  the  faithful  to  come  to  the  rescue.  He 
denied  being  an  Abolitionist,  and  would  not  admit  that  the  Repub- 
licans are  in  favor  of  fixing  it  as  their  policy  to  equalize  the  white 
and  black  races;  but  it  was  no  go — the  crowd  did  not  believe  him. 

Douglas  concluded,  and  did  skin  poor  Abe  most  unmercifully. 


THE  ALTON  DEBATE  507 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  speaking  the  same  individual  we  first 
alluded  to  rushed  upon  the  platform,  and  in  a  very  insinuating  man- 
ner commenced  propounding  interrogations  to  Douglas.  The  Judge 
answered  the  questions  in  an  appropriate  manner.  We  were  told 
that  the  questioner  was  a  candidate  of  some  few  persons  for  Congress, 
and  that  his  name  is  Hope,  or  something  like  that. 

Last  night  a  meeting  was  held  at  Alton,  and  Messrs  Merrick,  of 
Chicago,  and  A.  J.  P.  Garesche,  of  this  City,  made  Douglas  speeches. 

[St.  Louis  Evening  News,  October  16,  1858] 

THE  TRIP  TO  ALTON.-THE  DEBATE.-DOUGLAS  AND 

LINCOLN 

The  debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  at  Alton  yesterday, 
afforded  to  our  citizens  an  opportunity  of  hearing  and  seeing  those 
eminent  champions  of  Democracy  and  Republicanism  in  conflict; 
and,  as  the  people  of  St.  Louis  are  notoriously  fond  of  speeches, 
several  hundred  of  them  went  "  up  to  Alton  "  to  listen  to  the  discussion. 
One  crowd  went  up  on  the  Terre  Haute  railroad,  another  took  the 
Baltimore  at  seven  o'clock,  and  a  third  detachment  followed  on  the 
White  Cloud,  which  left  at  ten  o'clock.  We  cast  our  fortunes  with 
this  latter  crowd.  It  was,  politically  a  promiscuous  gathering.  There 
were  fierce  and  furious  friends  of  Douglas,  whose  admiration  for  the 
"Little  Giant"  knew  no  bounds;  steady  old  Adamantine  Adminis- 
tration Democrats,  who  support  the  President  at  all  hazards  and  to 
the  last  extremity;  rampant  Republicans,  and  neutral  Americans. 
Of  course,  such  an  assemblage  contained  the  elements  of  boundless 
and  endless  political  disputes;  and  the  boat  was  no  sooner  afloat  than 
the  whole  crowd  got  afloat,  too,  in  the  deep  water  of  politics.  The 
Douglas  men  were  vociferous  in  praises  of  the  "  Little  Giant.  "  The 
Administration  men  were  vehement  in  their  denunciation  of  him. 
The  Douglas  men  believe  their  champion  to  be  the  "greatest  man 
now  living. "  The  Administration  men  suggested  that  he  had  lived 
well  nigh  to  the  end  of  his  political  life.  The  Douglas  men  went  into 
grandiloquent  expositions  of  'Hhe  great  principle  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,"  "popular  sovereignty,"  "the  rights  of  the  people," 
and  other  "glittering  generalities, "  to  which  the  Administration  men 
listened  with  "serene  indifTerence, "  while  the  Americans  and  Repub- 
licans grappled  each  other  in  animated  side  fights,  which  made  the 
cabin  of  the  White  Cloud  as  uproariously  interesting  and  profoundly 


508  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

instructive  as  one  of  the  midnight  sessions  of  the  last  Congress,  when 
the  Kansas  question  was  up.  The  disputation  was  vigorously  kept 
up  until  the  boat  arrived  at  Alton,  at  half  past  twelve. 

The  streets  of  Alton  were  alive  with  independent  looking  "Suckers," 
who  had  come  from  all  the  country  round  about  to  hear  the  speeches ; 
flags  were  streaming  from  the  two  hotels  to  denote  the  headquarters  of 
the  respective  forces ;  and  Senator  Douglas'  six-pound  traveling  swivel 
was  blazing  away  in  the  most  obstreperous  manner,  to  impress  the 
Altonians  with  a  proper  sense  of  the  respect  due  the  "  big  gun  "  who 
was  its  master.  At  half  past  one  the  people  assembled  to  the  number 
of  five  thousand,  in  front  of  the  new  City  Hall,  against  which  a  plat- 
form had  been  erected,  midst  mingled  cheers  for  "Douglas"  and 
"  Lincoln  "  the  "  Little  Giant "  came  forward  and  opened  the  game. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  arose  to  speak  he  was  loudly  cheered  by  a  portion 
of  the  crowd,  while  a  magnificent  bouquet  of  dahlias  and  roses,  thrown 
at  his  feet,  bespoke  the  admiration  which  the  tall  Republican  had  in- 
spired in  the  bosom  of  one  of  the  ladies  in  the  crowd. 

Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  to  some  disadvantage  in  the  first  part  of  his 
speech,  which  was  a  labored  defense  of  himself  against  the  charges  of 
his  antagonist,  and  a  rescue  of  his  position  from  the  misrepresenta- 
tions which  Mr.  Douglas  had  thrown  around  it;  but  the  latter  portion 
was  as  admirable  example  of  close,  compact  and  finished  argument, 
and  would  have  been  creditable  before  any  Court  or  Council  in  the 
land.  It  was  a  lucid  exposition  of  the  doctrines  and  philosophy  of 
the  Republican  party,  and,  as  a  forensic  effort,  was  certainly  superior 
to  the  speech  of  Mr.  Douglas. 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  18,  1858] 

SEVENTH  AND  LAST  DEBATE  BETWEEN  LINCOLN  AND 
DOUGLAS  AT  ALTON,  FRIDAY,  OCT.  15TH 


Dougrlas's  Seventh  Rehearsal  of  "That  Speech."— Admirable  Summing 
Up  of  the  Issues  of  the  Campaign  by  Mr.  Lincoln.— Verbatim  Report 
of  Mr.  Douglas's  Speech,  Mr.  Lincoln's  Reply  and  Mr.  Douglas's 
Rejoinder 

The  final  passage-at-arms  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  came  off 
at  Alton  on  Friday  last — two  days  subsequently  to  the  Quincy  debate. 
The  speakers,  accompanied  by  a  few  friends,  took  passage  on  the  fine 


■THE  ALTON  DEBATE  509 

steamer  Ct7?/  of  Louisiana,  at  Quincy  on  Thursday — reaching  Alton  a'^ 
five  o'clock  Friday  morning. 

There  was  very  little  excitement  manifest  in  the  city  during  the 
forenoon,  beyond  the  constant  arriving  of  people  from  the  country  and 
the  neighboring  towns.  A  train  of  eight  or  ten  cars  came  down  from 
Springfield,  Carlinville,  and  other  stations  on  the  Alton  &  Chicago 
Railroad;  and  the  steamer  White  Cloud  brought  up  a  full  load  from 
St.  Louis.  The  whole  number  in  attendance  upon  the  discussion  was 
probably  between  four  and  five  thousand.  By  mutual  agreement  the 
friends  of  the  respective  candidates  made  no  processions  or  other 
demonstrations  of  enthusiasm.  The  debate  passed  off  with  rather  less 
than  the  ordinar}^  amount  of  applause,  but  with  unusually  close  atten- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  audience.  The  speaking  commenced  at  2 
o'clock  p.  M.  at  the  south  front  of  the  new  City  Hall. 

[Cincinnati  Gazette,  October  20,  1858] 

THE  LAST  JOINT  DEBATE 

The  number  of  people  in  attendance  was  considerably  less  than 
on  the  occasion  of  their  former  debates.  Only  four  or  five  thousand 
were  present.  The  novelty  had  worn  off  and  the  full  reports  of  the 
previous  debates  had  partially  satisfied  the  public  curiosity,  and  as 
little  that  was  new  could  now  be  expected  on  either  side .  .  .  Both 
these  champions  will  appear  before  the  people  on  several  occasions 
previous  to  the  election  but  not  again  in  conjunction.  It  has  evi- 
dently been  a  less  advantageous  arrangement  to  Douglas  than  to 
his  competitor. 

[Illinois  state  Journal,  October  20,  1858] 
[From  the  Alton  Courier] 

Springfield  Cadets. — This  mihtary  company  visited  our  city  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  and  their  beautiful  ap- 
pearance and  excellent  training  merited  notice  from  us.  Their  officers  are  as 
follows:  Captain — D.  S.  Mather;  1st.  Lieut. — W.  H.  Latham;  2d.  Lieut. — J. 
Loyd;  3d.  Lieut.  E.  Strickland. 

Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  10^  o'clock  train,  on  which  they  came 
down,  they  formed,  and  preceded,  by  Merritt's  Cornet  Band,  which  by  the 
way,  is  one  of  the  finest  that  has  visited  our  city  lately,  they  paraded  through 
our  streets,  attracting  general  attention.  In  the  afternoon,  at  the  close  of  the 
discussion,  they  again  formed,  and  after  marching  about  the  city  awhile,  drew 
up  in  front  of  the  Courier  office,  and  displayed  their  knowledge  of  military 
tactics.  Their  evolutions  were  exceedingly  well  performed.  We  are  sure 
they  need  not  fear  comparison  with  any  company  in  the  State.     They  drew  a 


510  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

large  crowd  of  observers,  and  well  they  might.  The  beauty  of  their  uniform, 
their  general  neatness  of  appearance,  the  certainty  and  rapidity  with  which 
they  moved  at  the  word  of  command,  all  combined  to  make  them  justly  worthy 
of  admiration  and  praise. 

[Alton  Courier,  October  19,   1858] 

ENCOURAGING 

In  our  notice,  the  other  day,  of  the  flags  and  banners  displayed,  we 
are  advised  we  did  a  "Young  American  Republican"  injustice,  as  will 
be  seen  by  the  following: 

Editor  Alton  Courier: 

In  your  notice  Saturday  you  gave  my  father  the  credit  of  hanging  out  the 
banners  at  his  store.  I  did  it!  They  are  mine.  I  have  kept  some  of  them 
ever  since  the  election  of  the  brave  Col.  Bissell,  and  will  hang  them  out  again 
when  Lincoln  is  elected.  I  am  only  a  "  Young  America  "  Republican,  twelve 
years  old,  but  if  I  had  twelve  votes  I  would  give  them  all  to  Lincoln  and  Liberty . 

Harry  Lea. 

Good  for  Harry,  say  we.  He  has  all  the  fire  of  a  genuine  Republi- 
can, and  puts  to  shame  many  of  his  elders.  Those  banners  will  be 
wanted,  Harry,  so  be  sure  and  keep  them  safe,  and  think  what  a  rejoic- 
ing we  will  have  on  that  occasion.  How  many  of  our  young  folks  can 
say  as  much  as  Harry? 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  18,  1858] 

THE  ALTON  DEBATE 

The  seventh  and  last  public  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas, 
came  off  at  Alton  on  Friday  last.  The  audience  though  large,  was  not 
equal  in  point  of  numbers  to  the  average  of  those  at  the  preceding 
discussions.  This  may  be  attributed  partly  to  the  staid  character  of 
the  population  of  Madison  County — a  considerable  plurality  of  whom 
are  Old  Line  Whigs,  and  partly  to  the  fact  that  both  speakers  had  pre- 
viously visited  in  the  county  during  the  campaign. 

Mr.  Douglas'  prudence  in  limiting  this  national  discussion  to  seven 
meetings  has  prevented  our  candidate  from  driving  him  any  further 
into  the  ditch.    We  are  grateful  for  what  has  been  vouchsafed  us. 

[Springfield,  III.,  Republican,  October  21,  1858] 

Douglas  and  Lincoln  have  concluded  their  joint  discussions.  The 
last  was  at  Alton  on  Friday.  Each  has  about  a  dozen  more  appoint- 
ments for  speeches  by  themselves  before  the  election. 


CHAPTER  XII 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

[Boston  Daily  Courier,  July  16,   1858] 

The  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  following  upon  that  of  Sena- 
tor Douglas,  delivered  the  preceding  day,  has  come  to  hand,  and  we 
have  now  read  them  both  with  much  attention.  The  contest  for  the 
Senatorship  between  these  two  gentlemen  is  one  of  very  great  interest 
to  the  country  at  large,  since  by  its  issue  will  be  substantially  deter- 
mined the  political  character  of  their  State  at  the  next  presidential 
election Mr.  Douglas  assumes  his  po- 
sition, in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  his  State,  that  a  negro  is  not  en- 
titled to  the  privileges,  immunities  and  rights  of  citizenship.  He  says, 
"  I  am  utterly  opposed  to  negro  equality  with  white  men, " — and  this 
corresponds  with  the  existing  laws  of  Illinois,  which,  while  they  forbid 
slavery  also  forbid  a  negro  to  vote  or  hold  office,  to  serve  on  juries,  or 
to  enjoy  political  privileges;  as  is  the  practice  of  Massachusetts,  ex- 
cept in  regard  to  the  voting,  though  our  laws  are  silent  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  other  hand,  amongst  many  other  things  tending 
to  the  same  point,  which  we  cannot  quote  in  detail,  declares — "I  have 
always  hated  slavery,  /  think  as  much  as  any  abolitionist, "  and  when 
a  man  goes  to  the  length  of  an  abolitionist  on  this  point,  it  is  obvious 
that  he  waits  only  for  opportunity  to  unite  with  those  impracti- 
cables  in  their  not  very  reasonable  or  judicious  measures  for  its  ex- 
tinction. We  must  think  it  is  not  of  such  stuff  that  Senators  of  the 
United  States,  holding  slave  States  with  their  rights,  as  well  as  free 
States  with  their  rights,  ought  to  be  made;  nor  is  it  easy  to  see  how  the 
people  of  Illinois,  under  their  own  Constitution  and  laws,  can  find  it 
consistent  to  elect  a  gentleman  holding  such  opinions.  The  issue,  of 
course,  is  quite  beyond  conjecture;  but  the  diverse  views  of  the  candi- 
dates, on  the  point  thus  indicated,  show  what  is  the  real  question  and 
what  will  be  the  nature  of  the  discussion  as  the  canvass  proceeds. 

Thus  in  a  free  State,  excluding  negroes  from  all  rights  of  citizenship 
by  law,  curiously  enough,  negroism  in  one  aspect  or  another  seems  to 

511 


512  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

constitute  the  gist  of  the  controversy.  The  contest  has  begun  with 
eveiy  commendable  exhibition  of  courtesy  between  the  rivals.  In 
point  of  oratorical  ability  there  is  no  comparison  between  them. 
Judge  Douglas'  speech  is  graceful,  compact  and  easy.  Mr.  Lincoln's 
inelegant,  discursive  and  laborious.  We  can  hardly  conceive  of  the 
latter  producing  much  popular  impression,  even  with  the  truth;  while 
the  former  might  render  even  sophistry  agreeable  to  a  not  unwilling 
crowd. 

[Cincinnati  Gazette,  August  11,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  PLAYING  DOUBLE 

The  Chicago  Tribune  alleges  that,  in  certain  quarters,  Douglas 
breaks  down  on  so  much  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  as  conflicts  with 
Squatter  Sovereignty;  alleging  further  that  all  the  points  settled  by 
the  Supreme  Court,  beyond  the  fact  of  the  non-citizenship  of  negroes, 
are  of  no  authority,  being  obiter  dicta.  He  cannot  avoid  the  glaring 
inconsistency  of  maintaining  the  validity  of  the  whole  decision,  and 
yet  asserting  his  "popular  sovereighty"  dogma.     One  or  the  other 

must  go  to  the  wall he  finds  that  he  [Lincoln]  is  pressing 

home  on  him  with  terrible  effect  the  plain  truth  that  Judge  Taney, 
whom  he  has  hitherto  unqualifiedly  endorsed,  has  completely  strang- 
led his  own  popular  sovereignty  bantling. 

[The  Commonwealth,  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  August  24,  1858] 

THE  CANVASS  IN  ILLINOIS 

Whether  viewed  in  reference  to  its  political  result  upon  the  country 
at  large,  or  in  reference  to  the  ability  displayed  by  the  respective  can- 
didates, the  canvass  now  going  on  in  Illinois  between  Judge  Douglas 
and  Hon.  Abram  Lincoln  for  the  U.  S.  Senate  is  the  canvass  of  the 
year  1858.  Lincoln  is  the  Black  Republican  candidate,  while  Douglas 
is  the  candidate  of  the  anti-Lecompton  Democracy.  The  Buchanan 
Lecompton  Democracy  do  not  constitute  more  than  a  corporal's 
guard  in  Illinois,  yet  because  the  "Little  Giant"  dared,  during  the 
last  session  of  Congress,  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  conscience — be- 
cause he  boldly  and  bitterly  denounced  the  Kansas  policy  of  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan as  a  fraud  upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of  that 
Territory,  and  in  violation  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  American 
freedom,  the  president,  with  his  army  of  officeholders  in  Illinois, 
seemed  determined  to  defeat  him,  if  possible,  even  though  that  de- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAI^AIGN  513 

feat  will  result  in  the  election  of  a  rampant  Black  Republican  to  the 
U.  S.  Senate.  It  is  openly  declared  by  some  of  Buchanan's  minions 
in  Illinois  that  they  are  willing  to  pursue  any  course  and  vote  in  any 
way  which  will  enable  Lincoln  to  beat  Douglas.  The  Lecompton 
organs  of  Kentuck}^  seem  to  be  perfectly  unconcerned  about  the  re- 
sult, and  many  of  them  continue  to  pour  out  their  abuse  upon  Doug- 
las, and  are  aiding  and  abetting  the  Black  Republican  Lincoln. 
[Cincinnati  Commercial,  August  25,  1858] 

MEETING  OF  DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA 

The  first  regular  debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln  in  the  course 
of  the  Illinois  canvass  took  place  on  Saturday  last  at  Ottawa. — About 
twelve  thousand  persons  were  present.  Of  course  each  party  claimed 
decided  victory.  Lincoln  personally  had  the  advantage  of  Douglas  in 
preserving  his  temper.  But  the  Lincoln  organs  are  more  radically  out 
of  good  humor  than  Douglas  himself.  Douglas  said  that  when  he  was 
a  school  teacher,  Lincoln  was  a  grocery  keeper.  Lincoln,  however, 
said  that  he  never  kept  a  grocery,  but  did  once  give  his  attention  to  a 
still  house  up  at  the  head  of  a  hollow.  To  the  surprise  of  the  specta- 
tors the  honorable  gentlemen  got  along  without  calling  each  other  liars 
and  getting  into  a  scratch  fight  on  the  stand,  but  Douglas  did  nod  his 
head  when  Lincoln  asked  him  if  he  made  a  question  of  veracity  be- 
tween them. 


The  enemies  of  Senator  Douglas  are  multiplying.  Senator  Trum- 
bull has  joined  Lincoln  in  preaching  a  crusade  against  him.  The 
Washington  Union  pursues  him  with  extraordinary  constancy  of  hate. 
Frank  P.  Blair  and  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  St.  Louis,  have  invaded  Egypt 
to  heap  up  the  agony  upon  him,  and  to  complete  the  circle  of  fire,  the 
Louisville  Journal,  whose  advice  has  been  asked  by  the  K.  N.'s  of  Illi- 
nois, tells  them  to  go  for  Lincoln,  because  Douglas  had  a  few  pleasant 
words  to  say  to  the  Germans  at  Chicago  the  other  day.  Such  a  com- 
bination to  crush  out  a  single  man  has  rarely  been  witnessed. 

[The  Union,  Washington,  D.  C,  August  26,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT  OTTAWA 

The  Chicago  papers  come  to  us  filled  with  the  reports  of  the  speeches 
of  Senator  Douglas  and  would-be-senator  Lincoln,  at  the  great  meet- 
ing at  Ottawa  on  the  21st  inst.  By  an  arrangement  previously  made, 
these  representatives  of  their  respective  parties  had  agreed  to  hold 


514  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

seven'public  discussions — this  being  the  first.    It  is  estimated  that  not 

less  than  twelve  thousand  persons  were  present ;  and  we  are  told  that 

*' Ottawa  was  deluged  in  dust,"  while  national  flags,  mottoes,  and 

devices  were  visible  in  every  direction.    The  friends  of  the  respective 

speakers  met  them  on  their  entrance  into  the  city,  and  two  processions 

were  formed,  each  of  which  is  represented  as  having  been  nearly  a 

mile  in  length.    The  debate  was  opened  by  Mr.  Douglas,  who  spoke  an 

hour;  Mr.  Lincoln  occupied  an  hour  and-a-half  in  his  reply,  and  Mr. 

D.  made  a  closing  speech  of  half  an  hour.    As  might  be  expected,  the 

victory  in  this  discussion  is  claimed  on  both  sides.    The  Chicago  Press 

has  a  heading — "  A  Senator  in  a  tight  place,' '  while  the  Times  informs 

us  that  "  Lincoln  breaks  down,' '  &c.    The  Press  states  that  at  the  close 

•of  the  debate  Mr.  Lincoln  "  was  seized  by  the  multitude  and  borne  ofif 

on  their  shoulders,  in  the  centre  of  a  crowd  of  five  thousand  shouting 

republicans,  with  a  band  of  music  in  front."    The  Times,  on  the  other 

liand,  informs  us  that  Lincoln  "seemed  to  have  been  paralyzed.    He 

stood  upon  the  stage  looking  wildly  at  the  people  as  they  surrounded 

the  triumphant  Douglas,  and  with  mouth  wide  open,  he  could  not  find 

a  friend  to  say  one  word  to  him  in  his  distress. " 

[New  York  Daily  Tribune,  August  26,  1858] 

Perhaps  no  local  contest  in  this  country  ever  excited  so  general  or 
so  profound  an  interest  as  that  now  waging  in  Illinois,  with  Senator 
Douglas,  the  Federal  Administration,  and  the  Republican  party  head- 
■ed  by  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  as  the  combatants. 

As  our  readers  are  already  aware,  one  of  the  features  of  this  remark- 
able contest  is  a  series  of  public  meetings  in  different  parts  of  the  State, 
where  Mr.  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln  successively  address  the  people — 
a  mode  of  discussing  political  questions  which  might  well  be  more 
generally  adopted.  The  first  of  these  meetings  was  held  at  Ottawa  on 
Saturday,  the  21st  inst,  and  we  publish  on  another  page  a  full  report  of 
the  speeches  on  both  sides. 

But  it  is  not  merely  as  a  passage  at  arms  between  two  eminent  mas- 
ters of  the  art  of  intellectual  attack  and  defense  that  this  discussion 
is  worthy  of  study.  It  touches  some  of  the  most  vital  principles  of  our 
political  system,  and  no  man  can  carefully  peruse  it  without  some  ben- 
efit, whatever  his  convictions  as  to  the  questions  at  issue  between 
the  disputants. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  515 

[Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  August  27,  1858] 
The  Illinois  Contest. — Douglas  and  Lincoln,  the  Illinois  rivals, 
had  the  first  of  their  seven  joint  debates  at  Ottawa  last  Saturday.  The 
talk  on  both  sides  was  mostly  personal.  A  Douglas  account  says: 
"  Douglas  was  borne  off  in  triumph,  leaving  Lincoln  paralyzed  on  the 
stand,  with  his  mouth  open,  and  that  finally,  being  unable  to  walk,  he 
was  carried  away.  "  A  Republican  report  says :  "  It  is  acknowledged 
universally  that  Douglas  was  a  used  up  man, — that  Lincoln  chawed 
him  up  completely,"  and  that  Douglas  hastened  out  of  town  by  the 
earliest  train,  while  Owen  Lovejoy  "divested  himself  of  his  cravat  and 
collar,  also  his  vest  and  shirt, "  and  "  seized  the  Democratic  bull  by  the 
horns  and  administered  to  him  a  terrible  flagellation;"  "every  sent- 
ence fell  hissing  hot  upon  the  conscience  of  his  Douglas  listeners. "  If 
our  readers  cannot  understand  the  merits  of  the  day's  debate  from 
these  particulars,  we  will  add,  after  having  read  the  speeches  of  both 
Douglas  and  Lincoln,  that  the  former  seems  the  best  argued  and  most 
adroitly  conceived  and  the  latter  to  have  the  most  truth  in  it.  Doug- 
las was  smart  but  mighty  unfair.  Lincoln  was  entertaining,  had  the 
most  friends  in  the  crowd,  and  defended  himself  handsomely  from  the 
attacks  of  his  opponent,  but  did  not  press  home  upon  him  the  points 
which  he  should  have  done. 

[The  Union,  Washington,  D.  C,  August  28,  1858] 

THE  ISSUE  IN  ILLINOIS  TEULY  STATED. 

The  "Great  Debate"  at  Ottawa. — According  to  the  bills,  Douglas  and 
Lincoln  had  their  "great  debate"  at  Ottawa  on  Saturday.  Mr.  Douglas 
opened  in  a  speech  of  an  hour,  Lincoln  followed  in  a  speech  of  an  hour  and  a^ 
haK,  and  Douglas  "concluded"  on  him  in  a  speech  of  half  an  hour. 

The  theme  of  both  speakers  was  "nigger"  with  the  sprinkUng  of  "charges" 
made  by  each  speaker  against  the  other.  In  the  main,  the  speech  of  Mr. 
Douglas  was  the  same  he  has  been  making  throughout  the  canvass,  while  that 
of  Lincoln— while  it  served  to  exasperate  Douglas — did  not  amount  to  much 
in  the  way  of  convincing  the  people  that  black-republicanism  is  right.  In- 
deed, the  debate,  like  the  contest  generally  between  these  gentlemen,  was 
chiefly  personal.  We  have  read  the  speeches  of  both  carefully,  and  do  not 
deem  them  worth  the  room  they  would  occupy  in  our  columns,  especially  as 
we  and  the  democracy  look  upon  the  fight  between  them  somewhat  as  the 
woman  did  upon  that  between  her  husband  and  the  bear. 

No  matter  which  may  get  the  most  votes,  Douglas  or  Lincoln,  the  national 
democracy  of  Illinois  will  prevent  the  success  of  either  by  electing  Judge 
Breese,  or  some  other  good  democrat,  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  above  article,  taken  from  that  excellent  and  faithful  democratic 


516  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

journal  the  Chicago  Herald,  puts  the  issue  in  Illinois  in  so  plain  a  light 
that  "  he  who  runs  may  read.  "  We  are  utterly  amazed  that  any  true 
democrat  should  be  satisfied  with  considering  the  controversy  now  go- 
ing on  in  the  State  of  Illinois  as  involving  only  the  question  of  a  choice 
between  Lincoln  and  Douglas.  That  question  might  properly  arise 
among  black-republicans  and  men  having  no  other  political  principles 
than  opposition  to  the  democratic  organization,  but  how  it  can  be  en- 
tertained by  democrats  is  astonishing.  Outside,  and  perhaps  in  the 
State  of  Illinois,  the  question  was  with  great  propriety  discussed  by 
those  feeling  an  interest  in  the  success  of  the  black-republican  cause 
as  to  the  propriety  of  taking  Douglas  instead  of  Lincoln.  The  Xew 
York  Tribune  led  off  in  favor  of  Douglas,  and  thought  his  party  had 
made  a  great  mistake  in  opposing  him.  That  organ,  which  has  hereto- 
fore been  considered  as  extreme  on  the  slavery  question,  was  satis- 
fied with  Mr.  Douglas's  position  before  the  countr}'.  Many  others  of 
the  Tribune  school  were  willing,  not  only  as  a  matter  of  policy,  but 
upon  principle,  to  take  Mr.  Douglas,  relying  upon  his  antecedents  for 
his  future  course.  It  seems,  however,  that  what,  in  the  beginning  of 
this  controversy  was  a  question  exclusively  within  the  province  of 
those  sympathizing  with  the  black-republicans  to  settle  and  adjust, 
ihas  been  taken  by  some  few  who  are  now  acting  with  the  democratic 
party,  and  they  are  attempting  to  convince  themselves  that  as  party 
men  they  are  called  upon  to  choose  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas. 
The  only  ground  that  we  have  yet  seen  taken  by  these  misguided 
friends  of  the  democratic  party  is  the  assumption  that  either  Lincoln 
or  Douglas  must  be  elected,  and  the  latter  is  the  lesser  evil.  For  the 
Tery  same  reason  the  democratic  party  would  long  since  have  been  an- 
nihilated in  Massachustets,  Vermont,  and  other  northern  states,  if 
they  had  abandoned  their  principles,  and  we  are  to-day  indebted  to 
that  gallant  wing  of  the  party  for  the  prospect  of  electing  several  mem- 
bers to  the  next  Congress.  Their  devotion  to  principles  alone  has  kept 
and  will  continue  to  keep  them  as  an  independent,  political  organiza- 
tion, from  which  the  national  democracy  have  received  much  aid  and 
encouragement.  Let  our  friends  beware  of  being  deceived;  it  is  no 
question  for  the  democratic  party,  or  any  portion  of  it,  to  determine 
whom  they  will  select  for  United  States  Senator  from  Illinois  as  be- 
tween Douglas  and  Lincoln;  their  mission  is  to  stand  by  their  princi- 
ples, and,  if  they  are  in  the  minority,  fall  in  their  defence,  rather  than 
surrender  on  account  of  their  weakness.    A  question  of  incalculable 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  517 

magnitude,  and  especially  with  southern  men,  arises  as  to  the  effect 
upon  the  democratic  party  of  the  overthrow  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  ad- 
ministration. It  may  be  affected  in  some  measure  by  cutting  down 
its  friends  in  the  northern  States.  There  is  not  an  anti-Lecompton 
democrat  from  the  North  who  was  in  the  last  Congress  that  has  any 
sympathy  with  the  present  administration.  In  some  localities  they 
are  openly  opposing  the  regular  nominee  of  the  democratic  party;  in 
others  they  are  insidiously  attempting  to  stab  the  organization  by 
claiming  the  vesture  of  the  peoples'  candidate;  and  in  others  they  are 
trying  to  throw  upon  them  the  responsibility  of  electing  black-repub- 
licans instead  of  those  who  claim  to  be  democrats,  but  who  are  more 
than  acceptible  to  the  New  York  Tribune,  et  id  omne  genus.  The  at- 
tempt is  too  shallow  to  deceive  any  orthodox  democrat  who  has  the 
interest  of  his  party  at  stake,  and  we  opine  that  the  number  that  will 
be  led  off  by  any  such  false  issue  as  Douglas  or  Lincoln  will  be  easily 
counted.  The  true  issue,  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  in  every  State  in  the 
Union,  is  the  administration  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  the  representative  of 
the  democratic  party  against  all  opposition,  whether  as  open  enemies 
or  false  friends. 

[Lowell  (Mass.)  Journal  and  Courier,  August  30,  1858] 

The  Contest  in  Illinois. — ^The  earnestness  in  which  the  present 
political  campaign  is  commenced  in  Illinois;  the  spirit  in  which  it  is 
carried  on;  the  peculiar  circumstances  attending  it — a  chief  in  the 
Democratic  party  leading  one  section,  the  administration  another,  and 
the  Republicans  another,  invest  it  with  extraordinar}'  interest.  The 
principle  attention  is,  however,  directed  to  the  leaders  of  the  Douglas- 
ites  and  Republicans — ^Judge  Douglas  and  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Judge  Douglas,  it  is  universally  conceded,  is  gifted  with  remarkable 
talents ;  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  he  has  mingled  actively  in  the  poli- 
tics of  Illinois,  and  for  the  greater  part  of  the  time  his  word  has  been 
law  with  the  democracy  of  that  region.  He  has  never  succumbed  to  a 
single  competitor,  and  is  employing  all  his  energies  to  retain  the  extra- 
ordinary* position  and  influence  he  has  hitherto  enjoyed.  In  fact,  so 
thoroughly  has  he  been  entrenched  in  his  position  as  the  leader  of  the 
Democracy,  that  it  has  seemed  almost  temerity  to  attempt  to  dislodge 
him,  and  seemed  almost  folly  for  a  single  opponent  to  attempt  the  dif- 
ficult task  of  overthrowing  him.  Accordingly  when  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
first  brought  forward  as  the  opposition  champion,  the  Repubhcans, 


518  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

while  they  wished  him  success,  yet  were  fearful  of  the  result.  He  was 
to  them  comparatively  unknown.  But  as  the  canvass  progresses 
their  fears  disappear;  they  perceive  his  ability  to  cope  with  the  "  Little 
Giant, "  and  the  success  which  has  attended  his  forensic  efforts  have 
exceeded  their  most  sanguine  expectations.  The  natural  consequence 
of  this  contest  will  be  to  bring  Mr.  Lincoln  more  prominently  before 
the  people  of  the  country,  and  if  thoughts  were  made  known  it  would 
not  be  surprising  to  hear  that  individuals  were  now  calculating  his  fit- 
ness and  chances  for  a  more  elevated  position.  The  hand-to-hand  en- 
counter in  which  he  is  now  engaged  is  not  favorable  to  the  full  devel- 
opment and  display  of  the  higher  order  of  eloquence,  but  the  following 
eloquent  and  impressive  apostrophe  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, ranks  him  at  once  among  the  foremost  orators  of  the  land.  It 
occurs  in  the  speech  at  Lewiston,  Fulton  county,  where  he  spoke  for 
two  and  a  half  hours,  on  the  17th  inst. 

[Cincinnati  Commercial,  September  1,  1858] 

ILLINOIS  CANVASS.-DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN  AT 

FREEPORT 

A  large  portion  of  the  space  of  the  news  columns  of  this  paper,  this 
morning,  is  devoted  to  the  debate  which  took  place  at  Freeport,  111., 
on  Friday  last  between  Senator  Douglas  and  would-be  Senator  Lin- 
coln—" Dug,  the  Little  Giant, "  and  "  Old  Abe.  "  Though  we  devote 
so  much  space  to  the  speeches  of  the  respective  champions  upon  this 
occasion,  we  give  but  a  small  portion  of  the  reports  that  fill  the  leading 
papers  at  Chicago Both  champions  upon  this  occasion  ex- 
hibited extraordinary  power  and  candor.  In  the  whole  history  of  the 
American  stump  we  do  not  recollect  that  there  is  a  record  of  a  discus- 
sion so  searching  and  comprehensive,  so  thorough  in  its  analysis  of 
issue,  so  absorbing  in  its  scope,  as  this  at  Freeport.  The  country  owes 
thanks  to  the  Chicago  papers  for  reporting  it  so  well Dur- 
ing the  debate,  the  people  gave  Mr.  Douglas  a  lesson  in  manners  that 
he  will  have  reason  to  remember.  In  several  instances  when  he  said 
"Black  Republicans"  he  was  interrupted  by  a  deafening  clamor  of 
"White,"  "White,"  until  the  offensive  epithet  was  fairly  crammed 
down  his  throat.  At  last,  in  consequence  of  this  popular  resentment 
of  his  personal  vulgarity,  he  lost  his  temper,  and  talked  savagely  of 
blackguardism  and  foul  play,  in  having  his  time  consumed  by  the 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  519 

bowlings  of  a  mob.  But  in  order  to  avoid  another  encounter  with  the 
fellows  who  halloed  themselves  hoarse  with  the  word  "White,"  he 
took  care  not  to  find  occasion  to  say  again  "You  Black  Republicans." 

[Illinois  State  Register,  Springfield,  September  2] 

DOUGLAS  AND  THE  DEED  SCOTT  DECISION 

The  Republican  papers,  and  their  Danite  allies,  are  just  now  worry- 
ing their  tempers,  and  exercising  their  ingenuity  in  trying  to  discover 
inconsistencies  in  the  course  of  Judge  Douglas  in  relation  to  the  su- 
preme court  decision.  Their  assaults  are  harmless.  Judge  Douglas 
pursues  his  course  through  the  state,  everywhere  receiving  the  most 
gratifying  assurances  of  the  approbation  of  the  people,  and  everywhere 
proclaiming  the  same  principles. 

In  all  his  speeches  he  has  announced  his  acquiescence  in  all  that  the 
supreme  court  really  decided.  Even  on  points  in  the  opinion  in  which 
he  may  not  have  entirely  concurred,  he  has  declared  it  the  duty  of 
every  good  citizen  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  this  legal  tribunal  in 
the  land.  He  has  urged,  and  powerfully  urged,  that  the  attack  on  the 
supreme  court  was  an  attack  on  that  government  the  foundations  of 
which  our  fathers  so  carefully  laid ;  that  the  attempts  to  disturb  that 
decision  in  the  manner  proposed  by  Lincoln  and  his  associates,  was  as 
reckless  as  it  was  ridiculous,  and  was  really  but  a  part  of  the  same  plan 
devised  by  abolitionists  and  now  being  carried  out  by  their  associates 
and  allies,  the  black  republicans,  to  keep  up  the  agitation  of  the  slav- 
ery question,  and  unless  they  could  succeed  in  carrying  out  their  par- 
ticular measures  in  favor  of  the  negro,  to  overturn  this  government, 
and  nullify  the  constitution  of  the  country.  No  surer  means  of  effect- 
ing their  designs  could  have  been  devised  than  to  begin  by  destroying 
the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  tribunal  of  last  resort  on  constitu- 
tional questions.  Those  who  remember  the  speeches  of  Codding,  and 
Chase  and  Giddings,  long  before  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  thought  of, 
cannot  have  failed  to  discover  their  insidious  attacks  upon  the  supreme 
court — and  all  who  read  or  heard  these  speeches  can  find  the  proto- 
types of  the  present  speeches  of  republican  orators.  Against  all  this 
class  of  politicians,  as  well  when  led  by  Codding  as  now  when  led  by 
Lincoln,  Douglas  has  nobly  and  fearlessly  contended.  To  charge  him 
with  inconsistency  for  the  purpose  of  catching  anti-abolition  votes,  is 
so  supremely  ridiculous  that  it  cannot  be  dignified  with  the  name  of 


520  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

folly.  What  troubles  the  republican  and  Danite  crew  are  the  straight- 
forward, manly  answers  of  Douglas  to  Lincoln's  questions,  prepared 
under  the  superintendence  of  Lincoln's  committee  at  Chicago,  and  the 
shuffling,  equivocations  replies  prepared  under  the  same  supervision, 
of  Lincoln  to  the  searching  questions  of  Mr.  Douglas. 

We  have  said  there  was  no  inconsistency.  The  supreme  court  has 
decided  that  congress  does  not  possess  the  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in 
the  territories,  and  that  not  possessing  the  power  congress  of  course 
could  not  grant  the  power  to  territorial  legislatures,  but  the  supreme 
court  has  not  yet  decided  that  the  people  of  a  territoiy  do  not  possess 
the  power  independent  of  the  action  of  congress.  In  this  country  the 
doctrine  is  that  power  to  do  any  act  comes  from  the  people,  and  is  not 
given  to  the  people  by  congress.  The  court  may  decide  the  constitu- 
tional question  hereafter  against  the  right  of  the  people  of  a  territory 
to  exclude  slavery.  They  have  not  yet  so  decided.  Judge  Douglas 
has,  in  all  his  speeches,  shown,  and  in  none  more  clearly  than  in  the  one 
delivered  at  Bloomington,  that  however  the  constitutional  questions 
may  be  decided,  yet  it  will  be  but  a  decision  on  an  abstract  question, 
and  that,  for  all  practical  purposes,  the  power  to  exclude  is  just  as 
absolute,  by  witholding  that  territorial  legislation  which  is  necessary 
to  protect  the  rights  of  the  master,  as  it  could  be  by  a  positive  prohi- 
bition. That  such  would  be  the  consequence  of  legislation,  or 
refusal  to  legislate  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  every  sensible  man  admits 
and  none  know  it  better  than  Lincoln  and  his  associates,  who  are 
seeking  power  by  unscrupulous  agitation  of  this  question,  and  unprin- 
cipled perversion  of  the  views  and  expressed  opinions  of  those  differ- 
ing with  them. 

In  all  his  previous  speeches,  during  this  canvass,  Douglas  has  ad- 
vanced opinions  identical  in  sentiment,  if  not  in  language,  with  the 
foregoing.  Moreover,  as  to  the  practical  effect  of  the  exercise  of  the 
acknowledged  power  of  the  territorial  legislature  in  the  manner  sug- 
gested by  Mr.  Douglas,  all  sensible  southern  men  agree  with  him.  In- 
deed, Douglas,  in  his  Springfield  speech,  illustrated  this  by  quoting 
the  language  of  a  southern  senator  in  relation  to  the  Dred  Scott  de- 
cision. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  September  2,  1858] 

DOUGLAS-LINCOLN 

On  the  first  page  of  this  paper  we  publish  the  speeches  of  Judge 
Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  Freeport.    They  are  the  second  of  a  series 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  521 

to  be  delivered  by  the  representatives  of  the  two  parties  in  Illinois, 
and,  it  may  be  presumed,  embrace  the  pith  and  substance  of  all  the 
intermediate  speeches  delivered  by  them.  Both  of  the  speakers  are 
well  attended,  and  a  liberal  allowance  may  be  made  for  the  enthusiasm 
and  the  crowds  which  are  said  to  accompany  them  wherever  they  go. 
The  contest  is  one  to  which  the  whole  country  is  looking  with  intense 
anxiety.  If  there  was  much  feeling  expressed  throughout  every  State 
of  the  Union,  with  reference  to  our  election — if  the  Black  Republicans 
of  the  North  turned  their  gaze  to  St.  Louis  with  intense  anxiety,  to 
discern,  if  possible,  some  hope  that  Black  Republicanism  had  found  a 
resting  place  in  a  Slave  State,  thereby  relieving  that  party  from  the 
odium  attached  to  a  sectional,  a  strictly  Free  State  party — if  the  re- 
sult conveyed  to  them  intelligence  of  the  total  discomfiture  of  their 
party — great  as  their  disappointment  was,  still  greater  will  be  their 
disappointment  if,  in  November  next,  the  tidings  should  go  forth  that 
Douglas  had  been  endorsed  by  the  people  of  Illinois,  and  that  the 
Black  Republicanism  had  been  defeated  and  ovei-whelmed. 

[Daily  Missouri  Democrat,  St.  Louis,  September  3,  1858] 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ILLINOIS 


The  Freeport  Debate 

The  controversy  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln  has  elicited  the 
most  thorough  and  attractive  debates  which  have  yet  occurred  in  the 
stump  politics  of  the  country.  The  issues  debated  are  of  grave  and 
vital  importance  and  are  mostly  of  a  national  character.  The  great 
reputation  of  Douglas  as  a  speaker,  and  his  peculiar  position  in  refer- 
ence to  the  National  Democracy,  together  with  the  prominent  part  he 
has  played  for  years,  invest  the  struggle  with  an  epic  interest.  Never 
have  his  oratorical  and  demagogical  talents  been  more  conspicuous 
and  he  has  in  addition  manifested  qualities  of  humor,  which  it  might 
be  well  supposed  were  foreign  to  his  mental  character.  "A  foeman 
worthy  of  his  steel "  in  all  respects  is  Lincoln,  if  we  can  judge  from  the 
reported  speeches.  Comprehensiveness,  tact,  temper,  logic,  and  a 
most  racy  humor  distinguish  all  his  efforts,  and  render  him  no  unequal 
match  for  his  adversary,  trained  athlete  though  he  be  and  accustomed 
to  conquer.  Indeed,  so  ably  is  Lincoln  conducting  his  canvass  that  if 
the  issue  should  be  adverse  to  the  Republican  party,  no  shadow  of  cen- 


522  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

■ 

sure  can  fall  on  their  standard-bearer  and  no  allegation  of  inferior  en- 
ergy or  capacity  in  comparison  with  Douglas  can  be  made  against  him. 
Their  separate  meetings  are  attended  by  large  numbers,  and  their 
joint  meetings  comprise  thousands.  The  Chicago  newspapers  publish 
full  reports  of  the  discussions,  and  the  entire  press  of  Illinois  is  exclu- 
sively devoted  to  the  contest.  We  publish  this  morning  the  debate  at 
Freeport,  and  commend  it  as  instructive  reading.  There  is  one  feature 
and  one  tendency  in  the  speeches  on  each  side,  which  we  think  must 
attract  observation.  Lincoln  and  Douglas  are  far  nearer  to  each  other 
than  the  platforms  of  their  respective  parties.  Douglas  cannot  be 
said  to  represent  the  National  Democracy  although  he  claims  to  be  its 
candidate.  Lincoln  is  the  unquestioned  exponent  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  it  will  be  seen  from  his  speech  that  the  ultraisms  imputed  to 
that  party  are  unfounded.  In  reference  to  the  slavery  question,  there 
seems  to  be  no  difference  between  the  doctrines  of  the  Republican 
party  as  expounded  by  Lincoln,  and  the  doctrines  of  the  late  Whig 
party.  On  the  other  hand,  it  will  be  seen  that  Douglas  strikes  a  severe 
blow  at  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  by  denying  the  practicability  of  its 
application  to  the  Territories,  or  rather  by  pointing  out  a  method  by 
which  it  can  be  evaded  by  the  Territorial  Legislatures.  He  indirectly 
shows  the  Freeport  freesoilers  how  slavery  can  be  prevented  from  en- 
tering a  Territory,  and  we  venture  to  say  the  hint  will  not  be  lost. 


[Washington  Union,  Washington  City,  September  4,  1858] 

JUDGE  DOUGLAS  REPUDIATES  THE  DRED  SCOTT 

DECISION 


What  will  now  be  said  of  Judge  Douglas's  advocacy  of  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  and  of  his  soundness  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Cincinnati  plat- 
form ,  as  confirmed  by  that  decision?  He  asserts  the  power  of  transient 
squatters  and  their  legislature  to  exclude  slavery  from  a  Territory. 
We  do  not  understand  him  to  deny  even  the  power  of  Congress  to  ex- 
clude slavery  from  the  Territories.  Logically  he  asserts  this  power  for 
Congress,  though  we  do  not  find  that  he  does  it  in  express  words;  for 
he  claims  the  power  for  the  people  and  for  the  legislature  of  the  Terri- 
tory, as  "given"  to  them  by  Congress  in  the  Nebraska  bill;  and  how 
can  Congress  give  a  power  which  it  does  not  itself  possess? 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  523 

Thus  does  Judge  Douglas  boldly  and  unblushingly  repudiate  the 
Dred  Scott  decision. 

We  submit  these  avowals  and  heresies  of  Judge  Douglas  to  the  con- 
sideration of  our  fantastic  contemporaries  of  the  New  Orleans  Courier 
and  Delta.  If  we  were  to  ask  them  what  they  think  of  the  doctrines 
proclaimed  at  Freeport,  the  answer,  we  suppose,  would  be,  that  Judge 
Douglas,  who  denounces  them  as  the  agents  of  a  "fraud"  and  "swin- 
dle "  is  at  least  a  better  Democrat  than  Lincoln. 

[Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  September  7,  1858] 

The  Political  Battle  in  Illinois. — It  is  difficult,  amid  the  con- 
flicting partizan  accounts,  to  obtain  a  sober  and  correct  estimate  of  the 
condition  of  the  great  senatorial  contest  in  Illinois,  and  the  proper  re- 
sult. It  rages  with  great  fierceness  between  the  republicans  under  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  the  democrats  under  Mr.  Douglas;  the  democratic  and 
Buchanan  opponents  of  the  latter  not  apparently  entering  as  a  pow- 
erful element  in  the  canvass.  Beyond  a  paper  at  Chicago,  estabHshed 
by  a  few  officeholders  in  that  quarter  of  the  state,  there  seems  to  be 
nothing  doing  in  behalf  of  the  administration  against  Mr.  Douglas. 

[The  Commonwealth,  Frankfort,  Ky.,  September  7,  18581 

DOUGLAS  AND  LINCOLN 

The  second  great  debate  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  candi- 
dates to  represent  Illinois  in  the  United  States  Senate,  came  off  in 
Freeport  in  that  State  on  the  29th  of  August.  Fifteen  thousand  per- 
sons are  reported  to  have  been  present  at  the  discussion. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  these  gentlemen  met  for  the  first  time  at 
Ottawa,  upon  which  occasion  Judge  Douglas  propounded  various 
questions  to  Lincoln  in  reference  to  the  views  of  the  latter  upon  the 
slavery  question.  Lincoln  responded  at  Freeport  to  the  interroga- 
tories put  to  him  at  Ottawa,  and  in  his  opening  speech  in  return  put 
various  questions  to  his  opponent.  As  this  canvass  is  exciting  interest 
in  every  part  of  the  Union,  because  of  the  effect  it  is  supposed  it  will 
have  upon  the  Presidential  election  of  1860,  we  have  concluded  to  give 
to  our  readers  the  positions  of  the  respective  candidates  upon  the  all- 
absorbing  slavery  question,  as  elicited  by  the  discussion  at  Freeport. 

Mr.  Lincoln  is  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  party,  and  from  the 
manner  in  which  his  sentiments  were  at  the  first  represented  we  were 


524  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

prepared  to  look  for  straight  out  Abolition  views.  So  far  as  the 
admission  of  more  slave  States,  the  Abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  as  well  as  the  slave  trade  between  the  States, 
are  concerned,  his  views  are  such  as  no  citizen  of  the  south  can  object 
to.  They  are  eminently  conservative  and  just,  far  more  so  than  we 
expected  from  him. 

Upon  one  point,  however,  Mr.  Lincoln  differs  toto  coelo  from  all 
Southern  men,  as  well  as  national  and  conservative  Northern  men. 
We  allude  to  his  belief  that  it  is  the  "right  and  duty  of  Congress"  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  '^  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States."  There 
are  a  vast  number  of  conservative  men  in  both  sections  who  concede 
the  power  of  Congress,  under  the  Constitution,  to  prohibit  slavery  in 
the  Territories,  yet,  in  obedience  to  the  great  principle  settled  by  the 
Compromise  measures  of  1850,  they  are  bitterly  opposed  to  the  exer- 
cise of  that  power.  With  such  men  we  are  prepared  to  unite  in  all  at- 
tempts to  overthrow  the  Democratic  party — the  most  corrupt  and 
rotten  organization  that  ever  existed  in  any  country.  But  we  can 
never  sympathize  with  or  co-operate  with  any  man  or  set  of  men  who 
maintain  not  only  the  power,  but  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit 
slavery  in  all  the  Territories. 

The  position  of  Mr.  Douglas  upon  the  question  of  slavery  in  the 
Territories  is,  if  possible,  more  objectionable  than  that  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 

[Journal  and  Courier,  Lowell  (Mass.)  September  14,  1858] 

Douglas  and  Squatter  Sovereignty.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  made 
a  great  mistake  when  he  agreed  to  debate  with  Lincoln.  But  if  this 
could  be  avoided  without  the  imputation  of  cowardice  and  fear  to 
meet  his  competitor,  he  should  by  all  means  have  prevented,  if  pos- 
sible, any  reports  of  his  speeches,  and  the  equivocations  and  tergiv- 
ersations to  which  he  has  been  compelled  to  resort.  The  fact  is,  Doug- 
las has  been  doing  business  on  false  pretenses,  and  it  is  fatal  to  him 
as  it  would  be  to  any  one  under  like  circumstances,  to  have  this  fact 
known.  He  has  assumed  to  be  the  champion  of  popular  sovereignty, 
and  asks  the  votes  of  the  people  of  Illinois  on  this  ground.  Under  the 
severe  cross-examination  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  has  been  made  to  show 
himself  in  his  true  colors,  and  in  his  attempt  to  reconcile  popular  sov- 
ereignty with  the  Dred  Scott  decision  has  completely  broke  down. — 
He  went  before  the  people  asserting  his  belief  in  the  Cass-Nicholson 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  526 

doctrine  about  slavery  in  the  territories.  It  follows  from  this  that  the 
territory  can  pass  laws  and  stop  the  slaveholder  as  he  crosses  the  bor- 
der with  his  slaves.  He  can  be  made  criminal  for  introducing  or  at- 
tempting to  introduce  slaves,  and  fined  and  imprisoned.  The  absolute 
right,  the  sovereignty,  has  no  other  limit  than  the  will  of  the  legislator. 
Is  this  what  Mr.  Douglas  means?  ....  In  one  breath  he,  in  effect, 
declares  that  the  people  of  a  territory  may  exclude  slavery  while  un- 
der a  territorial  government,  and  in  another,  by  his  concurrence  with 
the  Supreme  Court,  explicitly  denies  that  power.  In  their  last  dis- 
cussion his  adversary  compelled  Douglas  to  "face  the  music."  And 
how  did  he  attempt  to  extricate  himself  from  the  dilemma  in  which  he 
was  involved?  By  a  most  pitiful  equivocation.  It  was  that  slave- 
holders may  come  into  territories  with  thousands  of  slaves,  and  can- 
not be  treated  otherwise  than  as  having  equal  rights;  but  that  the 
territorial  legislature  may  neglect  to  pass  police  laws  for  slave  protec- 
tion, without  which  it  cannot  exist!  This  is  the  result  of  his  attempt 
to  harmonize  two  conflicting  opinions.  Did  any  one  ever  witness  a 
more  "  lame  and  impotent  conclusion  "  to  highsounding  pretensions? 
The  territorial  legislature  may  neglect  to  pass  police  laws  for  the  protec- 
tion of  slavery!  What  puerile  stuff,  and  what  a  pitiful  figure  for  a  sen- 
ator of  the  United  States  to  cut.  His  avowal  of  concurrence  with  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  will  lose  him  all  Republican  sympathy,  while  this 
wretched  attempt  to  explain  popular  sovereignty  will  expose  him  to 
the  scorn  and  derision  of  the  southern  Democrats,  who  respect  man- 
liness, and  utterly  detest  such  miserable  hypocrisy.  "  Every  dog," 
it  is  said,  "has  his  day,' '  and  we  are  inclined  to  think  Senator  Douglas 
has  had  his. 

[Washington  Union,  Washington,  D.  C,  September  16,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  DEMOCRACY 

[From  the  Columbia  (S.  C.)  Ouardian,  September  11] 

We  are  pleased  to  see  that  Judge  Douglas'  Freeport  speech  is  being  met 
with  a  proper  spirit.  If  the  Democratic  party  did  not  make  a  support  of  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  an  indispensable  feature  of  its  platform  of  principles, 
then  it  would  deserve  the  contempt  of  the  whole  country.  It  would  then 
demonstrate  its  openness  to  the  charge  which  the  opposition  are  continually 
making,  that  it  is  the  party  of  the  spoils  without  reference  to  the  principles. 
This  we  have  no  idea  it  will  do.  Our  confidence  in  the  present  soundness  of 
the  party  is  based  upon  sturdy  and  unyielding  persistency  to  State  rights, 
both  North  and  South,  throughout  the  administration  of  Gen.  Pierce  and  up 
to  this  time.  Then  was  its  time  of  trial.  If  when  difficulties  compassed  it 
round  about,  it  remained  true,  will  it  swerve  now  in  its  hour  of  triumph  ? 


526  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

IT  WON'T  DO 

[From  the  Wilmington  (N.  C.)  Journal] 

At  a  discussion  between  Judge  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  recently  held  at  a 
place  in  Illinois  called  Ottawa,  [Freeport]  the  following  questions  and  answers 
are  reported :  Mr.  Lincoln  asked  Judge  Douglas,  "  Can  the  people  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  Territory,  in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a 
State  constitution  ?  "  To  this  Mr.  Douglas  replied :  "I  answer  emphatically, 
as  Mr.  Lincoln  has  heard  me  answer  a  hundred  times  on  every  stump  in  lUi- 
nois,  that,  in  my  opinion,  the  people  of  a  Territory  can,  by  lawful  means,  ex- 
clude slavery  before  it  comes  in  as  a  State. "  This  is  at  variance  with  the 
principles  laid  down  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  with  those 
avowed  by  the  President  in  his  annual  message,  with  those  entertained  by  the 
whole  southern  democracy.  It  is,  in  our  opinion,  radically  unsound.  It 
won't  begin  to  do  for  our  use.  We  could  do  nothing  for  Mr.  Douglas  in  his 
local  contest ;  we  do  not  wish  to  do  anything  against  him  in  favor  of  Lincoln ; 
but  if  we  were  in  lUinois,  and  a  sounder  man  came  out,  we  should  vote  for  him, 
even  with  the  prospect  of  defeat. 

[Mw  York  Semi-  Weekly  Tribune,  September  21, 1858] 

Douglas  Making  Progress. — "  If  the  Constitution  carries  slavery  and  (in 
the  Territory)  attempt  affirmative  law,  no  power  on  earth  can  take  it  away." — 
Douglas'  speech,  June  9,  1858,  Congressional  Globe,  p.  1,  371. 

"  The  Courts  must  decide  the  question  according  to  the  Constitution  and 
the  law,  and  all  must  abide  by  that  decision. " — Ibid. 

"  Hence,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  that 
abstract  question,  still  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  it  a  slave  Territory  or  a 
Free  Territory  is  perfect  and  complete  under  the  Nebraska  bill. " — Douglas' 
speech   at   Freeport. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  October  8,  1858] 

LINCOLN  IN  A  SNAEL— ABOLITIONISM  HOLDS  HIM  TO 

HIS  WOKK 

At  the  outset  of  the  present  canvass,  black  republicanism  assumed 
the  most  ultra  abolition  ground.  In  his  speech  in  Springfield,  in  June, 
Mr.  Lincoln  after  receiving  the  Republican  nomination  for  the  senate, 
addressed  the  convention,  avowing  himself  to  be  in  favor  of  doctrines 
that  square  with  the  most  ultra  abolitionism  of  Garrison,  Phillips,  and 
the  negro  Douglas ;  avowed  himself  favorable  to  the  abolition  of  slav- 
ery, by  any  means;  favorable  to  "negro  equality,"  and  threatened  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union  if  such  doctrines  were  not  ultimately  embraced 
by  a  majority  of  all  the  states  of  the  Union.  This  speech  met  the 
approval  of  his  black  republican  auditory,  and  was  printed  and  scatt- 
ered broadcast  throughout  the  state,  as  the  black  republican  shibbo- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  527 

leth — the  sheet  anchor  of  the  party  in  our  state.  The  convention  to 
whom  it  was  addressed  adopted  a  platform,  unmeaning  in  its  general 
details,  but  preceded  by  a  saving  clause  which  fully  covered  the  ground 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech,  as  it  indorsed  all  the  ''  previous  affirmations' ' 
of  the  members  of  the  body  which  adopted  it,  and  which  was  com- 
posed of  abolitionists  of  every  shade  of  opinion,  from  ultra  Garrison- 
ism  to  theshaky  negroism  of  the  recently  inoculated  recruits  of  Love- 
joy.  A  few  weeks  discussion  before  the  people  taught  black  republi- 
can leaders  that  they  had  ventured  too  far.  Douglas'  ventilation  of 
Lincoln  at  Ottawa  set  the  latter's  committee  to  work  to  modify  their 
heresies,  and  so  shape  their  creed,  hy  construction,  as  would  render  it 
less  offensive  to  the  popular  conservative  sentiment. 

At  Freeport,  Lincoln,  in  a  series  of  equivocal  answers,  to  Douglas' 
questions,  attempted  to  modify  his  ultraism  so  that  the  people  of  the 
central  and  southern  portions  of  the  state  might  not  be  repulsed  by 
the  intense  negroism  of  his  convention  speech.  This  move  of  Lincoln 
and  his  advisers  has  run  them  upon  the  shoals  again. 

[New  York  Semi-Weekly  Tribune,  October  12,  1858] 

THE  CANVASS  IN  ILLINOIS 

Correspondence  of  the  New  York  Tribune 

Chicago,  Oct.  4,  1858 

The  political  excitement  in  this  state  is  tremendous.  No  previous 
canvass  ever  came  up  to  it.  The  Presidential  contest  of  '56  was  a  calm 
in  comparison.  The  whole  population,  female  as  well  as  male,  are 
excited. 

Harris  acted  more  manly  and  independently  than  any  Democrat 
from  this  State  in  Congress.  He  stood  by  his  guns  from  first  to  last. 
He  believes  in  Popular  Sovereignty  pure  and  simple,  and  denies  the 
Dred  Scott  dogma  that  the  Constitution  carries  Slavery  into  any  Ter- 
ritory. Under  these  circumstances  it  is  more  than  probable  that  he 
will  receive  many  Opposition  votes.  Had  Douglas  pursued  the  same 
course  and  taken  the  same  grounds  on  his  return  home,  his  chances  of 
election  would  be  a  thousand  times  better  than  they  are.  Little  short 
of  a  miracle  can  save  him;  while  on  the  other  tack,  nothing  short  of 
one  could  have  defeated  him.  But  the  glare  of  the  Charleston  Con- 
vention blinded  his  eyes.     He  was  dreaming  of  a  seat  in  the  White 


528  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

House,  and  to  please  or  conciliate  the  negro-breeders,  spit  in  the  face 
of  his  own  bantling — Popular  Sovereignty — and  clasped  to  his  em- 
brace the  black  imp  Dred  Scott.  He  staked  his  soul  against  the  Pres- 
idency, in  a  game  with  the  Demon  of  Slavery,  and  he  has  lost!  " He 
is  played  out."  Wait  for  the  3rd  of  November  and  be  convinced. 
1858. 

[Louisville  (Ky.)  Democrat,  October  13,  1858] 

Some  of  our  Southern  contemporaries  found  a  mare's  nest  in  what 
Douglas  said  about  the  power  of  a  territorial  legislature  to  exclude 
slavery;  but  they  are  puzzled  at  the  position  of  Orr,  Stephens,  Smith, 
and  Jefferson  Davis,  the  foremost  of  Southern  statesmen.  We  want  to 
know  if  we  are  to  read  these  Southern  men  out  of  the  party  along  with 
Douglas.  Let  us  have  them  immediately  read  out.  The  Union  thinks 
this  opinion  of  Douglas  the  most  shocking  that  the  editor  knows  of; 
but  he  has  not  yet  decided  what  to  do  with  the  Southern  statesmen 
who  have  said  more  than  Douglas 


*o' 


[Missouri  Democrat,  October  15,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  AND  THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION 

We  find  in  the  Chicago  Times  of  the  8th  (Douglas'  organ),  the  fol- 
lowing : 

"  When  any  intelligent  person  asserts  that  Senator  Douglas  repudiates  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  he  asserts  what  is  untrue;  and  we  venture  that  no  one 
will  attempt  to  support  the  assertion  with  argument." 

The  Dred  Scott  decision  enunciates  the  doctrine  that  slavery  exists 
under  the  federal  Constitution  in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  no  power  on  earth — neither  the  Congress  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  or  the  Legislature,  nor  the  people  of  said  Territories — can 
keep  it  out  or  drive  it  out  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  government. 
If  it  be  true  that  Mr.  Douglas  fully  and  unqualifiedly  endorses  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  then  the  voters  of  Illinois  will  understand  that 
his  talk  about  popular  sovereignty  is  all  a  sham  gotten  up  to  cheat 
them  out  of  their  suffrage,  and  that  so  soon  as  the  election  is  over  he 
will  slough  back  into  the  Administration  ranks,  and  be  the  first  to  in- 
sult the  people  of  the  Territories  with  his  old  threat  "  we  will  subdue 
you."  This  is  one  of  the  most  conclusive  evidences  of  the  duplicity 
and  double-dealing  of  JVIr.  Douglas  that  has  yet  come  to  light,  and  the 
community  will  thank  his  own  organ  for  the  exposure. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  529 

[Baltimore  Sun,  Washington,  D.  C,  August  23,  1858] 
Correspondence  of  the  Baltimore  Sun 

Several  gentlemen,  residents  of  Illinois,  have  lately  been  here,  who 
express  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Douglas  will  succeed  by  a  heavy  major- 
ity. He  makes  two  or  three  speeches  a  day,  and,  by  reason  of  the  heat, 
is  obliged  to  change  his  clothes  three  times  a  day  at  least.  It  is  also 
stated  that  as  intellectual  efforts  his  speeches  surpass  any  ever  before 
made  by  him  before  the  people. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  Springfield,  November  23,  1858] 

[From  the  New  York  Times.] 

Labors  of  Senator  Douglas. — A  western  correspondent  gives  a 
detailed  statistical  account  of  the  labors  of  Senator  Douglas,  in  the  recent 
canvass  of  Illinois,  from  which  it  appears  that  they  were  almost  equal  to 
the  labors  of  Hercules.  It  seems  that  he  has  addressed  his  constituents 
in  57  counties.  He  met  Mr.  Lincoln  in  in  debate  once  in  each  congressional 
district;  made  59  set  speeches  of  from  two  to  three  hours  in  length;  17 
speeches  of  from  twenty-minutes  to  forty-five  minutes  in  length,  in  response 
to  the  serenades ;  and  37  speeches  of  about  equal  length,  in  reply  to  addresses 
of  welcome.  Of  these  speeches,  all  but  two  were  made  in  the  open  air,  and 
seven  speeches  were  made  or  continued  during  heavy  rains.  To  do  this, 
Mr.  Douglas  crossed,  from  end  to  end,  every  railroad  line  in  the  state, 
excepting  three,  besides  making  long  journeys  by  means  of  horse  convey- 
ances and  steamboats ;  the  road  travel  amounting  to  more  than  5,227  miles. 
By  boats  he  made  almost  the  entire  western  side  of  the  state,  and  all  that 
portion  of  the  Illinois  river  which  is  navigable  by  steamboats. 

[Chicago  Daily  Democrat,  October  29,  1858] 

MR.  LINCOLN  IN  CHICAGO 

Itf r.  Lincoln  was  at  the  Tremont  House  a  few  moments  last  evening, 
on  his  way  to  speak  at  Petersburg  today.  He  speaks  at  Springfield  on 
Saturday,  and  at  Decatur  on  Monday. 

He  is  as  fresh  as  he  was  on  the  day  he  first  started  out  on  the  cam- 
paign. He  takes  the  matter  very  coolly,  and  can  wear  out  twenty 
such  men  as  Judge  Douglas  in  a  long  campaign. 

Habits  of  temperance  in  all  things  commend  themselves  nowhere  so 
highly  as  in  the  ways  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas. 

Douglas  is  all  worn  out,  whilst  Lincoln  is  as  fresh  as  the  morning. 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  October  17,  1858] 

THE  GEEAT  POLITICAL  TOURNAMENT  IN  ILLINOIS 

Seven  times  have  the  champions  of  the  two  great  political  parties  in 
Illinois  met  in  mental  strife  and  struggles — Douglas,  the  champion 


530  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

of  the  Democratic  party,  and  Lincoln,  the  representative  of  the  sec- 
tional Black  Republican  party  of  the  State.  The  last  conflict  was  at 
Alton,  on  Saturday,  and  there  both  gentlemen,  before  a  new  audience, 
endeavored  to  acquit  themselves  to  the  satisfaction  of  their  respective 
partizans.  Both  gentlemen  were  jaded  and  worn,  and  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  they  should  have  delivered  themselves  less  happily  than 
they  would  otherwise  have  done,  if  the  subjects  had  not  been  worn 
threadbare  by  weekly  reiteration,  and  they  themselves  worn  down 
by  constant  effort.  The  wonder  is,  indeed,  that  for  sixty  days  past 
they  could  have  made  speeches  to  so  many  crowds,  embracing  the 
same  topics,  and  yet  give  vitality  to  them. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  October  18,  1858] 

CONCLUSION  OF  THE  JOINT  DEBATES  BETWEEN 
LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

The  series  of  seven  joint  debates  that  had  been  agreed  upon  by 
Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  was  concluded  at  Alton  on  Friday. 

There  were  some  five  thousand  people  present  at  this  last  debate, 
about  two-thirds  of  whom,  the  reporter  of  the  St.  Louis  Democrat  says 
were  Lincoln  men. 

These  debates  are  now  closed,  and  the  people  of  the  State  having 
heard  the  two  opposing  champions  and  candidates  for  the  Senate, 
have  been  able  to  judge  between  the  merits  of  their  respective  posi- 
tions as  politicians,  and  their  abilities  as  Statesmen.  We,  as  the 
friend  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  feel  perfectly  satisfied — and  more  than  satis- 
fied— with  the  noble  fight  he  has  made,  and  we  rest  in  the  confidence 
that  the  November  election  will  show  that  the  verdict  of  the  people 
will  be  strongly  in  his  favor. 

While  Douglas'  speeches  have  been  full  of  spleen,  verbose  nonsense 
and  weak  falsifications,  those  of  Lincoln  have  been  characterized  by 
fairness,  logical  argument  and  a  commendable  manliness  of  spirit;  and 
while  Douglas,  by  his  bitterness  and  black-guardism,  has  repelled 
friends,  Lincoln  by  his  good  natured  and  honorable  course,  has  gained 
scores  of  warm  supporters. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  October  18,  1858] 

We  predict  that  Douglas,  giant  though  he  has  the  reputation  of 
being,  will  never  consent  to  meet  honest  Abe  Lincoln  in  joint  discus- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  531 

sion  again.  He  has  had  a  sufficient  taste  of  the  old  Kentuckian's 
quality  to  more  than  satisfy  him.  Had  the  discussion  been  continued 
two  or  three  more  meetings,  we  are  confident  Douglas  would  have 
given  out  and  failed  to  "  come  to  time. "  It  is  a  mercy  to  him  that 
his  encounters  with  his  powerful  rival  have  closed. 

[Peoria  Daily  Transcript,  October  8,  1858] 

ExcuKSiON  Train  from  Oquawka. — We  are  informed  by  E.  A. 
Paine,  Esq.,  of  Monmouth,  on  canvassing  the  votes  yesterday  on 
board  the  excursion  train  from  Oquawka,  the  result  was  as  follows: 

For  Lincoln,  252;  for  Douglas,  116;  for  Buchanan,  3.  Out  of  sixty 
ladies  on  the  train  56  were  for  Lincoln,  and  the  great  whole  of  the 
remainder  for  Douglas!     Hurrah  for  Lincoln  and  the  ladies! 

[Chicago  Democrat,  November  10,  1858] 

Governor  Chase,  of  Ohio,  is  the  only  man  talked  of  for  the  next 
■  Presidency,  who  lent  us  his  aid  in  our  contest  against  that  prince  of 
Border  Ruffians,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  who  repealed  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  and  then  made  professions  of  free  soil  to  protect  himself 
from  popular  indignation.  Governor  Chase  was  here  for  several  days 
and  spoke  daily  for  the  Republican  party. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

ELECTION  DAY  AND  ITS  RESULTS. 
[Burlington  (Iowa)  State  Gazette,  October  29,  1858] 

What  a  night  next  Tuesday  will  be  all  over  the  Union !  The  whole 
Nation  is  watching  with  the  greatest  possible  anxiety  for  the  result  of 
that  day.  No  State  has  ever  fought  so  great  a  battle  as  that  which 
Illinois  is  to  fight  on  that  day.  Its  result  is  big  with  the  fate  of  our 
Government  and  the  Union  and  the  telegraph  wires  will  be  kept  hot 
with  it  until  the  result  is  known  all  over  the  land. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  November  3,  1858] 

The  Election. — We  are  gratified  to  state  that  the  election  in  this 
city  yesterday  passed  off  as  usual,  without  any  disturbance.  The 
rain  fell  almost  incessantly  throughout  the  entire  day,  and  the  streets 
were  in  a  horrid  condition. 

[Galesburg  (111.)  Democrat,  November  3,  1858] 

Election  day  more  than  sustained  its  reputation  as  a  day  of  consid- 
erable weather.  For  days  beforehand  the  rains  began  to  descend  and 
the  floods  to  come,  and  on  that  day  the  weather  gear  was  in  good 
working  order.  Such  mud,  such  inky  slop,  such  incessant  pourings 
were  remarkable,  even  for  Illinois.  For  the  farmers  to  get  out  to  the 
polls  was  almost  an  impossibility — hence  the  falling  off  in  this  county. 
A  fair  day  would  have  given  1400  Republican  majority. 
[Illinois  State  Journal,  November  9,  1858] 

THE  APPORTIONMENT 

The  thirty-five  Lincoln  members  of  the  House  represent  larger 
population  that  the  forty  Douglas  members;  and  the  eleven  Lincoln 
Senators  represent  a  larger  constituency  that  the  fourteen  Douglas 
and  Buchanan  Senators.  In  other  words,  if  the  State  had  been 
apportioned  according  to  population,  the  districts  carried  by  the 
Republicans  would  have  returned  forty-one  Lincoln  representatives, 
and  fourteen  Lincoln  Senators,  which,  of  course,  would  have  elected 
him.  In  the  Republican  districts  it  requires  on  an  average  a  popula- 
tion of  19,635  inhabitants  to  elect  a  representative,  and  58,900  for 
a  Senator,  while  in  the  Democratic  districts  15,675  for  a  representative 

533 

—  18 


534  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

and  47,100  for  a  Senator  suffices.  On  a  fair  apportionment,  Douglas 
would  have  been  beaten  seven  in  the  House  and  three  in  the  Senate. 
He  was  elected  for  the  reason  that  754  voters  in  "Egypt"  are  an 
offset  to  1000  in  "Canaan." 

[Illinois  State  Register,  November  9,  1858] 

EXCUSE- WHO  DID  IT  ? 

We  had  supposed  that  our  neighbors  of  the  Journal  had,  philosophi- 
cally, settled,  down  into  defeat,  and  were  willing  to  admit  that,  being 
short  of  votes,  they  were  unable  to  make  that  sort  of  "  connection  " 
necessary  to  make  A.  Lincoln  senator,  but  we  are  mistaken — they 
have  been  hunting  excuses,  and  every  apology  for  defeat,  but  the 
true  one,  is  offered  in  their  yesterday's  issue. 

Black-republicanism,  though  over  twenty  thousand  in  a  majority 
two  years  ago,  succeeds  in  electing  state  officers  by  a  minority  vote. 
It  does  by  the  intrigue  and  treachery  of  the  Washington  cabal,  which 
fails  in  its  great  desire — the  defeat  of  Douglas. 

The  returns  show  that  Illinois  is  yet  democratic.  They  show  that 
although  21,000  behind  two  years  ago,  they  are  within  3,500  of  a  clear 
majority  over  government  officials  and  black-republicanism  com- 
bined. 

These  facts  scatter  to  the  winds  the  Journal's  palliatives.  Black- 
republicanism  is  in  a  minority  in  the  state  where  it  succeeded  two 
years  ago  by  21,000.  Treacherous  democrats  deluded  enough  honest 
men  to  give  niggerism  this  preponderance.  But  for  this  treachery', 
this  intrigue  of  gambling  politicians,  the  Illinois  democracy  would, 
to-day,  stand,  as  they  everywhere  have  stood,  in  a  majority  over  all 
opposition. 

The  Washington  cabal  have  only  succeeded  in  this:  They  have 
defeated,  by  the  most  villainous  treachery,  the  democratic  people  of  a 
state,  which  has  never  yet  failed  to  sustain  the  party  of  the  country 
by  a  state  majority,  but  they  have  failed  in  their  chief  and  controlling 
desire — the  defeat  of  the  leader  of  the  Illinois  democracy,  Stephen  A. 
Douglas. 

Their  treachery  has  taken  for  niggerism  some  of  the  minor  tricks, 
but  they  have  lost  the  game,  and  incur  the  loathing  and  contempt  of 
the  truest  democratic  state  in  the  Union,  which  cannot  fail  to  meet  the 
cordial  sympathy  of  the  democracy  generally. 


,   1856. 


THE      liEKAS^a*^ 

CITI      OF     tlClflVT' 

s    ;*}     5)    ^    ^    ■  .•     "^ 


YGUSEE  HE^LL  STANDS'. 

Tho  tcieKTuphic  dio"":'"*  rMsivcd  by  bolb 
particsin  tliisciiyyesterdjf  Ie»r»  no  room 
o  donbi  that  Jiidgo  Vwg'.OB  hl\e  been  trium- 
phal,fly  tut-i'iied  by  :i/virj:ible  DtmMney 
of  lllin•il^.  A  dLspp.icb  from  Sprirgf'dd,  re- 
ccii-o.I  lilo  l»st  night,  s»ys  that  the  bb.u« 
n.piibltcanB  there,  including  Lincoln  bimseH 
concede  a  majorilT  in  the  k'i;isUturo  for  Doug- 
las on  joint,  ballot  Di»patchea  from  Alton, 
Peoria  and  Chicairo  confirm  this  one.  W© 
havo  neither  lime,  room,  nor  inclination  lor 
c-mraont   thin  morning.     The  verdict  ol    the 


ttmrA  Tliaua. 

«CaD*t  you  pay  '.ic  a  little  monar  on  your 
note,  to-day  *■"  "aid  a  bard-working  mochauio 
of  oar  1  qaauitjiiic*  the  other  day,  to  a  man 
wht'  "T-s  Uhvinp  a  lino  horse  before  a  dashing 
yiebTiDdred  dollar  sleigh,  trimmed  with  two 
botfalo  robea.  "Can't  you  pay  nie  a  little 
money,  I  am  in  great  want  ot  aomo  .to  buy 
nroTisi'onsforuy&mlly."  , 

*<I  really  cannot,  wafl  the  laconic  reply. — 
"Tho  times  are  80  hard  I  cannot."  Tho  whip 
cracked,  and  he  <Uslied  on. 

Ah  !  JEaitl  ^  ^  myself,  are  these  times  6o 
hird  '  Is  money  60  scarce  that  the  induslri- 
o^DOor  cannot  be  compensated  for  tbcir  la- 
bor f  I  will  observe  the  saymgs  and  doings 
of  men,  for  one  day, -and  see. 
°  "onl  Ibeso  hard  times f  said  tho  man  in 
the  sleieb,  aa  be  was  wrapped  in  wm  buBa- 
Si  i  Allowed  bim  to  the  biiliard-uble,  and 
^blm  lose  ton  game^  and  twice  «  many 
1 -ii-.L.  nrhii-h  were  pa  d  as  (roe  as  water.— 
T^^:Zn«Z^^'*'o  this  man  when 
SSr^^i"  of  the  WUiatd  b«ll.  fell  sweetly 
^bS^  nor  would  h.  healiate  to  sUke 
fifty  Um^tbem«=h«.ic'.  DOUon  the  gam.  of 

"^hrrse-CdTme.:;*.!  .be  the  man 

i-rwr-h^er^rthxrig 

zr.f:os:;^n^tr^rsrrirwbim2; 

STnlllars  fur  a  gold.head«i  rattan,  and  twen- 
ty fur  a  new  fashioncij  for  cap.  Be  novtr 
thiiilM  of  hard  tioee  when  he  wtnto  to  deck 
out  b(a  own  dandy.  . 

"Oh  !  these  bard  Umea  I"  said  the  <»«'«'«! 
be  turned  away  the  sehoolnuistar  wbotaa 
presented  his  bill  for  tho  quarler'P  lulUoo  of 
his  son.  "Three  dollars  1  jn  these  hard  tiroas 
,■■;  r  school-teaching  I  i  cauuot  pay  bjt  ono. 
Soon  all^r  he  paid  tho  dancing  master  ton 
dollars  for  (eachioe  tho  same  ohild  Ihc  genteel 
*csui3uliiibment  of  dancing,  and  SAul  aotaing 
about  bard  times. 

"Abl  these  hard  times!"  said  a robuet  red- 
faced  mati,  aa  be  turned  off  bis  tuolUet  «• 
brandy  and  sugar,  and  paid  the  h»i .keeper  i 
KhiUiog.  "I  con  see  no  prospect  of  better.— 
Hard  limes  these  for  a  poor  man  to  mak* 
money.  I  cannot  get  money  enough  even  U> 
buy  tbecomforte  of  life,  let  alone' tlie  dalntiea. 
Why,  laD'Hord,  u  yon  li»e,  I  harobaU  to  do 
witli'iut  batter  in  my  family  for  a  moiitb,  and 
cai)  gi*  no  money  to  boy  nar.  liood  biaody, 
th»t;"  and  ho  tilled  aoothS- tumbler.  Tbua 
goes  this  strong  able-bodied  man'A  money, 
tbcfle  bard  times. 

"Ob !  Iheao  hard  limo«  1"  «aid  the  merchant 
to  the  pour  woman,  who  asked  him  Lo  tbrow 
oil  a  shilling  from  iho  pece  of  calico  wbiob  he 
was  selling  at  out  bnndred  per  cent,  in  ad- 
vance. "We  cannot  take  a  cent  luMi  Ibette 
hard  times."     Attbotoo-pln  alley  1  ■•*  him 


Xbe  lS«pc«i«l>e»  <i*le. 

«r  oLrvKlt  wB.bEix  aouuii 

I'm  Dot  a  eliiolceo  ;  I  !)»▼*  "wn 

Poll  mu)y  ft  ctlU  September, 
aoil  Ibtrngb  I  w»»»  >oBtjg»ter  tbCD, 

Th»l  gdio  1  well  rtmembBr; 
Tby  d»y  Ulorr,  mj  Llt«-«trlng  niBpped. 

And  I,  my  kl'e  pursatng. 
The  wind  wlileked  elf  roy  pAlm-leftl  h»l  ;- 

For  me  two  rtonne  were  brewing  1 

It  c»me  aa  fjuarTela  iomctlruea  do, 

WLenmerrtcd  lolka  (cet  claablng; 
There  wm  a  Iienvy  ai«li  or  two. 

Before  tile  fire  wa«  Saahlog,— 
A  little  eUr  among  ibe  eloada,. 

Before  tbe y  rent  aaQDder, — 
A  little  rocking  of  tbe  Ueea. 

And  then  came  on  tbe  tbnnder. 


nd  rW, 


aboUed, 


c-mraont  thin  morning.  The  verdict  01  the  ^^^  g^^^  ^^^^  ^  ^^^^^^  ^  ^^  refused  to  allow 
pn.iple  if  Illinoi,)  is  a  suHlcenl  comment  of  the  poor  womaa  Thus  our  mcrcbaot  spends 
itclf     Ilurr.ih  (or  .Stephen   A.  Iiouglw,  the   his  money  these  bard  times. 


next  U. 
IjI.ST'. 


:cphen   A.  Iioogltwt,  the 
.Senator,  and  tbe   NK.'^T  PRE,SI 


The  Vole  at  W«r»«ir. 

Wu  have  recei-/ed    tho  follovyng  atatcme 
ol  the  official  70te  of  Warsaw  : 

ion  ITATX  IttASl'itEB. 


Fonfley,  Democrat, 
l>ou;;herty,  National, 
Miller,  Republican, 

IM 

21 

243 

roB  8iPBKj.vT»DKj<T  rb'Buc  wrrafCTioir. 

French,   fJeniocrat, 
Ke.rnolds,  National, 
Batcman,  Rrpub'iean, 

IM 

27 

24C 

FOK  co.Miurss. 

Isaac  N.  Morris,  Democrat, 

J.  C.  DaTift,  National, 

A.  J.  Grifnshaw,  Republican, 

9i 
102 
238 

POB  STATB  BIMATOIL 

J.  P.  Richmond,  Democrat, 
W.  C.  Wngley,  National. 
J.  C.  Bagby,  Kepubiioan, 

18.0 
217 

'*{.)h  I  ihtSG  hard  tuoufi !"  wuA  a  lo«f«r  «a 
he  Rtretcljod  out  hU  legs  over  lbr*a  cbaire  by 
■jiiT  atove.  "Uhf  tbt^&o  hwd  tiuitA!"  buJ 
iliere  ijo  sat  nil  «Uy,  repealing  \ikt  k  jAfTot — 
"Oh:  hanl  limes!  fcani  limes!  barU  tiitKW  !*' 
And  I  pilitMi  tiie  m»n  lirom  my  sou!,  (jT  I -be* 
l:ere  he  thought  it  was  hard  timc^^  wbbn  be 
alone  vrat  (o  hUtuc  for  being  Utzj  and  np«nd- 
iiij;  what  i!t  betltf  tbau  nit^nej,  hit)  IttDC,  thcM 
bard  limtru. 

**0h  I  thcase  bard  tioical**  aaid  a  joang  man 

bo  had  be«n  marriod  a  year.  "I  do  not  know 
how  I  6hall  h*o  thiA  Kinter—I  cao  g«t  do 
uoi«ir  to  buy  rcy  wiotar  storeii."  And  1  liil- 
lowed  hito  hunie,  wb«r»  I  found  a  mao^  woman 
and  boy,  hired  lo  wait  oo  bim  aod  bia  wife,  in 
tbeM  bard  tiraai. 

"Oh  I  oh  •  thcM  bard  timea  I**  aod  I  thought 
if  tb«6c  m«n  would  bo  ioduatriou^,  rconocai- 
cal,  ind  contaot  to  live  ihtbtn  tbelr  mearm, 
tbew  bard  timra  would  aoon  beouma  oai^y.and 
§n  conolu'lwJ  thcac  hard  timt^K  would  »>e  at- 
tributrfl  to  ihew  laKy,  itp<Dd;cg  amn.  And 
whilo  tbcso  hard  timca  oootiauc,  the  indu*' 
I  IriouB  subttori  iho  idle. 


Lord !  ho«  Ui«  ponds 

Aod  how  Ui«  «blni[l«fl  rklUerf  t 
Tti«  onk*  wrre  •caUcr'nl  on  lh«  groui»l 

Ai  ir  U)«  TU»nB  bftttlH  ; 
Aa4  At!  ftt>«T«  WM  In  a  bovl, 

Add  »U  btlow  a  cltutvr,'- 
n«  «arUi  w&j  like  ft  trjiof  pan. 

Of  ■ome  iQcli  biasing  io*llcr. 

It  chKD«nl  tc  b«  our  WMbiPc>4aT,      > 

And  aU  our  tblug*  vef«  drjlcg: 
Tbe  Kona  ckoie  roarlrts  Uiroagbtbe  Uaal 

Aad  let  tb«ai  alL*  Byins; 
I  taw  tbe  RbLrU  ftnd  ;>«Ulca«ti 

Oo  rldlnfT  off  lUc«  wiicbM ; 
I  lo«l,  *Ji '  b\Uit]jr  I  *«pl — 

X  Io«t  tar  Saadty  btttcbn  t 

1  Mw  Ui«a  MrBddllnfc  throagb  &«  atr, 

Ala* !  tcio  lat«  to  win  Hum  ; 
t  taw  tb«iB  ctuun  th«  ckwds  aa  If 

■m*  derll  had  b«D  In  Ui«n  ; 
Ttej  irete  mj  ivUagt  acid  my  j-rtde,    . 

M/  borhood*  ooly  rielwa.— 
••rafC««U,  rtrrwf n,"  t  faintly  "trf^ 

••??/ Itfs^Jif*  ■    O  ID7  brrecl.iwl" 

Thai  ti^  1  **»  "»«*  '°  "^  dre»mi. 
acv^feaosad  mm  vtMH  >  >ui««  ^^**^ 

•  ne  «i««  »»<>  •(«P«>  i^*** '•■*«»  **'^"* 

The  »U)iH  1»^  •U«ti«i  UiToufb  <l><aa 
1  aa*  U»e  •«•  aad  fhaOlj  rctjU 

irfccTc  d«30B  ciaw«  bad  torn  Umm; 
X  boU  i»M  to  ti*ir  a»pl««  part.  • 

a»U  an  Imp  >*A  *o^  ^^'^ 

I  baT«  fe«*l  «nanx  happy  7^**% 

Aod  toil^i*"!*^  *»****•*■•    '' 
Bot  u»<*c  yon»  p»»t^a«»  W«  «»»• 

Forf*e»  ai»a  f«rCT«rI 
And  not  till  law  ha«  «aHfc«  i«^ 

Of  aU  my  aariUI^  Kltcbaa. 
Tlii»  a'*l-Cl-tart  fhaU  «a»«  »•»««■ 

Mr  Io«d,  vj  io«g-itp«  brewtwa t 

aterapaof  V«m- 

••Papa,  can't  I  go  !•»  Um)  x  jvlfgjcal  I 
see  Uio  camomile  fl^ht  tho  rjt-nc-«r-ei 
•Sartin,  my  son ;  but  don't  get  yoor 
torn.  Siraiigc,  toy  dew,  what  »  taate  ' 
bu ^.fT  nat'rl  hia'try.  N<> Wtipcr a^o \ 
tarda},  iw  had  uight  pairs  of  io;tt  cat* 
by  llicir  tails  to  tho  d'»thtft-hnf." 

I  don't  My,  Mr.  ^M>^)i^f,  that  iIk  d 
wan  dmnk  ;  no,  not  by  any  Rieaiu. 
I  will  aay,  when  I  hwt  »«««»  bii»  Irf  ■ 
inr  bii»race  in  a  lotid  puddle,  and  drj 
a  iJonr<maL  Whoiher  a  6oh«r  man 
Ihia.  in  o«mr»e  I  can't  hay.  Tbe  ctniri 
he  wouMu'U  Tho  conj*qucnc4i  waa, 
tcDtiant "  went  up  for  amy  tUy*. 

A  youth,  Hotilten  with  the  charms  < 
tiful  maid,  only  ventad  hta  paaaic 
louk%  and  now  ao  then  iduching  bia 
toe  underneath  the  tabic.  Thcj:irl 
hia  adranrew  a  little  while  in  mIoOct, 
cried  out:  ''Ixwik  hero,  if  yuu  lore  d 
■o,  but  don't  dirty  my  atockinic*" 

Gribbina  ia  a  naat  (dIIow.  Ha  mj 
Kparc  ti[uc  to  lake  a  bath.  Kantlc 
liitc  thuoder  (■^r  soap  and  ioweU. 
him  bow  he  manag>j<l  to  kevp  clean 
aaid  be,  "I'h  o  highly  r>C'?r.ii»e  amir 
papar  myacU  etcry  Chriatmaa." 

A  two  atorr  paaacfigor  car  haa  b« 


DEMOCRATIC  REJOICING  OVER  DOUGLAS'  ELECTION 


ELECTION  DAY  AND  ITS  RESULTS  535 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  November  11,  1858] 

The  poor  devils  of  politicians  who  have  to  account  for  the  utter 
defeat  of  the  Black  Republican  party  in  Illinois,  after  their  most 
earnest  protestations  that  they  would  completely  annihilate  Douglas, 
have  our  commiseration.  They  are  most  prodigal  of  excuses  and  pre- 
texts for  their  overthrow,  none  of  them  touching  the  right  key,  which 
was  simply  the  disgust  of  the  people  with  their  pretensions  and  their 
utter  disregard  of  all  principle.  Thus  the  latest  excuse — one  which  is 
advanced  by  the  Democrat — is  about  the  most  ridiculous.  It  is  pre- 
tended, that  the  apportionment  of  representation  in  the  Legislature 
was  the  cause  of  the  defeat,  but  those  who  allege  this  excuse  know 
nothing  of  the  history  of  the  Apportionment  Law.  That  law  was 
passed  in  1852,  when  the  Black  Republicans  had  scarcely  an  existence, 
and  then  it  was  supposed  to  be  a  pretty  fair  law.  The  Black  Repub- 
lican party  ought  not  to  complain  of  it,  for  it  was  the  means  of  return- 
ing members  to  the  Legislature  who  elected  Lyman  Trumbull  to  the 
Senate,  the  managers  for  the  latter  contriving  to  swindle  Mr.  Lincoln 
out  of  the  place  to  which,  for  several  reasons,  it  was  supposed  he  had 
a  better  claim  than  Mr.  Trumbull.  So  it  was,  however — Trumbull 
went  before  the  Legislature  as  a  Democrat,  and  in  process  of  time  he 
was  transformed  into  a  flaming  Black  Republican,  and  in  the  late 
canvass  consoled  Lincoln,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  for  the  cheat  put 
upon  him,  by  making  speeches  in  his  behalf. 

This  apportionment  was  not  thought  to  be  so  bad  a  thing  then, 
inasmuch  as  the  party  which  now  calls  itself  Black  Republican  pro- 
fited by  it.  At  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1856,  a  new  apportion- 
ment bill  was  passed,  new  districts  created,  and  a  change  made  in  the 
representation  of  various  counties.  The  bill  passed  late  in  the  session 
— it  was  sent  to  the  Governor  (Bissell)  and  by  him  approved — that 
approval  was  entered  upon  the  journals — very  soon  afterwards  a 
Message  was  received  from  the  Governor,  recalling  the  bill,  and  when 
he  got  possession  of  it  he  expunged  his  approval  from  the  bill.  This 
was  done  after  some  of  the  democratic  members  had  gone  home,  and 
they  were  prevented  from  passing  it,  notwithstanding  the  Executive 
veto.  The  Supreme  Court  afterwards  sustained  the  action  of  the 
Governor,  but  the  facts  stated  show  that  if  a  new  apportionment  was 
not  made  in  1857,  it  was  the  fault  of  the  Black  Republican  party,  and 
not  of  the  Democracy.     They  have  been  beaten  under  the  old  appor- 


536  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

tionment,  in  a  fair  standup  fight,  and  they  ought  to  be  ashamed  of 
themselves  to  want  to  take  advantage  of  their  own  act  of  stupidity. 

[Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  November  6,  1858] 

THE  RESULT 

Another  influence  of  a  powerful  character  has  been  brought  to  bear 
against  us  in  this  election.  The  railroad  interest  of  the  State — the 
railroad  proprietors,  managers,  employees,  &c., — has  been  concen- 
trated upon  the  Douglas  ticket.  Through  this  means,  thousands  of 
men  have  been  brought  into  the  State,  and  scattered  out  through  the 
doubtful  districts.  The  Central  Railroad  Company  have  been  pecu 
liarly  active  in  this  business.  They  have  favors  to  ask  from  this 
Legislature.  They  can  afford  to  give  every  member  of  that  body 
$10,000  to  $20,000  each,  if  by  so  doing  they  can  obtain  a  release  from 
the  payment  into  the  State  treasury  of  7  per  cent  of  their  gross  earn- 
ings. It  will  not  at  all  surprise  us  to  see  such  an  attempt  made  this 
winter.  These  railroad  men  have  not  taken  such  an  active  part  in 
this  contest  for  nothing. 

[Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  November  6,  1858] 

The  Election  in  Illinois. — It  seems  to  be  conceded  at  Chicago 
that  IVTr.  Douglas  has  secured  his  reelection  to  the  Senate.  The  cam- 
paign in  that  State,  in  which  the  whole  interest  has  been  absorbed  by 
the  discussion  before  the  people  of  the  question  whether  Mr.  Douglas 
or  Mr.  Lincoln  should  be  a  Senator,  is  an  anomaly  in  our  politics. 
The  election  of  senator  in  all  the  States,  must  be  made  by  the  legisla- 
ture; and  it  is  not  usual  to  anticipate  the  action  of  that  body  in  the 
popular  canvass.  The  friends  of  rival  aspirants  for  senatorial  honors 
have  thought  it  time  enough  to  begin  to  press  their  claims  after  the 
legislature  had  been  elected,  and  have  not  undertaken  to  do  so  sooner. 
But  in  Illinois,  this  season,  there  were  reasons  for  a  different  mode  of 
proceeding 

It  would  be  unfortunate  for  the  social  and  industrial  interests  of  the 
States,  if  this  mode  of  electing  legislators,  solely  or  chiefly  from  regard 
to  their  votes  for  U.  S.  senator,  were  to  become  general.  The  cunning 
of  politicians  has  always  engrafted  upon  the  Constitution  the  ex- 
crescence of  national  conventions  for  the  nomination  of  presidential 
candidates,  whereby  the  province  of  the  electoral  colleges  chosen  in 
the  several  States  under  the  forms  of  the  Constitution  is  reduced  to 
the  automatic  function  of  recording  the  foregone  conclusions  of  the 


ELECTION  DAY  AND  ITS  RESULTS  537 

conventions.  We  should  not  like  to  see  legislatures  generally  reduced 
to  the  same  poverty  of  dignity  and  duty. 

That  the  victory  of  Senator  Douglas  in  Illinois  is  a  more  poignant 
rebuke  to  the  President  than  the  success  of  the  republicans  would 
have  been,  cannot  be  denied.  Many  of  the  federal  office-holders  it  is 
stated,  voted  the  republican  ticket,  no  doubt  well  informed  that  by  so 
doing  they  should  best  please  the  master  whom  they  so  obsequiously 
serve.  If  Mr.  Lincoln  had  succeeded,  we  should  have  heard  a  great 
deal  of  this,  and  should  have  been  told  that  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Douglas 
was  an  administration  victory,  obtained  nominally  by  the  republi- 
cans, but  really  by  the  aid  of  administration  votes.  We  are  glad 
that  this  miserable  pretext  is  lost  to  the  president  and  his  apologists. 
Blind  as  he  seems  to  be  all  the  symptoms  of  public  opinion — deaf  to 
the  voices  of  the  people — we  can  rejoice  that  something  has  happened 
which  may  possibly  lead  him  to  "stop  and  think"  what  he  is  doing, 
where  he  is  going  and  where  he  is  carrying  the  country. 

In  other  respects,  we  should  regret  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  (who 
has  proved  himself  a  sound  and  able  man  by  his  speeches  during  the 
campaign)  were  it  not  for  another  consideration  of  no  ordinary  weight. 
We  think  it  may  now  be  regarded  as  settled  that  the  democratic  party 
will  be  thoroughly  reorganized  upon  the  Douglas  and  Forney  basis  in 
anticipation  of  the  presidental  campaign  of  1860.  The  democratic 
party  is  always  wise  enough  to  learn  a  new  lesson  whenever  its  old  doc- 
trines are  worn  out.  The  South  must  understand  perfectly  well  by 
the  recent  results  in  Pennsylvania  and  Illinois,  that  its  only  hope  of 
preventing  an  overwhelming  victory  of  the  republicans,  in  1860,  lies 
in  adopting  the  Douglas  creed.  Some  of  the  Southern  leaders  of  the 
party  have  already  hastened  to  do  this.  Many  of  the  Northern  mem- 
bers of  the  party  are  ready  to  do  it,  as  soon  as  they  find  they  can  safely 
speak  out  their  sentiments. 

In  the  next  presidential  election,  therefore,  we  cannot  expect  that 
the  republicans  will  find  in  Pennsylvania — again  to  be  the  great  battle- 
field— the  cordial  allies  who  assisted  in  opposing  the  administration  at 
the  late  election.  On  the  contrary,  these  anti-Lecompton  democrats 
will  occupy  the  chief  places  in  marshalling  the  democratic  forces  for 
the  struggle.  But  we  do  not  despair  of  the  result.  On  the  contrary, 
the  election  in  Illinois  has  taught  us  in  ample  season,  that  the  repub- 
licans can  make  good  fight  even  against  the  mitigated  form  of  demo- 


538  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

cracy  which  Mr.  Douglas  professes.     These  two  intervening  years 
must  be  spent  in  strengthening  our  position. 

It  is  well  that  the  probable  complexion  of  the  next  presidential 
struggle  is  exposed  to  view  thus  early.  If  the  time  were  shorter,  we 
might  expect  to  see  the  nation  inveigled  by  false  pretenses  into  the 
support  of  Douglas  for  president,  to  be  cheated  anew  after  the  inaug" 
uration  as  it  was  successively  by  Pierce  and  Buchanan.  There  is 
time  enough  for  the  people  to  comprehend  the  true  state  of  things. 
Mr.  Douglas  is  an  able  political  tactician;  but  the  republicans  must  be 
more  than  ordinarily  clumsy  in  conducting  the  operations  on  their 
side,  if  they  allow  him  to  so  manage  affairs  as  to  become  the  next 
president. 

[Louisville  Democrat,  November  23,  1858] 

FROM  ABROAD 

Correspondence  of  the  Louisville  Democrat 
Letter  from  Illinois 

Chicago,  Nov.  18,  1858 
As  the  great,  though  little,  Douglas  was  stopping  at  the  Tremont 
House,  (a  hotel,  by  the  way,  where  may  be  found  all  the  luxuries  of 
oriental  life,)  only  a  few  persons  had  the  supreme  honor  of  joining 
hands  with  the  "  favorite  son, "  and  your  worthy  correspondent  among 
the  number.  He  appeared  in  good  health,  (not  your  worthy  corres- 
pondent,) quietly  smoking  a  weed,  and  occasionally  indulging  in  a 
chat  with  any  and  every  one  who  chose  to  converse.  Perhaps  you 
have  never  seen  him — well  S.  A.  Douglas  is  a  man  standing  five  feet 
two  or  three,  with  a  head  big  enough  for  six  feet  two,  and  a  forehead 
prominent  and  intellectual  enough  for  any  man  of  any  nation.  His 
hair,  which  was  once  brown,  is  thin  and  gray;  his  eye  cool  and  gray; 
his  nose  not  prominent,  but  striking;  his  mouth  large  and  firm.  His 
whole  face  is  round,  and  seems  too  large  even  for  such  broad  shoulders 
as  support  it. 

Small  as  he  is,  you  would  choose  him  out  of  a  crowd,  for  a  splendid 
model  of  intellectual  cultivation.  He  is  only  small  in  body — his  head 
is  a  miracle  of  mind.  But  I  am  digressing,  and  becoming  tiresome. 
After  listening  to  the  disconnected  sentences  from  a  few  loquacious,, 
petty  politicians  the  great  event  of  the  evening  was  heralded  with  a 
hundred  guns;  a  thousand  torches  lit  the  streets;  a  million  jets  of 
light  made  the  city  more  like  day  than  night,  and  all  the  available 
male  population  of  this  Western  New  York,  promenaded  the  streets^ 
engrossed  with  the  all-absorbing  question  "Shall  Stephen  be  the  next 
President?  " .  M. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

CRITICISM  OF  STUMP  METHODS 

[Washington  (D.  C.)  Union,  September  15,  1858] 

ME.  LINCOLN  AND  MR.  DOUGLAS-MR.  DOUGLAS  AND 

MR.  LINCOLN 

We  take  it  for  granted,  so  far  as  the  democratic  party  are  concerned, 
that  they  utterh^  abhor  and  detest  the  puerile  and  treasonable  doc- 
trines of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  is  now  canvassing  the  State  of  Illinois. 
They  hold  no  opinions  in  common  with  him.  They  regard  all  his 
political  associates,  North,  Middle,  and  South,  as  political  incendiaries, 
wholly  unworthy  of  public  confidence,  and  himself  as  one  of  the  most 
reckless  and  unprincipled  of  them  all.  Mr.  Lincoln  belongs  to  that 
class  of  politicians  who  have,  for  twenty-five  years,  sought  to  array 
one  section  of  the  Union  against  the  other.  He  has  recently  pro- 
claimed in  the  Illinois  canvass  that  free  and  slave  labor  are  incom- 
patible elements  in  the  same  government.  We  like  to  call  things  by 
their  right  names.  Mr.  Lincoln,  is,  then,  either  a  shallow  empiric, 
an  ignorant  pretender,  or  a  political  knave.  We  know  nothing  of 
his  age  and  little  of  his  life.  He  has  been  out  of  Illinois,  and,  we  doubt 
not,  has  had  the  advantage  occasionally  of  an  association  with  men 
of  liberality  and  intelligence.  If  he  is  not  a  knave,  then  he  is  a  very 
weak,  and  therefore,  as  a  politician,  a  very  dangerous  man. 

We  are,  then,  utterly  opposed  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Douglas,  to  Mr.  Douglas  and  Mr.  Lincoln.  We  deny  that  the  demo- 
cratic party  are  called  upon  to  take  the  one  or  the  other.  It  is  said 
that,  if  Douglas  should  fail  of  an  election,  Lincoln  would  be  successful. 
That  may  or  may  not  be  so.  It  is  not  a  question  for  the  democracy  to 
consider. 

[New  York  Herald,  October  13,  1858] 

Exhausted  to  the  Dregs. — The  controversy  in  Illinois  between 
Douglas  and  Lincoln,  on  Kansas,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  Lecomp- 

539 


540  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

ton,  popular  sovereignty,  Dred  Scott,  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, State  Rights  and  niggers  in  every  style,  in  all  its  variations, 
has  been  drawn  off  by  these  two  tremendous  spouters  to  the  very 
dregs.  From  Lincoln  to  Douglas,  and  from  Douglas  to  Lincoln,  their 
discussions  have  degenerated  into  the  merest  twaddle  upon  quibbles, 
"  Forgeries, "  falsehoods,  and  mutual  recriminations  of  the  most 
vulgar  sort.  Reduced  to  such  extremities  for  their  speeches,  and 
considering  that  the  Illinois  election  does  not  come  off  until  Novem- 
ber, the  best  thing  that  Douglas  and  Lincoln  can  do,  is  to  close  up 
their  debates  sine  die,  and  go  home,  and  keep  quiet  till  after  election. 
Having  exhausted  their  field  of  legitimate  debate,  and  having  des- 
cended into  the  dirty  arena  of  personalities,  they  may  possibly  come 
to  "  the  noble  art  of  self-defence, "  unless  their  friends  take  them  away. 
Let  them  be  drawn  off  before  they  try  the  logic  of  Morrissey  and  the 
Benicia  Boy,  or  who  shall  answer  for  the  nose  of  ''Old  Abe,"  or  the 
"knob"  of  the  "little  Giant." 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  October  21,  1858] 

ILLINOIS  POLITICS 

Correspondence  of  the  Evening  Post 

Princeton,  III.,  October  18,  1858 
The  present  political  canvass  in  Illinois  is  a  singular  one,  and,  I 
think,  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  electioneering  campaigns  in 
this  country.  I  say  it  is  without  parallel,  for  I  do  not  believe  that 
another  instance  can  be  shown  where  two  individuals  have  entered 
into  a  personal  contest  before  the  people  for  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate — an  office  not  directly  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  but  their  repre- 
sentatives. This  contest  commenced  as  early  as  the  afternoon  of  the 
9th  of  July  last,  when  Mr.  Douglas  opened  the  campaign  with  a  speech 
at  Chicago,  and  was  followed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  evening.  From 
that  time  to  this  hardly  a  day  has  passed  but  one  or  the  other  of  the 
contestants,  and  frequently  both,  have  addressed  the  people,  who  have 
usually  gathered  in  large  crowds  to  hear  them 

[Commercial,  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  September  23,  1858] 

THE  ILLINOIS  CANVASS 

While  there  is  much,  in  the  contest  now  going  on,  between  Messrs. 
Lincoln  and  Douglas  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  that  is  calculated  to  excite 
feelings  of  curiosity,  there  is  very  little,  either  in  its  vicissitudes  or  its 


CRITICISM  OF  STUMP  METHODS  541 

prospects,  that  merits  much  attention,  or  that  can  be  esteemed  as  of 
interest  to  the  public,  or  calculated  to  add  to  the  reputation  of  the 
parties.  Few  debates  less  dignified  in  their  external  manifestations, 
or  containing  so  little  that  was  worthy  to  be  remembered,  have  fallen 
under  our  observation;  and  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  this  one  will 
come  to  an  end  and  not  leave  both  parties  in  a  worse  condition,  in 
the  esteem  of  the  judicious,  than  they  were  in  the  beginning.  False- 
hood and  personal  vituperation  are  among  the  most  common  of  the 
offenses  committed,  upon  one  side  at  least,  if  not  upon  both;  while 
throughout  the  whole,  we  find  fallacy  usurping  the  place  of  principle, 
and  the  merest  sophistry  offered,  and  it  would  seem  received,  as  a 
worthy  substitute  for  argument.  In  short,  the  reports  represent 
the  debate  to  be  little  more  than  a  strife  for  victory  between  two 
political  pettifoggers,  neither  of  whom  occupies  a  doctrinal  position, 
that  he  can  sustain  against  a  serious  attack;  while  each  is  only  able  to 
continue  in  the  field,  through  the  weakness  of  his  adversary. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  anything  more  illegitimate  than  a  public 
canvass  before  the  people  by  gentlemen,  seeking  as  rival  candidates, 
an  office  that  is  not  in  the  popular  gift.  The  senatorial  office  is,  under 
the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  the  gift  of  the  state  as  a  whole, 
through  its  instrument,  the  legislature.  The  Senator,  therefore, 
according  to  the  theory  of  the  Government,  is  the  representative  of 
the  power  of  the  State,  as  an  independent  policy,  and  not  of  the  will 
of  its  individual  citizens;  and  any  attempt  to  forestall  the  action  of  the 
Legislature,  either  by  party  action  or  personal  appeal  to  the  people, 
in  respect  to  his  election,  is  contrary  to  that  theory,  and  an  offense 
against  the  sovereignty  whose  freedom  of  action  they  thereby  seek 
to  fetter  and  control. 

The  members  of  the  coming  Legislature  of  Illinois  will  be  just  as 
free  to  exercise  their  own  will  in  the  choice  of  a  Senator,  as  if  neither 
Mr.  Douglas  nor  Mr.  Lincoln  had  perigrinated  the  State  from  lake  to 
river,  wrangling  over  what  they  are  pleased  to  consider  great  national 
issues.  They  will  still  have  the  eminent  men  of  the  State  from  among 
whom  to  select  the  public  servant;  neither  has  any  one  of  them  the 
shadow  of  a  moral  right,  by  any  form  of  pledge  or  promise,  to  antici- 
pate the  action  of  the  deliberative  body  to  which  he  belongs,  or  to 
restrain  his  own  free  agency  as  a  member  of  the  same. 


542  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Washington  (D.  C.)  Union,  September  2,  1858] 

STUMP  CANVASSING  FOR  THE  FEDERAL  SENATE 

The  Norfolk  (Va.)  Argus  has  some  judicious  remarks  on  this  sub- 
ject which  we  append: 

"  The  whole  country  is  disgusted  with  the  scene  now  exhibited  in  the  Stat© 
of  Illinois. 

"As  the  United  States  Senate  was  to  be  the  grand  conservator  of  our  Con- 
gress, the  constitution  wisely  ordained  that  its  members  should  not  be  elected 
by  popular  vote,  but  should  be  chosen  by  the  legislatures  of  the  respective 
States.  The  paramount  object  of  this  provision  was  to  place  the  selection  of 
a  senator  beyond  the  reach  of  the  maddening  issues  of  the  hour  to  which  the 
members  of  the  lower  house  were  exposed.  But  the  spirit  of  the  constitution 
is  now  being  violated  in  Illinois. 

"An  election  for  members  of  the  legislature,  which  will  have  the  choice  of  a 
United  States  senator,  is  about  to  come  off,  and  the  most  malignant  and  reck- 
less contest  which  ever  disgraced  the  annals  of  American  history  is  now  going 
on  for  the  senatorship.  The  lie  has  been  passed,  and  ere  long  we  expect  the  tele- 
graph will  tell  us  of  a  pugilistic  encounter  between  the  two  grave  senators,  or 
a  senator  and  the  aspirant  for  his  honors. 

"  In  the  earlier  days  of  our  republic  such  a  piece  of  bold  effrontery  and  im- 
pudence would  have  met  with  its  merited  rebuke,  but  in  these  days  of  dema- 
goguism  and  office-seeking  it  is  thought  nothing  of;  aye,  apolitical  party  ap- 
plauds the  man  who  openly  seeks,  in  violation  of  the  constitution,  an  election 
for  an  office  to  be  filled  by  the  legislature  yet  to  be  elected  by  the  people. 
How  the  sensible  men  of  the  opposition  stand  this  we  cannot  comprehend." 

[Cincinnati  (Ohio)  Gazette,  September  9,  1858] 

STUMP  SPEAKING 

We  do  not  quite  agree  with  those  who  hold  that  the  stump  is  the 
best  way  by  which  to  judge  candidates  and  their  principles.  .  .  .  We 
want  good  financiers  in  Congress.  Does  the  capacity  to  make  a 
thrilling  speech  afford  any  test  of  this  class  of  men?  .  .  .  Washington 
was  no  speech-maker,  neither  was  Jefferson.  Had  the  elevation  of 
either  to  a  high  position  depended  on  this  talent,  their  services  ag 

public  men  would  have  been  lost  to  this  country How  man}^ 

true  orators,  on  an  average,  does  this  country  furnish  in  a  single 
generation?  We  had  Clay  and  Webster — how  many  more  in  their 
life  time?  ....  We  approve  of  public  discussions  at  the  proper 
time  and  in  a  proper  way.  A  joint  canvass  between  candidates 
under  some  circumstances,  has  it  uses.  That  now  progressing  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas  is  doing  much  to  show  up  the  latter  in  his  true 


CRITICISM  OF  STmiP  METHODS  543 

colors.  Douglas  is  a  fair  specimen  of  the  stump  "  statesman.  "  Going 
around  alone  and  playing  the  artful  dodger  before  phonographic 
reports  were  the  fashion,  he  passed  through  that  "Test"  with  great 

success Compelled  now  to  face  the  music  and  to  abandon 

many  of  his  old  stump  tricks,  he  is  manifestly  suffering  damage. 

[Washington  (D,  C.)  Union,  Sept.  22,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  IN  MISSISSIPPI 

[From  the  Mississippian,  September  14] 

We  cordially  join  Senator  Brown  in  the  wish  expressed  in  his  speech  at 
Hazlehurst,  that  "Douglas  may  whip  Lincoln  out  of  his  boots;"  but  we  go 
further.  After  Lincoln  receives  his  drubbing,  we  want  him  to  return  the 
compliment  and  larrup  Douglas.  And  then  by  way  of  making  honors  easy 
and  ridding  the  country  entirely  of  a  pair  of  depraved,  blustering,  mis- 
chievous, lowdown  demagogues,  we  would  have  them  make  a  Kilkenny  cat 
fight  of  it,  and  eat  each  other  up.  We  have  no  choice  to  express  between 
them;  because  it  is  like  choosing  between  Punch  and  the  devil 

[Cincinnati  (Ohio)  Commercial,  September  25,  1858] 

THE  ILLINOIS  DEBATE— INTERVENTION  AND  NON- 
INTERVENTION 

....  The  debate  between  Messrs.  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  has  been 
one  of  the  weakest,  least  candid  and  most  entirely  useless  for  any  good 
purpose,  of  any  that  ever  took  place  before  an  intelligent  constituency. 
Professing  to  discuss  political  doctrines,  Messrs.  Douglas  and  Lincoln 
have  insulted  the  people  of  Illinois  and  of  the  country,  by  the  daily 
utterance  of  compounds  of  the  most  transparent  fallacies  and  the  most 
vulgar  personalities. 

[Lowell  (Mass.)  Citizen  &  News,  September  6,  1858] 

In  the  meantime  Douglas  and  Lincoln  are  stumping  the  State,  some- 
times in  company  and  sometimes  singly There  is  no  doubt 

that  Lincoln  supports  himself  under  the  personal  and  often  low-bred 
attacks  of  his  opponent.  The  following  is  a  sample  from  one  of  their 
latest  discussions: 

"I  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  in  early  life;  he  commenced  his  life  as  a  grocerl" — 
Douglas. 

"The  only  difference  between  Judge  Douglas  and  myself  on  the  grocery 
question  is,  that  while  I  have  stood  on  one  side  of  the  counter,  he  has  been 
equally  attentive  on  the  other." — Lincoln. 


544  njjyOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECnOXS 

Ik  25  a  T-armgnable  faet  tiiai  wiili  liie  20^000  votexs  present  <m  this 
oeca^n  this  rep&rtee  -Broul'd  iisve  more  imSoeiiee  than  the  profound  rs: 
sni  the  closest  Ic^gie.  With  the  Republicans,  the  Arirr- 
sad  the  Proiestsni  Xorg-egians.  Gesnans,  Scotch  and  En^liid 
banded  together  against  Dougias  and  his  Iri^  Cathc^c  jdialanx.  it 
is  dzS^rolt  to  see  anv  gT«:at  chance  for  him.  The  sec(»d  day  of  Novem- 
ber -will  settle  the  qoesicHi. 

I«  TGIAS  AND  LTNC'jLN 

Loofcrrrg  over  '—-  ~^/.   "''"-"'-  "'n-^-  "~-r  s^jne  spirited  contests 
gnja^or  --^  z-  -    ■  -.„    _.       -  :  : _.ls  :~  :=  '----^sting  to  be- 

hold.    7     -    _■     ;  .    _     -_r  ;  _-   __    .       --_-^beTWT__-  I     ■-::5  snd  Lin- 

eofe.  •: :'  I z :  is  is  on  the  Thole  as  irr.  -  _    -  ■ .  _  _  _"— as  severe —   :  _  .  :  rviewed 

bv  as  - '-.'-  !=.:::_-  rs.     Y  ;  idtb 

dei%ht  £      1-   --  :.7aealori^:r_T::  ^..1  ^::r^rdi.     We  Live 

SbicS  All.  _.  -  ^  "^  '"■"^~  i^T.;.  r: "  -  ..:-'".::.  _     "  r 

\wvn  Yttf)  ^      i_^eiher  by  ;   —  _ 

fsc^Aet.  ....  DoQg^as is :,  __ ..:     :  -  .   .        .      _  _ 

whi^  tbe  Americaoi  aysiein.  seems  e^ "-.-  ::   T:_^r^_rr.  l:z.- 

coLi  gives  him  ':1:^  for  btow.     Thev  are  canvissimz  tiir  state  t.;^r-mrr. 

A.  B. 

[Xew  r«ri  rnhne;  Xofcnber  9,  ISiS] 

It  ~  :~  "hat  his  rDoaslas^  trimnph  -voiild  rraider  izievi- 1 '  "_e 

his  zi  ,      :  -T—  ?T^ie=!i-  at  Ghaikslon  in  IS! !.     Ht  m-: 

esr.- -:     r  ~  ;  mmm"  -:  .     .    _ :  1  t : " .  :•  partv  practKallv  retires  :: :  m 

fii^   :  m--:--    -  inendering  the  Gov  :_t  to  the  Rer  _'  .. 

Azid  now  that  Mr.  Dj'^zias  is  in  "  r.  i-l    :  l   :i  1*011  brilliant 

cotD^itLsive  triiimpiL.  we  t^7  :/;_.  -\  -     :_:ivas5.  although  a  suc- 

eeasol,  has  not  been  a  tz^-—.-   _--          .-  --          :-^ — ""':-      '\      ~z  it 

IIL5"   -^Ty  him  inu>  the  Whi"-  ii  ^  -  :                     ._  ii^c 

rr~'            oi  thoo^itfial  di-'-  T     .  — — .    -------    laen. 

^  .  .od  ifgimaa.  h  ^  r  -  -  it  may  not  vri;:  ::s 
It  into  the  Preside^-  ;!    i    : 

We  are  not  c  sitions  with  reg^ad  to  daveiy  and 

^le  related  "              _      -    .     1      -  m  it  to  take  in  proaeeo- 


CBinCISM  or  STTMP  METH<M)6 


■^%g  of 


We  kscnr  ifaxt  m  til — ^ 
iv::  -      ^'  -  _   ;_  :_-   :_  i£  for  tfce  moss  part  rriaize 

""'  '  -  j^iad  ai^^ic&r ' 

1 : 1  _-     xO  Mr.  Doo^  =  - 

dme  so.    WLer:  h  Li-i  't-eoi  serded  tiiit  th.^e  1?* 

wwdd  detemi:!-  -^  Mr.  DoKid^^' r -  :asS»IlL    ;        -  _  is 

wasobric-'  :r  spo^sieraLaoBear 

the  Sodik  Poee  a;:  ~ :^  -.<:  :.i  t^  fooBsliaBi  «f 

aay  cnnsidpTabfe  £  :  p-u^y^  ao  as  to  gmdasg  Un 

brtmetat  twt>  €zes.     _  -  lisEai  n^  irere  ao4  qnfee 

prepared"'-"    ''^  '  „    _    "-irrs-aas  wiuA  Ti«  5«wli 

1-     Jtii_-   ^       ^-    -   -^     ~  :_T     -  —  _'  _-_  : -. .  nrr  oc 


ihe  TifgTD  -vras  igsfnKJpd  %o  be  esdEicaced 


J3i?  TW°grO- 


2aid 


Slsv^Sti:.^ 


awi  danes 


Gov-r^ 


i.ie&  a  pctjf «  of : 

iz  -rate.  SiS  -srell  as  be^ 


'  S(;ate  ^le^iect  to 
zhrr  d  tk&  Fedotal 


"rfit  of 

:_   .  15  al  tie  goaractaes  c: 


'j-nfnr 


la 


p- 


546  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

11.  He  pledges  himself  to  fidelity  to  the  organic  principles  and 
nominees  of  the  Democratic  party. 

If  South  Carolina  should  object  to  a  candidate  for  President  who 
plants  himself  on  that  platform,  she  must  be  fastidious  indeed. 

But  it  is  not  in  this  respect  that  Mr.  Douglas'  canvass  has  fallen 
most  signally  below  our  expectations.  With  his  indefatigable  energy 
his  readiness  in  repartee  his  tenacity — if  we  should  not  rather  say  his 
audacity — in  maintaining  an  exposed  and  indefensible  position,  his 
fertility  of  resource,  we  were  already  familiar.  But  his  recent  canvass, 
while  it  has  stamped  him  first  among  county  or  ward  politicians  has 
evinced  a  striking  absence  of  the  far  higher  qualities  of  statesmanship. 
His  speeches  have  lacked  the  breadth  of  view,  the  dignity,  the  courtesy 
to  his  opponent  which — not  to  speak  here  of  Clay,  Calhoun  or  Webster 
— we  should  have  confidently  looked  for  in  the  popular  addresses  of 
Crittenden  or  Corwin  or  Wise  or  Quitman — proscribed  by  the  official 
leaders  of  his  party  and  appealing  from  them  to  his  constituents. 
They  are  plainly  addressed  to  an  excited  crowd  at  some  railway  sta- 
tion, and  seem  uttered  in  unconsciousness  that  the  whole  American 
People  are  virtually  deeply  interested  though  not  intensely  excited 
auditors.  The}^  are  volcanic  and  scathing  but  lack  the  repose  of  con- 
scious strength,  the  calmness  of  conscious  right.  They  lack  forecast 
and  are  utterly  devoid  of  faith.  They  not  merely  assume  as  an  axiom 
that  "God  is  on  the  side  of  the  strongest  battalions,"  they  make 
"the  God,"  or  at  least  fail  to  recognize  any  other.  That  such  a 
struggle  were  better  nobly  lost  than  ignobly  won  is  a  truth  of  which 
Senator  Douglas  on  the  stump  would  seem  not  to  have  the  faintest 
conception.  Hence  his  late  canvass  while  it  has  given  him  an  exalted 
rank  among  mere  politicians,  and  probably  paved  his  way  to  the 
Presidency — or  more  strictly,  to  the  next  Democratic  nomination  for 
that  post — has  failed  to  elicit  any  evidence  of  his  possessing  those 
lofty  and  admirable  qualities  without  which  the  Presidency  can  afford 
no  heartfelt  satisfaction  and  confer  no  enduring  fame. 


CHAPTER  XV 
HUMOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  August  25,  1858] 

LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  CANVASS 

The  correspondent  of  the  Chicago  Tribune  gives  the  following  ex- 
tracts from  "Abe  Lincoln's"  speech  at  Havana  (111.)  on  the  13th  inst: 

A  QUESTION  OF  MUSCLE 

"  I  am  informed  [said  he]  that  my  distinguished  friend  yesterday  became  a 
little  excited — nervous,  perhaps — [laughter] — and  he  said  something  about 
fighting,  as  though  referring  to  a  pugilistic  encounter  between  him  and  myself. 
Did  anybody  in  this  audience  hear  him  use  such  language?  [Cries  of  yes.]  I 
am  informed,  further,  that  somebody  in  his  audience,  rather  more  excited  or 
nervous  than  himself,  took  off  his  coat,  and  offered  to  take  the  job  off  Judge 
Douglas'  hands,  and  fight  Lincoln  himself.  Did  anybody  here  witness  that 
warUke  proceeding?  [Laughter,  and  cries  of  yes.]  Well,  I  merely  desire  to 
say  that  I  shall  fight  neither  Judge  Douglas  nor  his  second.  [Great  laughter.] 
I  shall  not  do  this  for  two  reasons,  which  I  will  now  explain.  In  the  first 
place,  a  fight  would  prove  nothing  which  is  in  issue  in  this  contest.  It  might 
establish  that  Judge  Douglas  is  a  more  muscular  man  than  myself,  or  it  might 
demonstrate  that  I  am  a  more  muscular  man  than  Judge  Douglas.  But  this 
question  is  not  referred  to  in  the  Cincinnati  platform,  nor  in  either  of  the 
Springfield  platforms.  [Great  laughter.]  Neither  result  would  prove  him 
right  or  me  wrong.  And  so  of  the  gentlemen  who  volunteered  to  do  his  fight- 
ing for  him.  If  my  fighting  Judge  Douglas  would  not  prove  anything,  it 
would  certainly  prove  nothing  for  me  to  fight  his  bottle-holder.  [Continued 
laughter.] 

"My  second  reason  for  not  having  a  personal  encounter  with  the  Judge  is, 
that  I  don't  believe  he  wants  it  himself.  [Laughter.]  He  and  I  are 
about  the  best  friends  in  the  world,  and  when  we  get  together  he  would  no. 
more  think  of  fighting  me  than  of  fighting  his  wife.  Therefore,  ladies  and 
gentlemen,  when  the  Judge  talked  about  fighting,  he  was  not  giving  vent, 
to  any  ill-feehng  of  his  own,  but  merely  tiying  to  excite — well,  enthusiasnn 
against  me  on  the  part  of  his  audience.  And  as  I  find  he  was  tolerablj^  suc- 
cessful, we  will  call  it  quits . "     [Cheers  and  laughter.  ] 

"TWO  UPON  ONE" 
"One  other  matter  of  trifling  consequence,"  continued  Mr.  Lincoln,  "and 
I  will  proceed.  I  understand  that  Judge  Douglas  yesterday  referred  to  the 
fact  that  both  Judge  Trumbull  and  mj^self  are  making  speeches  throughout  the 
state  to  beat  him  for  the  Senate,  and  that  he  tried  to  create  a  sympathy  by  the 
suggestion  that  this  was  playing  two  upon  one  against  him.  It  is  true  that 
Judge  Trumbull  has  made  a  speech  in  Chicago,  and  I  believe  he  intends  to 

547 


548  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

co-operate  with  the  Republican  Central  Committee  in  their  arrangements  for 
the  campaign  to  the  extent  of  making  other  speeches  in  different  parts  of  the 
state.  Judge  Trumbull  is  a  Republican,  like  myself,  and  he  naturally  feels  a 
lively  interest  in  the  success  of  his  party.  Is  there  anything  wrong  about  that  ? 
But  I  will  show  you  how  Httle  Judge  Douglas'  appeal  to  your  sympathies 
amounts  to.  At  the  next  general  election,  two  years  from  now,  a  Legislature 
will  be  elected  which  will  have  to  choose  a  successor  to  Judge  Trumbull.  Of 
course  there  will  be  an  effort  to  fill  his  place  with  a  democrat.  This  person, 
whoever  he  may  be,  is  probably  out  making  stump  speeches  against  me,  just 
as  Judge  Douglas  is.  It  may  be  one  of  the  present  democratic  members  of 
the  lower  house  of  Congress — but  whoever  he  is,  I  can  tell  you  he  has  got  to 
make  some  stump  speeches  now,  or  his  party  will  not  nominate  him  for  the 
seat  occupied  by  Judge  Trumbull.  Well,  are  not  Judge  Douglas  and  this  man 
playing  two  upon  one  against  me  just  as  much  as  Judge  Trumbull  and  I  are 
playing  two  upon  one  against  Judge  Douglas?  [Laughter.]  And  if  it  happens 
that  there  are  two  democratic  aspirants  for  Judge  Trumbull 's  place,  are  they 
not  playing  three  upon  one  against  me,  just  as  we  are  playing  two  upon  one 
against  Judge   Douglas?"     [Renewed  laughter.] 

[The  Hawk  Eye,  Burlington,  Iowa,  August  28,  1858] 

OLLAPOD  SEES  DOUGLAS  ON  THE  CARS 

Mr.  Ollapod  lives  in  Michigan — in  one  of  tlie  "rural  districts." 
In  traveling  on  the  cars  in  that  State,  he  fell  in  with  Mr.  Douglas 
recently,  and  had  some  remarkable  conversation  with  him.  We  give 
a  portion  of  it  in  Ollapod's  own  language: 

Wal,  sez  I,  du  let  me  intu  yure  perlitikul  vues. 

Wal,  do  yu  beleave  in  the  Dred  Skot  dessishun?  Yes,  sez  he. 
Wal,  sez  I,  du  yu  beleave  in  squattur  suvrinta?  Yes,  sez  he,  I  du;  I 
am  the  daddy  of  it.  Wal,  sez  I,  the  Dred  Skot  dessisshun,  sez  that 
slavery  already  exists  in  the  terretory,  and  the  pcpil  kant  touch  it  thar, 
how  duse  that  rekunsile  with  yure  squattur  sovrinta?  Sez  he,  shet 
yure  mouth.  Sez  I,  Mistur  Bukannon  sez  that  the  Konstitution  karries 
slaivry  intu  the  terretorys,  and  that  the  pepil  of  these  niggur  pastures 
have  no  power  tu  say  it  shall  not  exist,  bekase  it  is  carried  thar  by  the 
Konstitution.  Sez  I,  is  this  yer  borsted  dimmerkratic  popilar  Sov- 
rinta? Sez  he,  shet  yure  mouth.  Sez  I,  du  yu  beleave  that  thar  ort  to 
be  a  properta  represantashun  in  Kongris?  No,  sez  he,  that  aint  dim- 
merkratik  doktrin.  Wei  thin,  sez  I,  why  ar  thre  fifths  of  the  niggurs 
at  the  south  represented?  Sez  he,  shet  yure  mouth — and  he  kind  ur 
choaked  up,  and  sez  he  tha  are  represented  as  pussons.  Is  that  so, 
sez  I — ,  pussons  of  what  kedentry?  of  the  younited  staits  sez  he;  what, 
sez  I,  ar  tha  s'ttursins  then?     Sez  he,  shet  yure  mouth.     Sez  I,  want 


HUMOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  549 

Washington,  Jefferson,  and  our  four  daddys  who  put  thru  the 
ordenance  of  '87  opposed  tu  slavery?  Sez  he,  shet  yure  mouth,  tha 
war  old  fules.  Sez  I,  doant  yu  beleave  that  slavery  acts  like  kattur- 
pillurs  blitin  free  soil  and  eatin  out  its  gudeness.  Sez  he,  shet  yure 
mouth.  Sez  I,  ort  thare  not  tu  be  a  preponderinse  of  slave  staits; 
yes,  sez  he,  thats  so.  Wal,  sez  I,  my  individual  private  opinion  of 
you  is  that  yu  ar  an  Amerikan  aristekrat,  and  if  yu  ware  President,  yu 
would  act  wus  than  Frank  Purse  and  Old  Buck.  The  kars  had  now 
got  most  tu  white  pigin,  so  I  gist  passed  the  hat  round  to  get  the  voat 
for  yunited  staits  senatur.  Duglis  got  eleving  and  Abe  Linkon 
twenty-siving  voats.  In  telling  Duglis  gud  by,  I  axed  him  if  he 
didn't  own  a  plantashun  and  sum  niggurs  deoun  tu  Louisianny  and 
if  he  wan't  a  northern  mud  sil  with  a  southern  firebrand  in  his  mouth. 
Sez  he,  shet  yure  mouth. 

Yures  Seth  ontil  death, 

Peleg  Ollapod. 

[Burlington  (Iowa)  Gazette,  July  16,  1858] 

MODEST 

Judge  Douglas  used  the  personal  pronoun  "I"  seventy-three  times  during 
his  speech  at  Chicago  on  Friday  evening. — Peoria  Transcript. 

It  is  said  that  one  story  is  good  until  another  has  been  told.  Know- 
ing the  excessive  egotism  which  attaches  to  the  character  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  the  black  republican  nominee  for  United  States  Senator  in 
Illinois,  the  above  illusion  of  the  Peoria  Transcript  to  Judge  Douglas's 
speech  naturally  suggested  to  us  the  idea  of  looking  into  Mr.  Lincoln's 
reply  on  the  following  night  and  in  a  speech  of  precisely  the  same 
length.  We  find  that  Lincoln  made  use  of  the  personal  pronoun  "  I '' 
no  less  than  225  times!     Beating  Douglas  about  150  times  in  twenty 

minutes He  is  a  good  man  for  the  Republicans  to  offer  up  for 

slaughter — a  little  notoriety,  no  odds  how  brief,  will  sweeten  death 
for  him,  while  a  little  soft  soap,  dexterously  applied,  will  not  only 
reconcile  him  to  his  fate  but  actually  make  him  greedy  to  "  kick  the 
bucket. "  And  further,  that  he  is  known  all  over  Suckerdom  by  the 
name  of  the  "  Perpendicular  Pronoun. " 

[The  Hawk  Eye,  Burlington,  Iowa,  August  31,  1858] 

[From  the  Louisville  Journal.] 

Douglas  says  that  twenty-five  years  ago  he  entered  Winchester,  111.,  a  poor 
bo3^  with  his  coat  on  his  arm  and  not  a  dollar  in  his  pocket.  He  is,  at  the  end 
of  a  quarter  of  a  century  then,  a  poor  fellow  still,  accused  of  having  turned  his 


550     -  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

coat  and  not  having  eight  real  principles  in  his  heart  or  pocket.     There  is 
some  reference  to  his  final  fate  in  the  initials  of  his  name — S  AD! 

[Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  October  7,  1858] 

PERSONAL  AND  POLITICAL 

The  Administration  papers  of  Illinois  publish  an  authenticated  copy 
of  a  mortgage  lately  executed  upon  his  property  in  Chicago  by  Senator 
Douglas,  to  serve  Tammany  politicians,  for  $52,000.00  which  they 
argue  has  gone  in  to  pay  campaign  expenses.  If  Douglas  is  beaten,  he 
is  financially  as  well  as  politically  ruined.  Prentice  of  the  Louisville 
Journal  says: — 

"  The  comet,  now  at  a  considerable  distance  from  '  the  dipper ',  seems  to  be, 
like  old  Abe  Lincoln  in  his  encounters  with  Douglas,  brighter  and  brighter 
erery  time  its  makes  its  appearance.  Douglas  fails  to  improve — perhaps 
from  his  keeping  too  near  'the  dipper.'  " 

[Chicago  Journal,  August  23,  1858] 

B^" Senator  Douglas  said  at  Ottawa,  that  he  ''would  bring  Lincoln 
to  his  milk, "  upon  his  forged  resolutions. 

The  Judge  does  not  appear,  however,  to  be  in  the  milky  way  just 
now. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  September  6,  1858] 

A  CHANCE  FOR  DOUGLAS 

Editors  Press  and  Tribune: 

I  have  a  cow  which  won't  give  milk;  in  short,  she  has  "dried  up." 
I  wonder  if  Mr.  Douglas  would  undertake  to  "trot  her  out"  and 
"  bring  her  to  her  milk.  "  I  understand  he  thinks  himself  peculiarly 
gifted  in  that  line.  J.  T.  P. 


o 


[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  August  26,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  ON  THE  MILK  QUESTION 

Chicago,  August  24,   1858. 

Editors  Press  and  Tribune: 

I  see  from  the  speech  of  Judge  Douglas  that  our  Senatorproposes  to- 
"trot  Lincoln  down  into  Egypt  this  Fall,  and  bring  him  to  his  milk!" 
Allow  me  to  suggest  to  our  classic  Senator  that  Lincoln's  friends  who 
are  posted  in  regard  to  the  "  time  "  say  that  he  is  "  come  in  "  on  the 
-ith  of  March  next,  so  that  any  attempt  to  milk  "  Old  Abe  "  this  Fall 
would  be  unnatural,  unholy  and  unsafe  to  the  Judge.    If  Douglas  will 


HUMOR  OF  THE  CA^IPAIGN  551 

be  patient  and  wait  Lincoln's  full  time,  he  shall  have  some  of  Abe's 
best  strippings.  A. 

[Daily  Whig,  Quincy,  111.,  September  2,  1858] 

Douglas  having  announced  his  ability  to  "bring  Lincoln  to  his 
milk  ■' — a  farmer  up  in  the  countn-,  thinking  it  a  much  easier  job  in- 
forms the  Judge  through  the  papers,  that  he  has  several  cows  which 
have  "gone  dry"  that  he  would  like  him  to  "bring  to  their  milk." 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  "  Little  Giant "  will  respond. 

[Galesburg  (111.)  Democrat,  September  1,  1858] 

The  Chicago  Journal  announces  that  Dr.  Ealing,  a  cow  doctor  of 
that  city,  will  cure  effectively  "  agonized  understandings. "  Since  the 
Ottawa  debate,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Douglas  contemplate  placing  him 
under  the  Doctor's  care. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  October  18,  1858] 

»^"  When  Douglas  was  making  one  of  his  ranting  speeches  over  in 
the  military-  tract,  he  commenced  abusing  Lincoln  and  foaming  at  the 
mouth  as  usual.  Two  ladies  noticing  the  white  foam  in  his  mouth,  got 
into  a  debate  as  to  what  it  was  which  filled  his  mouth  and  choked  his 
utterance.  A  third  lady,  noticing  their  conversation,  remarked 
"^\Tiy  don't  you  know  what  it  is?  It  is  Lincoln's  milk  and  it  has 
soured  on  his  stomach." 

[Peoria  (111.)  Transcript,  October  15,  1858] 

The  Milk  Questiox. — A  correspondent  of  the  Oquawka  Plain- 
dealer  made  a  discover}-  of  something  mysterious  while  Douglas  was 
talking  in  that  town  recently.  He  writes  to  the  editor  the  following 
letter  of  inquiiy : 

Mr.  Editor: — While  Mr.  Douglas  was  speaking  at  the  court  house  on  Mon- 
day last  a  peculiar  white  substance  was  obser^-ed  at  each  comer  of  his  mouth. 
I  have  heard  various  conjectures  as  to  the  cause.  Can  you  throw  any  Ught  up- 
on the  subject?  Dick. 

We  presume  the  following  anecdote,  told  in  the  Knoxville  Republi- 
can, furnishes  a  solution  to  this  mvster\" 

An  Incident. — While  the  Little  Giant  was  in  fiill  blast  at  Galesburg  and 
frothing  at  both  sides  of  his  mouth,  two  ladies  standing  side  by  side  were 
overheard  questioning  and  answeriag  one  another  thus:  "What  is  that  on 
each  side  of  Mr.  Douglas'  mouth?  Said  the  other,  "Oh,  he  has  been  taking 
some  of  Lincoln's  milk  and  it  has  soured  on  his  stomach! " 


552  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  August  30,1858] 

The  Chicago  Journal  thinks  the  threat  of  Senator  Douglas  on  the 
stump,  to  "bring  Lincoln  to  his  milk"  may  be  considered  as  a  revival 
of  the  stump  tail  milk  question. 

[Chicago  Journal,  August  24,  1858] 

Douglas  Apologizes. — Senator  Douglas  in  his  next  speech,  ac- 
cording to  the  Times,  will  correct  the  error  he  committed  at  Ottawa. 

It  is  presumed  he  will  open  as  follows: 

Fellow  Citizens — At  Ottawa  I  tried  to  palm  off  some  bogus  resolu- 
tions as  genuine,  and  fix  them  upon  the  Republican  party.  I  tried  to 
bring  Lincoln  to  "his  milk."  I  avowed  I  would  trot  him  down  to 
lower  Egypt,  and  transplan  this  resolutions  to  Jonesboro.  But  the 
Black  Republicans  found  me  out.  They  detected  the  counterfeit,  and 
before  they  arraign  me  I  will  plead  guilty.  It  was  my  poverty,  but 
not  my  will,  consented.  I  had  called  Lincoln  a  liar,  a  sneak,  and  a 
coward,  but  it  did  no  good.  I  thought  I  would  try  my  hand  at  coun- 
terfeiting, I  didn't  know  there  were  detectives  around.  If  I  am  elec- 
ted Senator,  my  first  official  duty  will  be  to  abolish  all  laws  against 
counterfeiting,  and  put  all  detectives  in  the  penitentiary.  (Great 
applause.) 

[Urbana  (Ohio)  Union,  October  10,  1858] 

Mr.  Douglas  seems  to  have  no  use  for  his  six  pounder.  In  fact,  he 
is  sorry  he  made  any  investment  in  it  at  all;  for  since  he  has  become 
fairly  engaged  in  the  canvass,  he  finds  that  Lincoln  is  all  the  "poun- 
der" he  needs. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  September  18,  1858] 

The  Trot  At  Jonesboro'. — The  trotting  match  which  Senator 
Douglas  announced  to  come  off  at  Jonesboro'  showed  better  wind 
than  bottom  on  his  part. 
It  may  be  summed  up  thus : 

"  Old  Abe,  "  entered  by  the  People, .    Ill 
"LittleGiant,"by  S.  A.  D.  0     0     0 

Time  2:25. 

[Chicago  Daily  Journal,  August  26,  1858] 
B®"  The  Times  is  pitching  into  Mr.  Lincoln  on  account  of  his  per- 
sonal appearance. 

We  admit  he  is  somewhat  like  the  fellow's  horse—"  rather  a  bad  'un 
to  look  at,  but  a  good  'un  to  go!" 


HUilOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  553 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  October  21,  1858] 

COME  ONE,  COME  ALL!  OLD  ^yHIGS  OF  SANGAMON 

Will  3'ou  not  turn  out  and  give  j^our  old  Champion,  Abe  Lincoln, 
the  "  tall  sucker  "  a  hearing  for  yourselves.  Hear  him,  and  you  will 
be  satisfied  that  the  charge  of 

NIGGER    EQUALITY 

is  as  false  against  Lincoln,  as  the  charge  of  Toryism  was  against  Clay. 

[Peoria  (111.)  Transcript,  September  13,  1858] 

It  is  not  generally  known  how  Stephen  A.  Douglas  received  the 
soubriquet  of  "Little  Giant.  "  He  is  indebted  to  Joe  Smith,  the  Mor- 
mon Prophet,  for  first  applying  it  to  him. — It  was  elicited  during  an 
exciting  discussion  in  the  Illinois  Legislature  upon  the  Mormon  diffi- 
culties, in  which  Douglas  cut  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  defence  of  the 
saints,  when  their  great  leader,  in  giving  vent  to  his  unbounded  ad- 
miration for  Douglas  called  him  the  "  Little  Giant. " 


*fc'^ 


[Chicago  Journal,  September  25,  1858] 

The  editor  of  the  Stark  County  paper  saj^s  Douglas  frothed  at 
the  corner  of  his  mouth  at  Charleston. 

Instead  of  being  crazy,  he  must  have  the  hydrophobia — dread  of 
water! 

[Chicago  Journal,  October  5,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  OX  A  SIDE  TRACK 

Douglas,  like  a  fox  when  hard  pressed,  seeks  to  foil  his  pursuers  by 
doubling  on  his  track.  At  Henry  the  other  day  he  opened  his  speech 
by  charging  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  the  pay  of  the  Illinois  Central 
railroad,  and  had  received  $5,000.00  from  that  company  toward  de- 
fraj'ing  his  campaign  expenses. 

The  little  dodger  forgot  to  state  that  he  was  provided  with  a  car  for 
himself  and  cannon  by  that  company,  during  the  present  campaign, 
or  that  he  was  "  damaged, "  §42,000.00  by  it,  when  his  neighbors  were 
ruined  only  in  the  extent  of  SSOO.OO!  He  was  "switched  off,"  how- 
ever, from  the  line  of  the  Central,  and  hence  he  makes  charges  which 
he  did  not  dare  to  make  when  riding  in  state,  and  receiving  the  hom- 
age of  its  officers  and  employees. 


554  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Missouri  Democrat,  St.  Louis,  October  19,  1858] 

PRENTICE  ON  DOUGLAS 

An  Illinois  paper  says  that  Douglas  whistles  to  keep  his  courage  up. 
Does  he  not  "wet  his  whistle"  sometimes  for  the  same  purpose? 

Mr.  Douglas'  organ  in  Chicago  claims  that  he  is  still  a  sovereign  in 
that  State.    But  his  kind  of  ''sovereignty"  is  not  "popular. " 

Mr.  Douglas  has  evidently  no  fixed  principles,  though  he  himself  is 
certainly  "in  a  fix." 

Mr.  Douglas'  Chicago  organ  says  that  he  "displays  the  coolest 
courage. "  If  his  courage  isn't  cool  now,  perhaps  the  November  elec- 
tions will  cool  it. 

One  of  the  Douglas  editors  in  Illinois  says  that  his  candidate  has 
"hitherto  had  a  difficult  path  to  pursue,"  but  that  he  has  "overcome 
all  difficulties"  and  that  "the  high  road  lies  at  length  in  full  view  be- 
fore him.  "  So  the  Little  Giant,  like  a  foot-pad,  is  about  betaking  him- 
self to  the  highway. 

[Missouri  Democrat,  St.  Louis,  October  2^,  1858] 

A  GOOD  SIMILE 

A  German  friend  said  to  us,  when  speaking  of  the  debates  at  Alton: 

"Dese  Dooglis  men  ish  like  te  hail;   it  make  terrible  clatter,  but 

when  you  go  out  it  ish  few  and  scattering.    The  Lincoln  men — they 

like  te  snow,  vich  come  down  so  still  I  no  hear  it ;  but  I  go  out  it  ish 

all  over  te  ground.  "    "  Jist  so.  " 

[Prentice  in  Louisville  (Ky.)  Journal] 

Douglas  in  his  canvass  has  certainly  on  occasions  manifested  very 
little  of  the  dignity  of  a  Senator,  but  if  Lincoln  and  Trumbull  keep  on 
rubbing  him  so  hard,  they  will  polish  him  up. 

Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Douglas  have,  in  their  discussions,  given 
sketches  of  their  own  and  each  other's  lives.  It  appears  that  while 
Douglas  has  been  a  gross  sinner,  Lincoln  has  been  a  "  Grocer. " 

[Chicago  Times',  October  12,  1858] 

On  the  cars,  the  other  night,  when  the  brakeman  announced  the 
station  "  Lincoln  "  a  gentleman,  curious  to  observe  the  effect,  called 
out  "  Douglas! "  in  response.  At  once  the  cry  was  taken  up,  and  cheer 
after  cheer  was  given  for  the  great  Senator  with  an  earnestness  which 


HUMOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  555 

left  no  doubt  as  to  the  sentiments  of  those  present.  Still,  a  "little 
man  with  a  yellow  "  vest,  whose  feeble  voice  had  attempted  a  cheer 
for  Lincoln,  insisted  upon  taking  a  vote  through  the  train.  He  passed 
two  cars,  and  becoming  fearful  of  the  result,  abandoned  his  vote-book 
for  a  bottle  of  bad  smelling  whiskey,  and  in  endeavoring  to  regain  his 
seat  bumped  his  head  against  a  lantern  which  was  supplying  the  place 
of  a  broken  side-lamp,  and,  amid  the  continued  cheering  for  Douglas, 
curled  his  little  body  up  on  the  seat  and  went  to  sleep. 

[Peoria  Transcript,  September  15,  1858] 

THE  DOUGLAS  SERENADE 


The  Crowd  Mistake  Linder  for  Lincoln  and  Cheer  the  Latter 

Triumphantly 

[From  the  St.  Louis  DemocTat] 

The  serenade  of  Judge  Douglas  at  the  Planter's  House  on  Friday  night  was 
a  very  rich  affair,  and  showed  what  a  warm  sympathy  in  favor  of  the  Repub- 
hcan  cause  in  Illinois  exists  in  this  city.  The  crowd  which  gathered  around 
the  serenaders  was  small  at  first  but  increased  rapidly,  and  at  the  close  of 
Douglas'  response  became  quite  large. 

After  he  retired  the  few  Nationals  present,  as  had  been  arranged,  set  up  a 
cry  for  Linder  the  man  of  Southern  Illinois,  whom  Douglas  implored  for 
God's  sake  to  come  up  in  Northern  Illinois  and  help  him  fight  the  bull  dog 
Trumbull.  The  crowd,  which  was  now  very  large,  mistook  the  name  of  Lind- 
er for  Lincoln,  and  supposing  that  Old  Abe  was  present,  as  he  is  always  close 
after  the  Little  Giant  making  the  fur  fly  at  every  hck,  raised  a  tremendous 
shout  for  "  Lincoln,  Lincoln!  Lincoln! "  The  uproar  was  tremendous.  James 
J.  McBride  appeared  and  tried  to  explain  the  mistake,  but  the  crowd  was 
still  vociferous  for  Lincoln.  Finally  music  from  the  band  quieted  matters 
down  and  Mr.  Linder  appeared.  He  was  greeted  as  Lincoln  with  three 
cheers. 

Set  it  down  that  old  Lincoln  has  thousands  of  warm  friends  in  St.'.Louis. 

[Burlington  (Iowa)  Gazette,  August  8,  1858] 

Douglas  is  meeting  with  the  most  flattering  receptions  wherever  he 
goes  in  Illinois.  The  people  flock  in  thousands  to  see  and  hear  him. 
His  march  through  the  state  is  a  triumphal  one  and  black  republican- 
ism reels  beneath  his  sturdy  blows  in  every  contest Lincoln 

may  as  well  "hang  his  harp  upon  the  willows"  and  chaunt  his  death 
song  preparatory  to  his  political  burial — the  people  of  Illinois  have 
decreed  it — their  will  be  done — we  wait  but  to  rejoice  as  the  last  clod 
shall  fall  from  the  sexton's  spade,  for 


556  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Quicklj'  and  gladly  they  will  lay  him  down 
With  all  his  niggerism  wrapped  around  him, . 
And  nothing  he'll  ^vreek  if  they  let  him  sleep  on 
In  the  grave  where  the  people  have  laid  him. 

Requiescat  in  pace. 

[Alton  (111.)  Courier,  October  18,  1858] 
HERE  LIE 
(The  ruling  passion  strong  in  death) 

THE  POLITICAL  KEMAINS 
OF 

STEPHEN  ARNOLD  DOUGLAS 

WHO  FELL  BRAVELY  FIGHTING  FOR  THE  INALIENABLE  RIGHT  OF  MAN 

TO  HOLD  THE  BLACK  IN  BONDAGE 

WHEREVER 

THE    FLAG    OF    FREEDOM   WAVES 

OCT.    15,    1858 

HE  DECLARED  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  CANON^ZED  IN  THE  HEARTS  OP  THE 

AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

AND 

INOPERATIVE  AND  VOID 

HE    ADVOCATED 

THE  SACRED  RIGHT  OF  SELF  GOVERNMENT 

AND    DENIED    IT 

TO  THE  FREEMEN  OF  KANSAS 
IN  TOOMBS'  BILL. 

He  abhorred  Northern  Know  Nothings,  hut  had  great  respect  for  those  of 

the  South. 

He  permitted  armed  ruffians  to  beat  a  disabled  Senator,  for  fear  his 
motives  should  be  misunderstood. 

He  betrayed  his  constituents  for  four  years  and  then  violated  honor  among 
thieves  by  playing  traitor  to  his  accomplices  in  the  fifth. 

Verily  He  Shall  Have  His  Reward! 


HOIOR  OF  THE  CA3IPAIGX  557 

[Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  September  23,  1858] 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IX  ILLINOIS 


Almost  a   Riot.— Collision    between    Parties.— Disffracefnl  Conduct  of 

Lincoln  and  His  Pack.— Meeting-  at  Sullivan.— Votes 

ilade.- The  Mexican  War 

Bemext,  Piatt  County,  Ills. 

September  20,  ISoS 

In  political  canvasses,  however  much  men  may  differ  in  principle,  if 
they  be  honest  in  their  antagonism,  they  must  regret  to  see  their  op- 
ponents forgetful  of  honor,  and  regardless  of  ordinary'  honesty,  acting 
so  as  to  bring  disgrace  upon  themselves  and  discredit  upon  the  part}' 
they  represent.  It  is  my  misfortune  to  be  obliged  to  write  in  my  re- 
port of  this  day  an  account  of  such  an  outrage,  committed  by  the 
Black  Republicans,  headed  by  Lincoln  himself,  as  sets  the  brand  of 
disgrace  upon  the  brow  of  the  "  tall  sucker, "  which  he,  being  so  very 
taU,  will  exhibit  throughout  the  canvass. 

Before  I  turn  to  that,  however,  allow  me  to  relate  the  circumstances 
of  the  meeting  at  SuUivan  in  Moultrie  county,  whence  I  have  just 
arrived. 

Returning  to  Mattoon,  the  Judge,  accompanied  by  a  considerable 
crowd  of  persons,  set  out  for  Sullivan  this  morning.  A  pleasant  ride 
over  the  rich  land  of  this  district  brought  the  party  on  to  the  open 
prairie,  where  was  drawn  up  in  regular  order  of  procession,  to  receive 
and  escort  him  into  town,  fully  two  thousand  persons.  As  he  came 
within  seeing  distance,  this  immense  body  of  persons  cheered  with 
lusty  strength,  and  then  as  he  passed  b}'  they  fell  in  before  and  be- 
hind his  carriage,  without  confusion  and  in  pre-arranged  order.  It 
was  indeed  a  gallant  sight  to  see  this  number  of  people  winding  along 
the  prairie  roads,  the  line  stretching  out  for  upwards  of  a  mile  from  end 
to  end.  First  there  came  a  band  of  music,  then  a  delegation  of  ladies 
on  horseback,  their  colored  scarfs  and  streamers  of  riband  and  bright 
hued  flags  wa%'ing  in  the  light  breeze  which  floated  along;  Senator 
Douglas  was  next  in  line,  then  followed  the  host  of  men  in  wagons  and 
on  horses,  extending  back  as  far  as  the  eye  could  trace  a  countenance 
or  mark  out  the  form  of  a  man. 

Upon  arriving  at  SuUivan,  I  was  somewhat  astonished  to  find  that 
Lincoln  had  made  an  appointment  for  the  same  place,  to  come  off  at 


558  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

the  same  time.  I  had  given  him  credit  for  so  far  forgetting  the  cour- 
tesies of  a  canvass  as  to  keep  tracking  Douglas  down,  but  I  hardly  im- 
agined that  he  would  impose  himself,  or  endeavor  to  impose  himself 
upon  a  Democratic  audience  in  quite  so  bold  a  manner.  I  rather 
doubt,  the  more  especially  as  I  remember  the  apologies  to  Mr.  Doug- 
las, made  on  his  way  from  Bement  to  Monticello,  on  the  29th  day  of 
July  last,  for  following  him  instead  of  making  out  an  independent  line 
of  canvass  for  himself.  My  doubts  were  soon  put  an  end  to,  however, 
for  happening  in  the  Judge's  room,  at  the  hotel,  I  w^as,  as  were  also 
the  following  named  gentlemen,  to-wit — Messrs.  Bushrod  W.  Henry, 
John  Gwin,  Cam  Knight  and  John  Y.  Hill,  a  witness  to  the  following 
occurance: 

A  young  man  entering  the  room  was  introduced  as  George  Lynn,  Jr- 
That  gentleman  at  once  stated  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  message 
from  his  friend,  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  the  same  time  he  placed  in  the  hands 
of  Mr.  Douglas  a  note,  written  in  pencil,  the  chirography  being  unmis- 
takably that  of  Abram  Lincoln,  of  which  the  following  is  an  exact  copy : 

"Understanding  that  Judge  Douglas  would  speak  before  dinner,  I  an- 
nounced that  I  would  address  our  friends  at  Freeland's  Grove  at  2  p.  m.  As 
he  does  not  begin  till  10  o'clock,  if  he  will  announce  the  fact,  so  that  I  can 
understand  it,  I  will  postpone  to  three  o'clock.  (Signed)  A.  Lincoln 

As  he  delivered  the  note  Mr.  Lynn  repeated  its  substance  by  word 
of  mouth,  whereupon  Mr.  Douglas,  at  once,  requested  him  to  notify 
Lincoln  that  he  would  make  the  announcement  as  was  asked,  thus 
accepting  the  proposition.    Mr.  Lynn  then  retired. 

Shortly  after  Mr.  Douglas  was  escorted  to  the  speaker's  stand, 
erected  in  the  courthouse  square,  around  which  he  found  an  immense 
gathering  of  people  extending  clear  back  to  the  courthouse  on  the  one 
side  and  some  hundreds  of  people  being  on  the  street  at  the  rear  of  the 
stand.  When  the  hearty  cheers  which  greeted  his  appearance  had 
subsided,  Mr.  John  R.  Eden  proceeded,  in  behalf  of  the  Democracy, 
to  deliver  to  him  an  address  of  welcome.  It  possessed  that  greatest  of 
all  recommendations,  brevity,  and  yet  in  it  were  referred  to  many  of 
the  interesting  points  of  interest  in  the  political  world  of  the  day.  It 
also  touched  upon  many  of  the  prominent  acts  of  Mr.  Douglas'  public 
career,  as  for  instance  to  his  support  of  Clay's  compromise  measures 
of  1850,  to  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  land  grant,  and  so  on. 

Mr.  Douglas  then  proceeded  to  speak.  Before  entering  upon  his 
speech,  however,  he  made  the  announcement  stipulated  for  by  Mr. 


HUMOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  559 

Lincoln,  thus  fulfilling  his  part  of  the  contract  unjustly  demanded  by 
his  opponent,  however,  for  that  gentleman,  had,  according  to  the  code 
of  ethics  under  which  I  was  tutored,  certainly  no  right  to  attempt  to 
rob  Douglas  of  his  audience  which  his  friends  had  provided  to  gather 
by  announcements  made  six  weeks  hence.  In  making  that  announce- 
ment he  said: 

"Just  as  I  was  approaching  the  stand,  I  received  a  message  from 
Mr.  Lincoln,  who,  as  you  know,  is  a  candidate  for  the  United  States 
Senate,  stating  that  he  had  made  an  appointment  to  speak  in  this 
town,  this  day,  at  Freeland's  Grove,  in  the  vicinity  of  this  place,  but 
would  postpone  his  speech  there  until  three  o'clock,  he  requesting  that 
I  should  make  this  announcement. . 

"  I  will  remark,  however,  that  I  regret  that  our  appointments,  when 
we  have  not  a  joint  discussion,  should  have  come  in  collision,  due  in 
one  place  on  the  same  day.  My  appointment  for  to-day  was  made  as 
long  ago  as  the  29th  of  July,  and  it  has  been  published  in  the  newspa- 
pers ever  since.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  his  appointment  here  to-day,  to 
speak  after  I  get  through;  tomorrow  I  have  to  speak  at  Danville  and 
he  makes  his  appointment  to  speak  the  day  after  me  there,  and  he  fol- 
lows me  in  like  manner  at  Urbana.  He  has  a  great  fancy  for  getting 
behind  me  and  I  have  concluded  that  I  will  keep  him  behind  me,  es- 
pecially about  next  November.  [Hearty  applause.]  I  would  remain 
here  and  insist  upon  a  reply  if  I  could  get  the  time,  but  it  being  the 
fact  that  between  this  and  to-morrow  morning  I  have  got  to  travel 
hence  to  Danville,  I,  of  course,  have  to  start,  leaving  this  town  so  soon 
as  I  shall  quit  this  stand.  This  fact  was  as  well  known  to  my  political 
opponents  as  to  my  friends,  for  my  appointments  have  been  before  the 
public  for  upwards  of  six  weeks.  " 

At  this  juncture  one  of  the  fellows  who  was  acting  as  marshal  of  the 
Black  Republican  crowd,  rode  up  to  the  edge  of  the  crowd,  blue  sash 
and  all,  and  called  out  that  Lincoln  was  waiting  to  be  escorted  by  his 
friends  to  the  grove.  One  square  off  the  Indiana  band  of  music,  im- 
ported at  unheard  of  expense,  was  blowing  their  mightiest  to  drown 
the  voice  of  the  Senator.  A  few  persons,  with  blue  badges,  on  which 
was  inscribed  "A.  Lincoln"  marched  out  of  the  crowd.  When  these 
had  left  Mr.  Douglas  was  about  to  proceed,  when  the  band  marched 
on,  followed  by  the  few  who  were  going  to  listen  to  the  "'  Tall  Sucker.' 
He  was,  however,  stopped  by  his  friends,  remarking  that  the  proces- 


560  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

sion,  if  such  it  could  be  called,  had  faced  in  a  direction  opposite  to  the 
Abolitionists'  stand,  with  the  evident  intention  of  forcing  a  way 
through  the  Democratic  meeting.  Lincoln,  as  I  am  informed  by  a 
dozen  men,  was  at  this  time  in  the  procession.  The  Blacks  then  ad- 
vanced around  the  square,  raking  all  its  sides,  until  they  came  to  where 
the  street  was  blockaded  by  a  portion  of  the  Democratic  crowd,  on 
arriving  upon  the  confines  of  which,  the  band  being  in  advance,  was 
attempted  to  be  driven  through.  A  general  melee  seemed  to  be  in- 
evitable, but  Mr.  Douglas  leaving  the  stand,  urging  his  audience  to  be 
patient,  but  few  blows  were  struck  on  either  side,  a  few  were  perhaps 
on  both  sides.  The  band  was  turned  out  of  the  road  and  the  band  will 
probably  return  to  Indiana  with  a  lively  remembrance  of  the  agile 
manner  in  which  they  vacated  their  vehicle;  Lincoln  in  his  buggy  took 
the  back  turn,  went  and  laid  by  until  three  o'clock,  so  as  not  to  appear 
to  have  encouraged  such  a  dastardly  outrage  by  his  presence,  the  foot- 
men of  the  crowd  got  through  with  great  difficulty  and  the  remainder 
of  the  few  buggies  wheeled  about. 

The  indignation  caused  by  this  outrage  was  so  excessive,  that  a 
majority  of  the  Republicans,  as  well  as  the  Democrats,  resolved,  as  it 
would  appear,  to  hold  on  by  Douglas,  so  that  no  actual  diminution 
could  be  found  in  the  numbering  of  his  audience.  I  should  here  re- 
mark, that  when  the  band  wagon  reached  the  edge  of  the  Democratic 
meeting  it  was  exactly  twenty-two  minutes  past  two  o'clock. 

When  order  was  restored,  and  that  was  not  many  minutes  after  the 
dastards  left,  Mr.  Douglas  proceeded  to  speak  of  the  matter.    He  said : 

"  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  Now  that  this  unpleasant  scene  which  has 
disturbed  our  meeting  somewhat,  has  passed  by,  it  is  well  that  I  should 
call  your  attention  to  the  facts  of  the  case,  so  that  there  can  be  made 
no  dispute  about  the  truth  of  it  in  the  future. 

"  You  all  know  that  in  the  month  of  July,  I  made  an  appointment  to 
speak  to-day,  and  the  gentleman  who  brought  the  notice  of  that  ap- 
pointment to  you  is  now  by  my  side.  Some  weeks  after  that  appoint- 
ment had  been  made  and  published  in  the  newspapers,  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  an  appointment  here  for  the  same  day.  On  Saturday  last  Mr. 
Lincoln  approached  me  at  the  stand  in  Charleston  and  stated  that  he 
regretted  that  we  had  an  appointment  in  collision,  that  he  did  not 
know  of  my  appointment  when  he  made  his,  but  inasmuch  as  they  had 
come  on  the  same  day,  that  he  would  not  speak  until  I  was  through. 


HUMOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  561 

and  would  not  come  to  listen  to  me,  and  hence  would  not  reply  to  me, 
but  would  make  his  speech  after  I  got  through,  the  same  as  if  he  was 
speaking  to  a  different  audience. 

"To-day  one  of  his  friends  named  George  Lynn,  Jr.  came  to  my  room 
at  the  hotel  with  this  memorandum,  which  I  will  read,  and  a  verbal 
message.  [Mr.  Douglas  here  read  the  letter  published  above.]  Mr. 
Lincoln's  friend  brought  me  that  written  proposition,  that  he  would 
postpone  his  meeting  until  three  o'clock,  if  I  would  announce  from  this 
stand  the  fact  that  I  accepted  the  proposition.  I  call  upon  you  thous- 
ands now  to  bear  testimony  that  before  I  uttered  one  word  of  my 
speech,  I  did,  in  a  distinct  and  loud  tone  of  voice,  announce  that  I  had 
been  requested  by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  give  notice  that  he  would  speak  at 
Freeland's  Grove,  that  his  meeting  was  postponed  till  three  o'clock. 
Hence  I  complied  with  the  contract  on  my  part  as  I  can  prove  by  you 
thousands  here  assembled.  I  call  j'our  attention  to  this  fact  that  at 
twenty-five  minutes  past  two  o'clock,  he  with  his  friends  and  a  band 
of  music  drove  around  the  stand  and  came  right  up  within  forty  feet 
of  where  I  am  now  speaking,  driving  in  the  midst  of  some  of  my  friends 
beating  their  drum  so  as  to  break  up  this  meeting.  If  I  do  not  state 
the  facts  truly  anyone  in  the  crowd  can  correct  me.  [Loud  cries  of 
"  You  are  right,"  etc.]  They  drove  right  b}^  here,  and  they  undertook 
to  fight  their  way  through  those  who  attending  this  meeting  stood 
upon  the  street,  coming  in  a  direction  opposite  from  their  stand,  that 
they  might  do  it.  [Cries  of  "That  is  so."]  Their  stand  was  on  the 
north  side  of  the  town,  they  started  from  the  north,  drove  by  on  the 
south  side  and  came  down  on  the  east  in  order  to  go  on  this  side,  going 
three  squares  out  of  their  way  to  get  to  our  meeting  to  break  it  up." 

Mr.  Thornton. — "Will  any  gentleman  who  saw  Mr.  Lincoln  an- 
nounce the  fact?" 

A  Voice. — "He  was  in  but  turned  around  and  went  back." 

Mr.  Douglas. — "I  do  not  know  whether  hewasintheprocession,but 
a  gentleman  at  my  side  says  that  he  was  in  the  procession  up  to  the 
time  when  a  fight  seemed  likely  to  ensue,  when  he  turned  around  and 
went  in  the  other  direction.  I  do  not,  of  my  own  knowledge,  know 
whether  he  was  in  the  procession  or  not,  but  the  fact  that  that  proces- 
sion organized  and  drove  up  here  to  break  up  this  meeting  in  violation 
of  the  written  agreement  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  signed  and  written 
by  Mr.  Lincoln,  no  honest  man  will  deny.  Hence  I  say  that  this  dis- 
turbance is  in  violation  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  word  to  me  at  Charleston  on 


562  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Saturday;  it  is  in  violation  of  his  written  agreement  here  to-day,  which 
writing  I  have  in  my  hand,  it  was  a  dehberate  attempt  on  the  part  of 
his  friends  to  break  up  a  Democratic  meeting;  it  was  started  at  the 
very  time  I  was  making  a  point  upon  Mr.  Lincoln,  from  which  all  his 
friends  shrink  in  despair;  it  was  begun  suddenly,  in  order  to  break  up 
the  trend  of  my  argument.  It  was  evidently  a  pre-concerted  plan, 
and,  therefore,  I  say  that  I  am  warranted,  under  this  state  of  facts,  in. 
charging  that  Mr,  Lincoln,  as  well  as  his  friends,  have  been  a  party 
this  day  to  breaking  up  this  meeting,  in  order  to  prevent  me  from  ex- 
posing his  alliance  with  the  Abolitionists  and  repelling  the  false 
charges  which  he  made  against  me  at  Charleston,  and  to  which  I  had 
no  oportunity  to  reply  at  that  place."  [Cries  of  "That  is  so,"  "Hit 
him  again,"  etc.] 

The  Judge  then  continued  his  remarks,  to  the  full  conclusion  of  his 
speech,  and  was  succeeded  on  the  stand  by  Mr.  Thornton  of  Shelby- 
ville,  who,  as  an  old  line  Whig,  refuses  to  be  Abolitionized.         B.  B. 

[Quincy  (111.)  Whig,  October  11,  1858] 

KiNDERHOOK,    PiKE    CoUNTY.,    Oct.    4,    '58 

Editor  Quincy  Whig  &  Republican: — 

Sir: — Below  you  will  find  an  extract  from  a  private  letter  dated 
Sullivan,  Moultrie  County,  Illinois,  Sept.  21st.  If  you  think  it  worthy, 
I  wish  you  would  give  it  a  publication  for  the  benefit  of  our  party,  to 
let  them  know  how  to  treat  Douglas  and  his  minions.         Yours, 

J.  G.  Kearney 

{Extract) 

"  Yesterday  (the  20th)  was  one  of  the  most  exciting  days  that  ever 
occurred  in  Sullivan.  Douglas  and  Lincoln  had  an  appointment  to 
speak  here.  Douglas  was  to  speak  at  10  o'clock  a.  m.  and  Lincoln  at 
3  p.  M.  Owing  to  some  delay,  Douglas  did  not  arrive  until  about  noon. 
Then  he  commenced  speaking  about  1  p.  m.  Lincoln  waited  until  a 
little  past  3  p.  m.  when  the  Brass  Band  commenced  playing  and  drew 
off  about  two-thirds  of  Douglas'  hearers.  The  Lincoln  procession  then 
formed  and  started  around  the  Public  Square.  When  they  came  oppo- 
site to  where  Douglas  was  speaking,  he  gave  orders  to  his  friends  to 
stop  the  procession  and  turn  it  back.  The  Border  Ruffians  jumped 
over  the  fence,  like  a  lot  of  bull  dogs,  yelling  for  their  friends  to.  come 
on.    They  threw  rails  in  the  spokes  of  the  band  wagon,  clubbed  and 


HUMOR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  563 

beat  the  horses  most  shamefully,  and  knocked  the  driver  from  his  seat 
with  a  brick-bat,  which  struck  him  on  the  side  of  his  head.  By  this 
time  we  had  all  got  mad,  and  the  fight  became  general.  Such  yelling  I 
never  heard.  It  appeared  as  if  all  hell  had  been  let  loose.  There  were 
some  six  or  seven  pretty  badly  hurt  on  both  sides  before  we  got  the 
band  wagon  through,  but  we  kept  the  streets  clear  until  all  of  the  pro- 
cession passed.  We  marched  to  the  grove  half  a  mile  north  of  town 
and  listened  to  Lincoln  for  about  two  hours.  The  Douglasites  sent  us 
word  that  the  Band  should  not  pass  around  the  square  that  evening. 
When  speaking  was  over,  we  formed  in  procession,  each  man  with  a 
club  in  his  hand  — the  Band  playing  Yankee  Doodle.  We  marched 
all  around  town,  and  they  never  opened  their  mouths.  There  were 
some  six  or  seven  of  the  ringleaders  arrested  and  put  in  jail  last  night. 
I  am  afraid  there  will  be  some  one  killed  before  it  is  over,  as  every  one 
is  excited.    We  disbanded  with  three  cheers  for  Lincoln  forever." 


CHAPTER  XVI.  j 

CAMPAIGN   POETRY.  I 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  October  27,  1858]  ' 

GEEAT  MEETING  IN  CHICAGO 

The  Republicans  of  Chicago  held  a  tremendous  meeting  last  Satur-  ' 

day  night,  on  which  occasion  they  were  addressed  byJohnWentworth,  j 

Metropolitan  Hall  was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity,  there  being  i 

nearly  4000  present  in  the  hall.    One  of  the  notable  features  of  this  ] 

meeting  was  the  interest  exhibited  by  the  Germans  and  Scandinav- 
ians, who  were  out  in  full  force.    Frank  Lombard  was  on  hand,  with  i 
.    .                           .                      .  j 
some  stn-rmg  songs  of  which  we  subjom  a  sample:                                           \ 

OLD  DAN  TUCKER  ; 

We  hear  a  cry  increasing  still,  ! 

Like  light  it  springs  from  hill  to  hill —  l 

From  Pennsylvania's  State  it  leaps,  I 

And  o'er  the  Buckeye  valley  sweeps —  \ 

Get  out  the  way  Stephen  Douglas!  i 

Get  out  the  way  Stephen  Douglas!  | 

Get  out  the  way  Stephen  Douglas!  : 
Lincoln  is  the  man  we  want  to  serve  us ! 

The  Hoosier  State  first  caught  the  cry,  ! 

The  Hawkey e  State  then  raised  it  high,  , 

The  Sucker  State  now  waits  the  day,  | 

When  Lincoln  leads  to  victory !  i 

Get  out  the  way,  etc.  '■ 

Cheer  up,  for  victory's  on  its  way,  , 

No  power  its  onward  march  can  stay;  J 

As  well  to  stop  the  thunder's  roar,  j 

As  hope  for  Douglas  to  serve  us  more.  \ 

Get  out  the  way,  etc.  i 

Then,  Freemen,  rally,  one  and  all,  ] 

Respond  to  our  brave  leader's  call;  ; 

Free  Speech,  Free  Press,  Free  Soil  want  we,  ! 

And  Lincoln  to  lead  for  Liberty !  j 

J 
Get  out  the  way,  etc.  ' 

565  ' 


—19 


566  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Daily  Herald,  Quiney,  111.,  November  13,  1858] 
[From  the  Philadelphia  Press] 

"A  DOUGLAS  TO  THE  FRAY" 

By  John  Brougham 

When  Saxon  raid, 

With  brand  and  blade. 
O'er  Scotia's  borders  came, 

And  gave  the  land, 

With  bloody  hand, 
To  pillage  and  to  flame; 

'Twas  thus  rang  out, 

The  welcome  shout. 
From  mountain  and  from  brae ; 

"God  and  our  right! 

Stand  firm  and  fight! 
A  Douglas  to  the  fray!" 


Oh!  never  was 

Unworthy  cause 
Linked  with  that  rallying  cry, 

To  friends  a  spell. 

To  foes  a  knell. 
When  e'er  it  pierced  the  sky; 

And  as  the  shout 

Rang  fiercely  out, 
Fate  owned  its  conquering  sway; 

"  Stand  firm  and  fight 

For  truth  and  right! 
A  Douglas  to  the  fray!" 


On  story's  page. 

In  every  age, 
Through  every  path  of  fame, 

In  glory's  round 

May  still  be  found 
Enrolled  that  deathless  name. 

Speed  as  of  old. 

The  chieftain  bold 
Who  bears  it  at  this  day; 

"  Stand  firm  and  fight 

For  truth  and  right! 
A  Douglas  to  the  fraj^!" 


CAMPAIGN  POETRY  567 

[Galesburg  (111.)  Democrat,  October  27,  1858] 
DOUGLAS'S  FUNERAL 

Air— "The  Pauper's  Funeral." 

Here's  a  grim  one  horse  hearse,  in  a  jolly  round  trot, 
They're  going  to  bury  Steve  Douglas,  I  wot. 
The  road  it  is  rough,  and  the  hearse  has  no  springs, 
And  hark  to  the  dirge  which  the  sad  driver  sings — . 

Rattle  his  bones  over  the  stones. 

He's  a  dead  politician  whom  nobody  owns. 

Oh!  where  are  the  mourners?     Alas!  there  are  none; 
He  has  left  not  a  gap  in  the  world,  now  he's  gone 
Not  a  tear  in  the  eye  of  child,  woman  or  man. 
To  the  grave  with  his  carcass  as  fast  as  you  can. 
Rattle,  etc. 

What  a  jolting,  and  creaking,  and  plashing,  and  din — 
The  whip,  how  it  cracks,  and  the  wheels,  how  they  spin, 
How  the  dirt,  right  and  left,  o'er  the  fences  is  hurl'd — 
The  "Giant"  now  makes  his  last  noise  in  the  world. 
Rattle,  etc. 

Poor  Giant  defunct!  makes  his  nearest  approach 
To  gentility,  now  that  he's  stretched  in  a  coach. 
The  ride  he  is  taking  to-day  is  his  last, 
And  it  will  not  be  long,  if  he  goes  on  so  fast. 
Rattle,  etc. 

But  a  truce  to  this  strain — for  my  soul  it  is  sad 
To  think  that  a  heart  in  humanity  clad. 
Should  make  like  the  brute,  such  a  desolate  end. 
And  depart  from  the  light,  without  leaving  a  friend. 
Rattle,  etc. 

A  second  hearse  comes,  and  within  it  we  see 
One  " Ford "—" Little  Giant  the  2d"  is  he. 
While  living,  he  labored  for  fame  with  his  might, 
And  took  for  his  pattern,  the  great  Silas  Wright. 
Rattle,  etc. 

Now  "Georgy"  and  "Stephen"  together  have  gone. 
Let  their  friends  tell  us  where  they  have  gone,  if  they  can 
We  will  say  in  conclusion,  since  "Georgy"  is  dead, 
The  disease  that  he  died  of,  we  call  the  "  Big  Head. " 

Rattle  their  bones  over  the  stones, 

Such  poor,  rotten  carcasses  God  never  owns. 


568  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Chicago  Times,  October  27,  1858] 

A  DOUGLAS  SONG 

We  won't  vote  for  Lincoln,  nor  one  of  his  band. 
We'll  stick  to  brave  Douglas  as  long  as  we  can, 
His  name  is  arising  from  the  east  to  the  west. 
Since  Old  Hickory's  gone,  we  think  he's  the  best. 
Through  these  hard  times. 

Our  Douglas  is  fearless — he  cares  for  no  man, 
He  will  stand  by  the  union  as  long  as  he  can. 
Though  Buck  may  oppose  him,  he'll  force  him  to  yield, 
To  give  up  the  fight  and  then  leave  the  field, 
Through  these  hard  times. 

[For  the  Galesburg  Democrat] 

RALLY  SONG 

By  R.  F.  Flint 

From  where  the  lordly  Michigan 

Rolls  out  its  silver  waves. 
And  great  Chicago  sends  her  fleets 

For  everything  but  slaves — 
From  where  the  bright  Fox  River 

Between  its  forests  shines. 
And  the  swarthy  laborers  gather 

Around  Galena's  mines. 

From  where  old  Mississippi 

Sweeps  downward  to  the  sea, 
By  his  young  cities  and  the  wilds 

Where  cities  are  to  be — 
From  the  distant  groves  of  Stephenson, 

And  the  harvest  fields  of  Kane, 
Where  their  leaders  have  the  same  true  hearts 

And  the  same  thrice  honored  name  A 

From  all  the  plains  between  them. 

Where  breathing  clouds  of  steam. 
The  Iron  Steed  bursts  airward, 

With  Freedom  in  its  scream. 
Where  brave  LaSalle  sits  watching 

With  honest  pride  and  joy, 
The  mighty  lakes  reach  down  and  clasp 

The  lovel.v  Illinois. 

i  Adams. 


CAMPAIGN  POETRY  5rt9 

To  where  Peoria  laves  her  feet 

Along  its  sleeping  strand, 
And  reaches  o'er  its  flood  to  grasp 

Old  Tazewell  by  the  hand. 
Freemen  of  the  Prairie  State! 

Your  brethren  near  and  far 
Have  girded  on  their  armor, 

And  are  marching  to  the  war. 

For  the  day — the  hour — is  chosen. 

And  the  battle  is  at  hand. 
Ho!  rush  into  the  swelling  ranks, 

Ye  saviors  of  the  land! 
And  when  the  fight  is  over. 

Let  every  sire  and  son 
Swell  the  glad  clamor  to  the  skies, 

That  tells  the  day  is  won. 


[Peoria  (111.)  Transcript,  October  30,  1858] 
RALLYING  SONG 

r«ne— "The  Marsellaise  Hymn." 

Hurrah!  Hurrah!!  from  hill  and  valley, 

Hurrah!  from  prairie  wide  and  free,  . 

Around  our  glorious  leader  rally —  ; 

"For  Lincoln  and  for  Liberty!"  i 

Let  him  who  by  our  cause  defending,  ' 

Gains  everywhere  a  noble  fame, 

Now  save  our  state  from  endless  shame  j 

Which  Douglas  o'er  her  soil  is  spreading.  i 

Our  standard  bearer  then. 

The  brave  old  LINCOLN  be,  : 

Free  Speech!  free  press!!  free  soil!!! 
and  free  Men — 
LINCOLN  AND  VICTORY 

Shades  of  the  great  and  good  departed, 

Be  ye  the  judges  of  our  cause ;  ' 

Ne'er  from  the  dream  of  peace  we  started  ! 

Till  Douglas'  hand  defaced  our  laws.  ! 

'Twas  he  revoked  the  sworn  agreement  j 

Enslaving  lands  made  free  before —  j 

Now  let  us  all  to  battle  pour 
Beneath  old  Abram's  guiding  hand. 

Our  standard  &c.  I 


670  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Daily  Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  September  20,  1858] 
EQUALIZE  THE  NATIONS 

To  be  sung  at  the  close  of  every  speech  delivered  by  Abe  Lincoln  during  the  present  campaign 

^ir— "Black  Bird." 

Come,  equalize  the  nations,  Abe  Lincoln  does  proclaim; 
Let  Cuffee  have  the  freedom  the  white  man  has  attained ; 
Our  platform's  broad  and  ample,  the  noblest  and  the  best — . 
It  extends  from  north  to  south,  from  the  east  unto  the  west. 

Come,  equalize  the  nations — our  party  will  be  great! — 
Let  Cuffee  have  the  privilege  with  us  to  'malgamate; 
We  have  damsels  white  as  liUies,  whom  we  can  sacrifice, 
And  raise  motley  plants,  that  wUl  the  world  surprise. 

Come,  equalize  the  nations,  ere  a  century  shall  come, 
We'll  rule  this  mighty  nation  with  a  Mustee  or  quadroon; 
Then  that  harmony  and  union  will  reign  throughout  the  land, 
That  has  long  been  advocated  by  the  black  republican. 

Come,  equaUze  the  nations,  let  Cuffee  have  a  voice; 

Extend  the  elective  franchise — our  party  will  rejoice; — 

Loud  huzzas  will  then  arise,  over  hill  and  dale  and  plain, 

While  triumphantly  we'll  conquer  with  our  dark  and  motley  train. 

Come,  equalize  the  nations,  says  Lincoln  and  Lovejoy, 
And  the  Democratic  party  we  surely  can  destroy. 
And  hurl  each  man  from  power  who  will  not  with  us  come — 
Thus  sink  his  name  forever  in  dark  oblivion. 

Then  equalize  the  nations,  throughout  Columbia's  land — 
Let  the  negroes  and  whites  on  an  equal  footing  stand; 
Let  all  enjoy  that  freedom  so  noble  and  divine, 
And  we'll  ever  prove  triumphant  throughout  aU  coming  time. 

Frankfort  Bard. 

.     [Chicago  Daily  Democrat,  September  22,  1858] 
LINCOLN  AND  DOUGLAS 

Written  on  Reading  Their  Speeches,  by  James  Lewis,  op  Lewisburg,  Pa. 
In  Lincoln's  hand  see  Freedom's  torch  of  light. 
Flashing  its  radiance  o'er  "Egyptian"  night; 
While  Uttle  Douglas  on  his  tip-toe  stands. 
And  holds  th'  extinguisher  in  both  his  hands. 
Too  short  to  reach,  he  tries  with  many  a  groan, 
To  quench  the  light  with  his  dark,  hollow  cone,^ 
By  that  o'd  tinker,  Roger  Taney,  made 
For  James  Buchanan  in  the  way  of  trade. 


I 

CAMPAIGN  POETRY                                       571  ' 

'Tis  label'd  "Law  decision,"  in  the  ease  '. 

Of  one  Dred  Scott,  whose  long-time  dwelHng  place 

Was  on  free  soil,  by  his  own  master's  act — 

He  claimed  his  freedom  by  that  very  fact — 

All  former  precedents  sustain  his  plea; 

In  law,  and  right,  poor  old  Dred  Scott  was  free  , 

But  Roger  Taney  had  a  job  to  do. 

Old  patterns  failing,  he  began  anew. 

And  showed  the  Constitution  as  the  source  I 

Of  that  mild  law,  whose  essence  is  brute  force,  i 

Which  in  barbarian  Africa  begun,  | 

And  having  stol'n  the  sire,  enslaves  the  son.  j 

This  law,  says  Taney,  its  firm  grapple  holds,  ' 

Where'er  our  flag  displays  its  shining  folds;  i 

The  greatest  boon  our  Constitution  yields, 

Is  chattel  slaves  to  till  our  fertile  lands 

When  our  flag  floats  in  conquest,  anywhere,  | 

Champions  our  Freedom !  bring  your  niggers  there,  j 

And  buy,  and  sell,  and  discipline,  and  feed,  j 

And  try  by  all  means  to  improve  the  breed.  ' 

The  Constitution,  in  its  power  of  might, 

To  hold  a  nigger  guarantees  your  right.  I 

Th'  extinguisher  thus  made  by  Taney's  hands,  j 

As  said  before,  there  little  Douglas  stands,  ! 

And  tries,  as  sailors  say,  to  "douse  the  glim,"  J 

But  hitherto  results  are  rather  slim,  ; 

His  fingers  burn,  his  very  whiskers  scorch,  t 

And  e'en  his  balls  blench  at  Freedom's  torch.  ' 

RALLYINCi  SONG 


The  six  years'  race  is  to  be  run, 

In  a  few  days,  a  few  days ; 
By  Slavery's  hack  it  can't  be  won. 

Oh!  take  "Dug"  home. 
"Little  Dug"  was  hurt  on  Slavery's  track, 

In  his  late  days,  his  late  days! 
For  Slavery's  load  had  strained  his  back. 

Oh!  take  him  home! 


CHAPTER  XVII 

MRS.  STEPHEN  A.    DOUGLAS 

[Mr.  Horace  White  in  Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  permission  of  D.  Apple- 
ton  &  Co.] 

At  Havana  I  saw  Mrs.  Douglas  (nee  Cutts)  standing  with  a  group  of 
ladies  a  short  distance  from  the  platform  on  which  her  husband  was 
speaking,  and  I  thought  I  had  never  seen  a  more  queenly  face  and 
figure.  I  saw  her  frequently  afterward  in  this  campaign,  but  never 
personally  met  her  until  many  years  later,  when  she  had  become  the 
wife  of  General  Williams  of  the  regular  army,  and  the  mother  of  chil- 
dren who  promised  to  be  as  beautiful  as  herself.  There  is  no  doubt  in 
my  mind  that  this  attractive  presence  was  very  helpful  to  Judge  Doug- 
las in  the  campaign.  It  is  certain  that  the  Republicans  considered  her 
a  dangerous  element. 

{Missouri  Democrat,  St.  Louis,  September  9,  1858] 

Mrs.  Judge  Douglas. — The  wife  of  Judge  Douglas  was  a  visitor 
at  the  Fair  Grounds  yesterday,  and  received  a  good  deal  of  attention. 
She  is  a  lady  of  handsome  personal  appearance  and  possessed  of  a 
graceful  carriage  and  easy  manners.  We  understand  that  Judge 
Douglas  is  in  town  and  will  visit  the  Fair  Grounds  today,  previous  to 
speaking  at  Belleville. 

[Springfield,  111.,  correspondence  Missouri  Democrat,  St.  Louis,  September 

30,   1858] 

His  [Douglas]  distinguished  lady,  who  is  such  a  potent  auxiliary  of 
his  in  this  canvass,  comes  on  a  mission  to  Jacksonville  in  the  course  of 
a  few  days.  She  will  stay  there  for  some  time  and  will,  doubtless,  win 
him  scores  of  votes 


573 


CHPTER  XVIII 

TRIBUTES  TO   DOUGLAS 

[Boston  (Mass.)  Courier,  November  6,  1858] 

The  Buffalo  Register  and  Times,  now  a  supporter  of  the  National 
administration  but  until  recently  in  the  Fillmore  Whig  interest,  placed 
at  the  head  of  its  columns  in  its  issue  of  Thursday  the  following: 

For  President  in  1860. 

STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS 

Of  Illinois 

[The  Press,  Philadelphia,  November  6,  1858] 

A  National  Salute  of  Two  Hundred  Guns 

Will  be  fired  this  (Saturday)  morning,  at  12  o'clock,  in  honor  of  the 
recent  victory  of  the  principle  of  Popular  Sovereignty,  and  especially 
in  honor  of  the  brilliant  triumph  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois, 
over  an  Administration  of  the  General  Government  which  has  basely 
deserted  the  principles  upon  which  it  was  elevated  to  power. 

[Chicago  Times,  November  7,  1858] 

DOUGLAS  FOR  PRESIDENT 

The  Buffalo  Republic  and  Times,  a  very  able  and  extensively  circu- 
lated paper  rejoices  over  the  success  of  the  Illinois  Democracy,  and 
raises  to  its  column-head  the  name  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  declaring 
for  an  incomparable  statesman  for  the  Presidency  in  1860. 

[Daily  Chicago  Times,  November  9,  1858] 

DEMOCRATIC 

GRAND  DEMONSTRATION 

There  will  be  a  grand  celebration  of  the  recent  Democratic  victory 

by  the* 
DEMOCRACY  OF  CHICAGO 
on  Wednesday  evening,  Nov.   17,  including  a  grand 
TORCH  LIGHT  PROCESSION 
Democrats  in  the  adjoining  counties  are  cordially  invited  to  be 
present  and  take  part.    The  different  railroads  leading  to  the  city  '*fill 
issue  half-fare  tickets  for  the  occasion. 

Exchanges  through  the  State  will  please  copy. 

575 


576  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[The  Press,  Philadelphia,  November  4,  1858] 

THE  LATEST  BUT  NOT  THE  LAST  LESSON 

Our  latest  dispatches  assure  us  that  Stephen  A.  Douglas  has 
triumphed  in  Illinois.  Never  since  the  beginning  of  this  Government 
has  any  political  contest  excited  so  much  the  public  expectation  and 
solicitude  as  that  which  was  decided  in  Illinois  on  Tuesday  last*  and 
this  not  merely  because  of  the  principles  involved,  but  because  of 
the  characters  immediately  interested.  The  spectacle  of  the  entire 
Administration  of  the  Federal  Government  with  its  vast  patronage  of 
a  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  with  its  army  of  mercenaries  and  expec- 
tants, organized  and  rallied  against  one  individual,  standing  by  the 
principles  of  the  Constitution  and  the  principles  and  pledges  of  the 
Democratic  party,  was  well  calculated  to  arouse  the  profoundest  feel- 
ings of  men  of  all  parties  and  in  all  sections  of  the  Union It 

has  fallen  to  his  [Douglas's]  lot  to  take  part  in  more  exciting  canvasses 
than  any  public  man  of  our  day.  He  it  was  who  fought  for  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  in  1838  and  in  '40;  in  '44,  when  the  annexation  of  Texas 
was  in  issue;  in  '46,  when  the  Mexican  war  loomed  upon  the  horizon; 
in  1848,  when  General  Cass  was  the  Democratic  candidate;  in  1850, 
when  the  Compromise  measures  became  the  olive  branch  of  peace  to 
the  whole  Union,  and  yet  no  message  of  peace  to  him,  (for  he  was 
compelled  to  return  to  his  own  home  and  contend  for  those  measures 
in  the  face  of  an  infuriated  multitude) ;  in  1852,  as  the  advocate  of 
President  Pierce;  in  1854,  when  he  applied  the  doctrine  of  Popular 
Sovereignty,  asserted  in  the  Compromise  measures;  and  finally  in 
1856,  as  the  heroic  defender  of  this  same  glorious  doctrine.  And  now, 
after  all  these  struggles,  with  a  career  of  unbroken  consistency,  with- 
out a  blot  upon  his  political  record,  even  when  his  adversaries  are  com- 
pelled to  stand  forward  and  pay  tribute  to  his  courage  and  to  his  char- 
acter, he  has  made  an  appeal  to  his  own  people  at  his  own  home,  and 
he  has  been  sustained. 

[New  York  Herald,  November  5,  1858] 

THE  ILLINOIS  ELECTION 


Triumph  of  Doug-las 

This  is  by  far  the  most  remarkable  incident  of  the  political  canvass, 
— and  is  one  of  the  most  wonderful  personal  victories  ever  achieved  by 
a  public  man.    Mr.  Douglas  went  home  from  Washington  a  proscribed 


I 


g^I^ 


THE  DOUGLAS  MAUSOLEmi,  CHICAGO 


TRIBUTES  TO  DOUGLAS  577 

Democrat.    He  had  rebelled  against  the  President — the  official  head 
of  the  Democrat  party.    He  refused  to  obey  his  dictation,  and^made 
open  warfare  upon  his  measures.    He  was  denounced  by  the  Execu- 
tive organs  as  a  deserter — as  a  traitor  to  the  party — and^as  one  with 
whom  no  Democrat  could  hold  any  terms  of  political  friendship  with- 
out forfeiting  his  position  as  a  party  man.    When  he  went  to  his  own 
State,  to  appeal  to  the  people,  he  was  met  by  the  direct  and  vigorous 
hostility  of  the  administration.    His  friends  were  removed  from  office, 
— the  whole  patronage  of  the  Government  was  brought  to  bear  against 
him,  and  his  contest  for  reelection  seemed  to  be  the  desperate  stniggle 
of  a  forlorn  hope.    At  the  outset  it  was  supposed  that  unless  the  Re- 
publicans should  come  to  his  rescue,  he  had  no  chance  whatever  of 
sustaining  himself.     There  were  some  among  the  Republicans  who 
policy  as  well  as  justice  required  them  to  aid  in  securing  his  return  to 
the  Senate.    If  their  counsels  had  prevailed,  Mr.  Douglas  would  have 
been  so  seriously  compromised  with  his  own  party,  through  his  co-op- 
eration with  the  Republicans  that  he  could  scarcely  have  hoped  for 
speedy  recognition  by  the  Democrats  of  the  South.    Fortunately  for 
him  the  Republicans  had  other  schemes  and  interests.    They  could 
not  resist  the  temptation  which  this  division  among  their  opponents 
seemed  to  offer  to  place  one  of  their  own  party,  instead  of  Mr.  Douglas 
in  the  Senate.     Mr.  Douglas,  was,  therefore,  compelled  to  fight  the 
whole  Republican  party  with  such  a  portion  of  the  Democracy  as  he 
could  rescue  from  the  influence  of  the  Administration.     A  more  un- 
equal contest  could  not  well  be  imagined,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to 
say  there  is  no  other  public  man  in  the  country  who  could  have  carried 
it  through  with  so  much  vigor  and  courage,  or  could  possibly  have 
achieved  so  brilliant  a  success.     He  has  stumped  the  State  thoroughly^ 
meeting  the  two  Republican  leaders,   Trumbull  and  Lincoln,  both 
men  of  rare  ability,   at  every  point,  and  maintaining  his  position, 
against  the  Republicans  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Administration  on 
the  other,  with  the  greatest  firmness  and  self-reliance. 

[Indiana  Journal,  Indianapolis,  November  5,  1858] 

ILLINOIS 

The  news  by  telegraph  yesterday  afternoon  settles  the  case  of  Illi- 
nois as  we  expected Douglas  has  won  and  we  must  say  he  has 

made  a  gallant  fight.    Such  a  political  contest  was  never  before  wit- 
nessed in  the  United  States.    His  opponent  was  an  able  man,  in  close 


578  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

logical  argument,  superior  to  Douglas  himself,  honest,  tried,  and  true, 
and  he  fought  every  inch  of  the  state  with  earnest  and  constant  effort. 
But  Douglas  had  to  fight  the  administration,  whose  tools  in  Chicago 

were  furious,  able,  and  well  provided  with  means Buchanan 

is  nowhere.  So  absolute  an  extinction  was  never  witnessed  since 
Aaron  Burr  shot  Hamilton  and  then  killed  himself In  the  dis- 
appointment of  Lincoln's  defeat,  we  feel  a  consolation  that  almost 
compensates  us  for  it  in  the  death  and  burial  of  Mr.  Buchanan. 

[Federal  Union,  Georgia,  September  7,  1858] 

Senator  Douglas  and  his  apologists  North  and  South  may  endeavor 
to  change  the  issue  to  a  personal  contest  between  himself  and  Abe 
Lincoln  for  a  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate.  The  Democracy  of  the 
South  cannot  be  gulled  by  such  a  deception  ....  and  the  true  men 
of  the  country  will  refuse  to  take  either  Mr.  Douglas  or  Mr.  Lincoln. 

[National  Anti-Slavery  Standard,  New  York,  November  13,  1858] 

Mr.  Seward  and  Judge  Douglas  have  respectively  won  their  spurs 
against  the  great  tournament  of  1860,  when  they  will  encounter  each 
other  in  the  lists  to  decide  which  shall  be  the  chief  of  the  Republic  for 
the  next  four  years. 

[Evening  Post,  New  York,  November  5,  1858] 

THE  ILLINOIS  ELECTIONS 

The  success  of  Douglas  in  the  Illinois  elections  is  made  certain  by 
the  intelligence  of  this  morning.  He  goes  back  to  Washington  sure  of 
another  term  in  the  United  States  Senate.  He  goes  back  as  the  con- 
queror, to  look  down  upon  Mr.  Buchanan  and  his  friends  as  the  con- 
quered party;  goes  back  with  triumph  in  his  eyes,  to  meet  brows  low- 
ering with  disappointment  and  displeasure,  perhaps  with  the  eager 
desire  for  vengeance. 

We  may  expect,  therefore,  to  see  a  Douglas  party  immediately 
formed  in  all  the  states,  with  its  avowed  champions  and  recognized 
presses.  It  exists  already  in  an  embryo  state  at  the  South,  as  well  as 
the  North.  It  has  already  celebrated  the  success  of  its  favorite  by 
public  rejoicings,  under  the  very  windows  of  the  President  at  Wash- 
ington, greatly,  no  doubt,  to  the  disgust  of  its  principal  inmate. 


TRIBUTES  TO  DOUGLAS  579 

[Indiana  Sentinel,  Indianapolis,  November  9,  1858] 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORIES 

The  Washington  Star  expresses  the  opinion  that  the  Freeport  speech 
of  Senator  Douglas  created  a  discussion  which  probably  has  been  pro- 
ductive of  more  good  than  any  growing  out  of  the  campaign.  In  mere- 
ly explaining  the  present  state  of  slavery  in  the  Territory,  Judge  Doug- 
las touched  upon  a  point  upon  which  all  sections  of  the  country  are 
quick  to  take  up  arms.  Yet  there  are  some  claiming  to  be  Democrats 
and  state-rights  advocates,  who  saddled  Judge  Douglas's  statement 
upon  him  as  an  opinion  and  then  denounced  the  opinion  as  being  false 
in  principle  and  inexpedient  as  a  matter  of  Democracy.  The  Union, 
the  Charleston  Mercury,  the  Mobile  Register,  the  Columbus  (Ga.) 
Times,  the  Mississippian  and  one  or  two  others  have  denounced  Judge 
Douglas's  Freeport  speech,  notwithstanding  such  prominent  men  as 
Davis,  Orr,  Stephens  and  many  others  hold  views  identical. 

[Chicago  Daily  Democrat,  November  9,  1858] 

WILL  DOUGLAS  BE  ELECTED  UNITED  STATES 

SENATOR? 

This  question  is  frequently  asked  and  there  is  a  great  deal  of  specu- 
lation in  regard  to  it. 

We  should  have  to  go  down  in  to  OldKentucky  to  solve  this  prob- 
lem. Senator  Crittenden  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  defeating  Mr. 
Lincoln.  The  Seward  papers  in  New  York  and  other  places  may  have 
done  us  a  little  injury  upon  the  popular  vote;  but  the  loss  of  no  mem- 
ber of  the  Legislature  can  be  attributed  to  them.  It  was  in  the  Old 
Whig  and  American  portions  of  the  State ;  it  was  among  the  Fillmore- 
voters  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  slaughtered. 

The  Republican  people  had  made  Senator  Crittenden  much  stronger 
than  he  ever  was  before,  and  he  was  always  strong  among  the  emi- 
grants in  Illinois,  from  the  slave  states.  He  did  all  he  could  against. 
Lincoln. 

Thus  was  Lincoln  slain  in  Old  Kentucky. 

We  now  come  to  the  case  of  Judge  Douglas.  We  look  upon  him  as- 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  John  C.  Breckinridge,  Vice  President  of  the 
United  States.  He  alone  dismembered  the  Buchanan  party  in  this 
State,  and  left  it  almost  /ithout  a  semblance  of  existence.  Mr.  Breck- 
inridge wrote,  that  he  did  not  approve  of  the  course  of  Judge  Douglas 
last  winter.    This  gave  Douglas  stronger  foothold  with  the  National 


580  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS     . 

Democracy.  For  they  did  not  approve  of  the  course  of  Judge  Douglas 
but  Mr.  Breckinridge  told  that,  under  the  circumstances,  inasmuch  as 
a  National  Democracy  could  not  be  elected,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
National  Democracy  to  prevent  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln;  and  there 
was  no  way  to  do  this,  but  by  going  for  Judge  Douglas. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

TRIBUTES  TO  LINCOLN 

[Sandusky  (Ohio)  Commercial  Register,  November  9,  1858] 

LINCOLN  FOR  PEESIDENT 

We  are  indebted  to  a  friend  at  Mansfield  for  the  following  dispatch : 

Mansfield,  Nov.  5,  1858 
"  Editor  Sandusky  Register: — An  enthusiastic  meeting  is  in  progress  here 
tonight  in  favor  of  Lincoln  for  the  next  republican  candidate  for  President.  " 

Reporter 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  November  13,  1858] 

Lincoln  for  President. — The  Sandusky  (Ohio)  Register  announc- 
es the  nomination  of  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  for  the  next  President, 
by  an  enthusiastic  meeting  at  Mansfield  in  that  state. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  November  19,  1858] 

[From  the  New  York  Herald] 

Another  Presidential  Team. — The  following  ticket  has  just  been  brought 
out  at  Cincinnati:  For  President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  for  Vice- 
Pi'esident,  John  P.  Kennedy,  of  Maryland — with  a  platform  embracing  pro- 
tection to  American  industry,  the  improvement  of  western  rivers  and  harbors, 
and  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slaverj^  by  free  emigration  into  the  terri- 
tories. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  November  20,  1858] 

Mr.  Lincoln. — The  Springfield  correspondent  of  the  St.  Louis  Re- 
publican pays  the  following  compliment  to  this  gentleman: 

Mr.  Lincoln  takes  his  defeat  in  a  good-natured  way,  as  any  sensible  man 
would.  Although  differing,  as  we  do,  with  him  in  politics,  yet  we  have  ever 
regarded  him  as  an  honorable  gentleman.  As  a  man  he  is  unexceptionable. 
His  private  character  is  above  reproach.  That  he  is  a  man  of  talent  no  one 
will  deny.  He  fought  his  battle  gallantly  and  zealously,  but  met  with  a  fat« 
which,  doubtless,  he  foresaw  from  the  beginning. 

[Cincinnati  (Ohio)  Gazette,  November  6,  1858] 

THE  ILLINOIS  BATTLE 

The  Republicans  also,  while  regretting  the  defeat  of  Lincoln,  their 
gallant  leader,  will  find  consolation  in  the  fact  that,  after  all,  there  is  a 

581 


582  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

clear  majority  of  five  thousand  on  the  popular  vote  in  his  favor. — This 
affords  a  reasonable  ground  of  assurance  that  Illinois  will  vote  for  the 
next  Republican  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  If  a  man  of  the  North- 
west (which  now  seems  to  become  indispensable)  he  is  likely  to  c&Try 
the  State,  even  against  Douglas. 

[Daily  Herald,  Quincy,  111.,  November  15,  1858] 

[From  the  Peoria  Daily  Message] 

A  NOTCH  HIGHER 

Defeat  works  wonders  with  some  men.  It  has  made  a  hero  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  Two  or  three  Republican  journals  in  different  sections  of  the  Union 
are  beginning  to  talk  of  him  for  Vice  President,  with  Seward  for  President; 
and  a  Republican  meeting  just  held  in  Mansfield,  Ohio,  raises  him  a  notch 
higher,  by  announcing  him  as  its  candidate  for  President.  We  have  no  sort 
of  objection  to  this  sort  of  a  programme.  It  suits  us  as  well  that  both 
presidential  candidates  in  the  next  race  shall  be  selected  from  Illinois  as 
that  one  of  them  shall  come  from  here  and  the  other  from  some  other  State. 
Illinois  has  been  the  cynosure  of  all  eyes  in  the  late  senatorial  contest,  and 
we  are  quite  willing  it  should  hold  the  same  position  before  the  world  when 
the  next  President  comes  to  be  chosen.  Of  course,  our  side  will  win — that  is 
written  in  the  book  of  destiny;  but  then  the  honor  will  be  awarded  to  the 
"living  dog"  of  being  once  more  kicked  to  death  by  the  "dead  Hon." — 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  October  29,  1858] 
This  is  the  most  brilliant  and,  as  the  event  will  prove,  most  suc- 
cessful political  canvass  ever  made  in  the  country.  From  first  to  last 
he  [Lincoln]  has  preserved  his  well  earned  reputation  for  fairness  for 
honor  and  gentlemanly  courtesy  and  more  than  maintained  his  stand- 
ing as  a  sagacious  far  seeing  and  profound  statesman.  Scorning  the 
use  of  offensive  personalities  and  the  ordinary  tricks  of  the  stump,  his 
efforts  have  been  directed  solely  to  the  discussion  of  the  legitimate 
issues  of  the  campaign,  and  of  the  great  fundamental  principles  on 
which  our  government  is  based.  No  man  living  has  been  a  closer 
student  of  those  principles  than  Mr.  Lincoln  and  in  his  numerous 
speeches  throughout  the  state  he  has  brought  the  result  of  that  labor- 
ious study  and  the  convictions  of  his  matured  reason  and  sober  judg- 
ment before  the  people  with  an  ability  a  force  and  an  eloquence  rarely 
equalled  and  that  made  a  deep  and  ineradicable  impression  upon  all 
who  have  heard  him.  No  fact  has  been  more  apparent  in  the  canvass 
than  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  more  than  a  match  for  his  opponent.  In 
all  the  elements  of  statesmanship,  in  close  compact  logical  argument, 
in  gentlemanly  amenity,  in  control  of  his  temper  under  the  severest 
provocations,  in  an  unfailing  fund  of  good  nature — in  every  quality, 


■HH 


Commcmd  Eegialer 


Pablislied  Dailrs  Tri- Weekly  &  ly&ckly 

BY  HENRY  D.  COOKE  AND  C.  C.  BILL. 


SAIVPUSKY,  OHIO, 

SATURDAY  MORNING,  NOV.  6,  l«5a 


JLincolu  for  President. 

We  are  indebted  to  a  friend  at  Mansfield  lor 
the  followiug  epecial  diapatch  : 

«  Majcsfiild,  Nov.  5th,  1858. 

"  EmtOE  Sawa)DSky  Rkgisteb  :— An  enthusi- 
astic meeting  is  in  progress  here  to-night  in  fa- 
vor of  Lincoln  for  the  next  Republican  candi- 
date for  President.  Bbportsr." 


Tlie  Result  lu  nsiclilgaut 

We  ere  ashamed  of  the  work  of  the  Repub- 
licans of  Michigan,  and  we  believe  they  are  by 
this  time  asinmed  of  it  themselves  They 
were  able  to  have  done  better  than  they  did  at 
the  late  election.  They  lave  only  a  majority 
of  from  6,000  to  10,000  or*  the  State  ticket.— 
This  majority  should  have  bt^in  from  15,000  to 
20,000,  The  Republicaai  oi  Michigan,  had 
they  only  disregarded  the  storm  and  gone  to 
the  polls,  could  have  made  this  record  without 
doubt.  No  man,  who  calls  himself  a  freeman, 
should  let  any  cause  that  does  not  present  an 
insuperable  obstacle  deter  him  from  the  per- 
formance of  such  an  important  duty  as  voting, 
especially  when  issues  are  as  vital  as  those  la- 
ken  by  the  parties  on  Tuesday  last. 

The  conduct  of  Republicaus  in  the  1st  Con- 
gressional District  is  particularly  censurable. 
By  petty  dissensionb  they  fritted  away  their 
strength,  and  lost  to  the  Republican  forces  in 
Congress  one  of  their  strongest  coadjutors — 
Wm.  A.  Howard— giving  his  seat  to  a  man  en- 

LIXCJOLX  FOR  PRESIDENT 

This  is  probably  tlie  first  public  announcement  of  the  name  of  Lincoln  as 
in  1860. 


Tlie  Congrres 

In  the  elections  h 
Tuesday  last,  twenty 
ty-eight  Republican 
were  chosen.    The  r 
are  as  follows  : 

In  New  York,  the. 

four  members,  the  Ri 

carrying  the  the  otht 

subjoined  list : 

Democrats  in  shall  o 
*denot< 

Dist.  i 

1  Lather  C  Carter 

2  James  Hnmphrey 

3  D  E  8iCKLK8*(cont' 

4  Thomas  J  Babr 

5  Wm  B  Maclay* 

6  .lOHN  COCHBAKK* 

7  George  Briggs 

8  Horace  P  Clark* 

9  J  B  Haskin'^Cd'btfi 
10  Chas  H  Van  Wyck< 
U  El' Strong 

12  CLBeaie 

13  AbramBOlin*. 
U  John  H  Reynolds 

15  James  BMcKean 

16  G  W  Palmer* 

17  F  E  Spinner* 

The  New  York  Tit 
says  that  in  the  Thin 
reported  that  Sickles 
jority  over  Walbridgg 
Williamson,tbe  Union 
ed  by  Mr.  Williaraso 
plurality  of  votes  ove 
of  the  latterwill,  thei 

Massachusetts  retar 

can  delegation  as  folh 

Dists. 

1st.  Thomas  D.Ei 
3d.  James  Bj|fin( 
3d.  Ohailiii  F.  A 
4th.  Aiexanu'er  H. 
r>th.  Atitjou  Jiurlio 
6th.  John  B.  Allei 

a  candidate  for  the  presidency 


TRIBUTES  TO  LINCOLN  583 

in  short,  that  commends  itself  to  the  approbation  of  the  better  nature 
of  man,  on  every  occasion  he  has  loomed  above  Mr.  Douglas,  immeas- 
urably his  superior.  He  has  proved  himself  Mr.  Douglas'  superior 
in  another  respect  also.  He  can  do  more  work  and  bear  it  better. 
Strictly  correct  in  all  his  habits,  simple  and  abstemious  in  his  manner 
of  life,  he  has  gone  through  the  herculean  labor  of  the  canvass  without 
flagging  in  a  solitary  instance,  all  his  physical  powers  in  full  and  har- 
monious action,  his  voice  clear  and  ringing  and  in  all  respects  more 
fresh  and  vigorous  than  when  on  the  9th  of  July  he  made  his  first 
speech  from  the  balcony  of  the  Freemont  House.  Mr.  Lincoln's 
efforts  in  this  canvass  have  also  made  for  him  a  splendid  national 
reputation.  Identified  all  his  life  long  with  the  old  Whig  party, 
always  in  a  minorit}^  in  Illinois,  his  fine  abilities  and  attainments 
have  necessarily  been  confined  to  a  very  limited  sphere.  He  entered 
upon  the  canvass  with  a  reputation  confined  to  his  own  state.  He 
closes  it  with  his  name  a  household  word  wherever  the  principles  he 
holds  are  honored  and  with  the  respect  of  his  opponents  in  all  sections 
of  the  country.  If  it  should  turn  out  that,  by  fraud  on  the  part  of  his 
opponents  to  override  the  will  of  a  large  majority  of  the  bona  fide 
citizens  of  Illinois,  Mr.  Lincoln  shall  fail  of  an  election  to  the  Senate, 
his  fame  is  already  secure. 

[Rochester  (N.  Y.)  Democrat,  November  10,  1858] 

HON.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

The  Republican  press  of  Chicago  pays  an  appropriate  tribute  to  the 
Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  has  come  out  of  the  contest  with  Douglas 
with  distinguished  honors.  Although  under  the  finesse  of  Democratic 
legislation  his  antagonist  succeeds,  Mr.  Lincoln  has  now  a  reputation 
as  a  statesman  and  orator,  which  eclipses  that  of  Douglas  as  the  sun 
does  the  twinklers  of  the  sky.  The  speeches  made  during  the  Illinois 
campaign  have  been  read  with  great  interest  throughout  the  country 
and  the  able,  out-spoken  efforts  of  the  Republican  standard-bearer 
have  appeared  in  a  very  favorable  comparison  with  the  subtle  dupli- 
city of  his  plausible  adversary.  The  Republicans  of  the  Union  will 
rejoice  to  do  honor  to  the  distinguished  debater  of  Illinois. 

[Journal  and  Courier,  Lowell,  Mass.,  October  20,  1858] 

No  man  of  this  generation  has  grown  more  rapidly  before  the  coun- 
try than  Lincoln  in  this  canvass. 


584  ILLINOIS  HISTOHICAL  COLLECTIONS 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  November  12,  1858] 

By  his  course  in  the  last,  most  arduous  canvass,  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
won  golden  opinions  for  himself.  Not  only  among  his  friends  at 
home,  but  the  fame  of  his  prowess  has  gone  abroad,  and  all  over  the 
country  his  praises  are  on  the  lips  of  all  good  and  true  men.  He  has 
proved  himself  to  be  one  of  the  foremost  men  of  his  party.  His 
gallant  bearing  during  the  campaign,  his  eloquent  speeches  and  the 
national  and  patriotic  doctrines  which  they  inculcated,  have  not  only 
brought  him  prominently  forward  before  the  people  of  the  whole 
©ountry,  but  have  contributed  to  make  him  a  leader  among  leading 
men.  He  is  pointed  to  in  other  states,  not  only  as  an  unrivalled 
orator,  strong  in  debate,  keen  in  his  logic  and  wit,  with  admirable 
powers  of  statement,  and  a  fertility  of  resources  which  are  equal  to 
every  occasion;  but  his  truthfulness,  his  candor,  his  honesty  of  pur- 
pose, his  magnanimity  which  scorned  to  take  mean  advantages 
of  his  opponent,  his  unflinching  moral  courage  which  made  him  afraid 
to  misrepresent  the  opinions  of  an  adversary  or  to  quibble  in  regard 
to  his  own;  his  consistency,  which  was  dearer  to  him  than  success; 
and,  above  all,  his  genial  good  humor  during  the  whole  of  the  canvass 
— qualities  which  few  politicians  nowadays  display,  much  less  combine 
— have  stamped  his  as  a  statesman  whom  the  Republicans  throughout 
the  Union  may  be  proud  of.  It  is  true  that  Mr.  Douglas,  by  reason 
of  an  unjust  apportionment  law,  has  secured  the  Legislature,  and 
thus,  in  all  probability,  his  re-election;  but  the  estimation  in  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  stands  with  the  people  of  Illinois  is  indicated  by  the  fact, 
that  the  popular  majority  is  for  him.  Though  beaten,  he  retires  from 
this  canvass  with  the  proud  satisfaction  that  the  people  are  with  him. 
He  deserves,  if  he  has  not  achieved,  the  victory. 

[Illinois  State  Journal,  Springfield,  November  3,  1858] 

MR.  LINCOLN.- WHAT  IS  THOUGHT  OF  HIM  ABROAD 

In  the  last  number  of  the  Concord  (N.  H.)  Independent  Dejuocrat 
we  find  a  graphic  and  unbiased  resume  of  the  late  contest  in  this  state. 
We  extract  from  its  columns  the  follov/ing  handsome  compliment  to 
the  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln: 

As  an  outsider,  with  many  personal  sympathies  for  Douglas,  we  have  care- 
fully read  the  reports  of  the  speeches  of  these  chosen  champions  of  "  Douglas 
Democracy"  and  Republicanism.  And  we  are  compelled  to  the  conclusion 
that  in  Abraham  Lincoln,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  finds  his  equal  and  his  superior, 
as  a  skillful  debater  and  as  an  orator.     If  Douglas  has  fulfilled  the  expecta- 


TRIBUTES  TO  LINCOLN  585 

tions  of  his  friends  and  excited  their  enthusiasm,  Lincoln  has  excited  equal 
enthusiasm  among  the  RepubUcans  and  displayed  a  degree  of  abiUty  far  ex- 
ceeding the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  those  who  expected  most  of  him. 
His  meetings  have  everywhere  been  thronged  by  immense  audiences  whose 
enthusiasm  has  been  almost  unbounded.  From  being  regarded  as  he  was  at 
the  outset  of  the  campaign,  the  equal  of  Douglas  and  the  standard-bearer  of 
the  Republican  army,  he  is  now  looked  upon  as  the  "embodiment"  of  the 
whole  contest.  And  whatever  shall  be  the  result  of  the  election,  which  takes 
place  in  Illinois  next  Tuesday,  Abraham  Lincoln  will  emerge  from  the  smoke 
of  the  battle  covered  with  honors. 

[New  York  Tribune,  November  9,  1858] 

LINCOLN'S  SPEECHES 

Mr.  Lincoln's  campaign  speeches  were  of  a  very  high  order.  They 
were  pungent  without  bitterness  and  powerful  without  harshness.  .  . 
Throughout  the  weary  months  of  almost  daily  discussion  or  canvass- 
ing which  followed,  Mr.  Lincoln's  speeches  justified  the  confidence  and 
admiration  of  his  supporters.  The  Chicago  Times  made  its  worst 
mistake  in  endeavoring  to  disparage  these  speeches  and  representing 
their  author  as  unqualified  to  enter  lists  with  such  an  antagonist  as 
Douglas. 

[Chicago  Journal,  November  10,  1858] 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

Though  personally  defeated,  Mr.  Lincoln  nevertheless  has  the  con- 
sciousness of  having  done  all  in  his  power  for  the  success  of  Freedom 
in  Illinois,  for  which  cause  he  has  achieved  a  glorious  triumph.  No 
other  man  in  the  State  could  have  done  more  than  he  has  done — No 
other  man  was  better  fitted  to  represent  the  Republican  party  or  to 
fight  Douglas.  We  speak  but  the  general  sentiment  of  the  Republican 
party  when  we  say,  ''Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servant." 

"More  true  joy  Marcellus  exiled  feels. 
Than  Caesar  with  the  Senate  at  his  heels." 

[Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  November  10,  1858] 

Lincoln  has  fully  vindicated  the  partialities  of  his  friends  and  has 
richly  earned,  though  he  has  not  achieved,  success.  He  has  created 
for  himself  a  national  reputation  that  is  both  envied  and  deserved;  and 
though  he  should  hereafter  fill  no  official  station,  he  has  done  in  the 
cause  of  Truth  and  Justice  what  will  always  entitle  him  to  the  grati- 
tude of  his  party  and  to  the  admiration  of  all  who  respect  the  high 
moral  qualities  and  sound  intellectual  gifts  that  he  has.     No  man 


586  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

could  have  done  more.  His  speeches  will  become  landmarks  in  our 
political  history,  and  we  are  sure  that  when  the  public  mind  is  more 
fully  aroused  to  the  importance  of  the  themes  which  he  has  so  adm.ir- 
ably  discussed,  the  popular  verdict  will  place  him  a  long  way  in  ad- 
vance of  the  more  fortunate  champion  by  whom  he  has  been  over- 
thrown. The  Republicans  owe  him  much  for  his  truthfulness,  his 
courage,  his  self-command,  and  his  consistency;  but  the  weight  of  their 
debt  is  chiefly  in  this,  that  under  no  temptation,  no  apprehension  of 
defeat,  in  compliance  with  no  solicitation  has  he  let  down  our  standard 
in  the  least.  That  God  given  and  glorious  principle  which  is  the  head 
and  front  of  Republicanism,  "all  men  are  created  equal,  and  are 
entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, "  he  steadily 
upheld,  defended,  illustrated,  and  applied  in  every  speech  which  he 
has  made.  Men  of  his  own  faith  may  have  differed  with  him  when 
measures  only  were  discussed,  but  the  foundation  of  all — the  principle 
which  conprehends  all — he  has  fought  for  with  a  zeal  and  courage  that 
never  flagged  or  quailed.  In  that  was  the  pith  and  the  marrow  of 
the  contest.  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  Springfield  at  peace  with  himself  because 
he  has  been  true  to  his  convictions,  enjoying  the  confidence  and  un- 
feigned respect  of  his  peers,  is  more  to  be  envied  than  Mr.  Douglas 
in  the  Senate. 

[Chicago  Daily  Democrat,  November  11,  1858] 

During  the  whole  course  of  the  late  campaign,  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
exhibited  the  qualities,  not  only  of  an  able  statesman,  but  of  a  con- 
scientious man  and  a  perfect  gentleman.  Amid  all  the  heat  of  those 
memorable  discussions  with  his  opponent,  and  through  all  the  strife 
that  distinguished  them,  he  never  once  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to 
lower  the  standard  of  that  very  rare  avis  in  terra,  the  conscientious 
political  debater,  or  of  the  man  religiously  sincere  in  his  principles  and 
convictions.  Mr.  Douglas,  at  the  outset  of  the  campaign,  spoke  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  somewhat  disparagingly  as  "a  very  amiable  gentleman.  " 
He  certainly  has  proved  himself  to  be  such  and  although  Mr.  Douglas 
may  not  fully  appreciate  a  character  of  this  description,  yet  we  have 
no  doubt  the  people  of  the  state  of  Illinois  will  accord  to  Mr.  Lincoln 
in  his  defeat  such  a  measure  of  admiration  for  the  man  and  his  noble 
qualities  of  head  and  heart  as  to  render  that  defeat  almost  equal  to  the 
triumph  of  his  opponent.  No  man  can  deny  to  Abraham  Lincoln  the 
meed  of  honest  and  heartfelt  admiration.     Even  his  opponents  profess 


TRIBUTES  TO  LINCOLN  587 

to  love  the  man  though  they  hate  his  principles  and  condescendingly 
speak  of  sympathy  with  him  in  his  defeat.  We  have  no  doubt  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  fully  appreciates  those  professions.  He  values  them  for 
what  they  are  worth,  but  he  has  the  consolation — that  he  has  done  his 
duty,  his  whole  duty,  and  nothing  but  his  duty  to  his  party  and  to  his 
country,  in  upholding  and  defending  the  glorious  principles  of  the  one, 
which  he  knows  and  feels  to  be  those  upon  which  the  prosperity  and 
the  perpetuity  of  the  other  are  founded. 

That  Mr.  Lincoln  is  sincere  in  his  views  with  regard  to  the  great 
political  questions  of  the  day,  every  one  who  knows  the  man,  or  has 
heard  or  read  his  speeches,  must  be  persuaded.  Besides  being  power- 
ful specimens  of  logic  (and  they  are  so  considered  by  the  leading 
statesmen  and  journals  of  the  country)  these  speeches  are  stamped 
with  the  impress  of  a  sincerity  and  candor  which  appeals  at  once  to  the 
higher  and  nobler  faculties  of  the  mind,  and  wins  over  the  better  feel- 
ings and  affections  of  our  nature.  They  will  be  recognized  for  a  long 
time  to  come  as  standard  authorities  upon  those  topics  which  over- 
shadow all  others  in  the  political  world  of  our  day;  and  our  children 
will  read  them  and  appreciate  the  great  truths  which  they  so  forcibly 
inculcate  with  even  a  higher  appreciation  of  their  worth  than  their 
fathers  possessed  while  listening  to  them.  They,  in  fact,  are  in  ad- 
vance of  the  age  in  which  they  were  delivered  and  thus  contain  those 
elements  which  give  that  vitality  to  all  human  productions  which 
carries  them  beyond  the  present  and  makes  them  useful  and  beautiful 
in  the  future.  No  greater  compliment  can  be  paid  to  the  speeches 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  than  to  say  that  the  leading  ideas  of  them  have  been 
taken  up  and  adopted  by  Senator  Seward  of  New  York  in  his  speeches 
during  the  late  campaign  in  that  state,  out  of  which  the  Republicans 
have  just  issued  with  flying  colors,  having  achieved  one  of  the 
proudest  triumphs  ever  accorded  to  a  party  in  these  United  States. 

In  this  connection,  we  might  also  state  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  name  has 
been  used  by  newspapers  and  public  meetings  outside  the  state  in  con- 
nection with  the  Presidency  and  Vice  Presidency,  so  that  it  is  not  only 
in  his  own  state  that  Honest  old  Abe  is  respected  and  his  talents  and 
many  good  qualities  appreciated.  All  through  the  North  and  in  most 
of  the  border  states  he  is  looked  upon  as  an  able  statesman  and  most 
worthy  man,  fully  competent  to  fill  any  post  within  the  gift  of  the 
people  of  this  Union. 


588  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

We,  for  our  part,  consider  that  it  would  be  but  a  partial  appreciation 
of  his  services  to  our  noble  cause  that  our  next  state  Republican  Con- 
vention should  nominate  him  for  Governor  as  unanimously  and  en- 
thusiastically as  it  did  for  Senator and  this  state  should  also 

present  his  name  to  the  National  Republican  Convention,  first  for 
President,  and  next  for  Vice  President.  We  should  show  to  the 
United  States  at  large  that  in  our  opinion,  the  Great  Man  of  Illinois 
is  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  none  other  because  of  the  services  he  has 
rendered  to  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty  and  humanity. 

[Chicago  Times,  November  9,  1858] 

PUBLIC  OPINION  UPON  THE  ILLINOIS  ELECTION 

(From  the  Buffalo  Courier] 

The  canvass  was  continued  with  sole  reference  to  the  respective  claims  of 
Douglas  and  Lincoln  to  represent  the  people  at  Washington  in  that  exalted 
position.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  chosen  standard-bearer  of  the  opposition,  in 
view  of  the  possession  of  a  combination  of  rare  qualifications  alike  for  the  office 
and  his  achieving  the  success  by  which  it  was  to  be  secured.  He  is  a  man  of 
fine  abilities,  of  pure  character,  and  of  vast  popularity  with  men  of  all  classes 
and  politics.  Although  as  a  legislator  and  statesman  Judge  Douglas  enjoys 
an  advantage  of  a  larger  experience  and  greater  familiarity  with  affairs,  there 
is  abundant  evidence  to  prove  that  a  choice  of  the  people  between  these  two 
competitors  was  decided  solely  in  reference  to  the  principles  they  respectively 
professed,  and  that  the  verdict  was  accorded  to  the  superiority  of  national 
Democratic  sentiments  over  sectional  Republican  views. 

[Illinois  State  Register,  December  1,  1858] 

A  SETTLER  FOR  SEWARD 


If  Illinois  republican  journals  are  to  be  taken  as  an  index,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln is  to  be  made  a  presidential  candidate  upon  the  creed  which  he 

enunciated  here  in  his  June  convention  speech Whether  this 

extreme  ground  will  be  adopted  by  the  republicans  generally,  in  a 
party  platform,  is  matter  of  doubt.  The  resistance  to  it  by  a  large 
number  of  their  leading  journals,  in  their  commentary  upon  Seward's 
speech,  is  indicative  of  a  warm  contest  over  it.  It  will  be  the  "rug- 
ged issue"  against  a  hypocritical  conservatism — the  open  advocacy 
of  a  policy  which  is  the  ground-work  of  their  common  effort,  or  a- 
time-serving  evasion  of  true  republican  designs,  for  power  and  the 
spoils  thereof.  If  this  contest  does  not  result  in  their  party  disinte- 
gration, it  will,  at  least,  plainly  develop,  in  its  controversies,  to  the 


THE  LINCOLN  MAUSOLEUM,  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS 


TRIBUTES  TO  LINCOLN  589 

people  of  the  country,  the  "true  intent  and  meaning"  of  republican- 
ism, and  incur  for  it  that  odium  which  it  justly  deserves. 

The  Democracy  have  only  to  unite  their  forces  upon  their  old  plat- 
form of  principle,  maintain  the  rights  of  the  states  under  the  consti- 
tution, and  the  presidential  result  will  be  "a  settler  to  Seward," 
Lincoln  and  all  their  fellow  aspirants  for  presidential  honors  upon  a 
sectional,  unconstitutional  platform. 


CHAPTER  XX 

EDITIONS  OF  THE  DEBATES 

The  Campaign  in  Illinois.  Last  Joint  Debate.  Douglas  and  Lincoln 
at  Alton,  Illinois.  (From  the  Chicago  Times,  October  17,  1858.) 
Washington:  Lemuel  Towers,   1858. 

The  Introduction  to  this  pamphlet  contains  uncompli- 
mentary references  to  Lincoln  and  the  value  of  his  argu- 
ments. It  may  be  the  ' 'document"  referred  to  in  the 
following,  although  there  is  a  discrepancy  in  the  dates : 

[Galesburg  (111.)  Democrat,  October  13, 
Douglas  has  put  out  a  lying  document  composed  of  extracts  from 
the  speeches  of  Lincoln  &  Douglas  at  the  joint  debates.  The  extracts 
from  Lincoln's  speeches  are  all  emasculated  and  perverted  just  as 
his  speech  here  was.  They  have  been  secretly  scattered  by  the 
thousands  in  Fulton  &  Tazewell  co's  as  we  know,  and  they  are  proba- 
bly distributed  throughout  the  State,  excepting  in  such  places  as 
Chicago,  where  the  fraud  would  recoil  upon  their  heads  too  quickly. 
What  language  can  portray  the  depravity  of  the  man  who  will  resort 
to  means  so  base  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  end. 

Lincoln's  speeches  in  the  Debates  made  him  the  spokes- 
man of  Republican  principles  in  the  West  and  the  rival  of 
Seward  in  that  position  among  the  Eastern  states.  They 
formulated  the  arguments  used  in  the  gubernatorial  elec- 
tion in  Ohio  in  1859;  and,  immediately  after  the  election. 
Governor-elect  Dennison  and  various  Republican  officials 
of  the  state  wrote  to  Lincoln  for  official  copies  of  the 
Debates  in  order  to  publish  them  as  a  hand-book  for  the 
approaching  presidential  election.  In  response  to  this 
request,  Lincoln  forwarded  copies  of  the  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribu7ie,  from  which  his  speeches  could  be  set  up,  and  the 
Chicago  Times,  from  which  the  speeches  of  Douglas  could 
be  taken.     In  an  accompanying  letter  Lincoln  said:  'The 

591 


592  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

copies  I  send  you  are  as  reported  and  printed  by  the  re- 
spective friends  of  Senator  Douglas  and  myself  at  the 
time — that  is,  by  his  friends  and  mine  at  the  time.  It 
would  be  an  unwarranted  liberty  for  us  to  change  a  word 
or  letter  in  his,  and  the  changes  I  have  made  in  mine, 
you  perceive,  are  verbal  only,  and  very  few  in  number. 
I  wish  the  reprint  to  be  precisely  as  the  copies  I  send, 
without  any  comment  whatever.  "^  The  first  official 
edition  of  the  debates  is  listed : 

Political  Debates  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas.     8vo,  pp.  268,  cloth. 
Columbus,  Ohio:     Foster,  Follett  &  Co.,  1860. 

Of  the  many  issues  of  this  edition,  a  dealer^  says:  "Of 
the  so-called  first  editions,  there  seem  to  be  at  least  four 
different  issues.  I  have  four  before  me  as  I  write.  What 
is  considered  the  first  issue  contains  no  advertisements. 
The  second  issue  has  three  pages  of  advertisements  fol- 
lowing the  title-page  with  the  statement  that  15,000 
copies  have  already  been  sold.  The  third  issue  has  one 
page  of  advertisements  and  three  pages  of  correspondence 
preceding  the  title-page,  with  the  announcement  that 
30,000  copies  have  been  sold;  and  the  correspondence 
includes  a  letter  from  Douglas  complaining  of  alleged 
corrections  in  former  issues  together  with  the  publishers' 
rejoinder.  There  are  differences  even  in  the  so-called 
first  issue.  In  one  the  copyright  notice  is  on  the  page 
following  the  title,  with  the  table  of  contents  on  the  next 
page,  while  Lincoln's  speech  of  June  17,  1858,  begins  on 
the  second  page  following.  In  another  issue,  the  table 
of  contents  and  copyright  notice  are  on  the  page  following 
the  title  and  the  next  two  pages  are  taken  up  with  the  cor- 
respondence between  Lincoln  and  the  Central  Executive 
Committee  relating  to  the  publication  of  the  Debates. 

^Nlcolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln's  Works,  I,  596. 
^Daniel  H.  Newhall,  59  Maiden  Lane,  New  York. 


EDITIONS  OF  THE  DEBATES  593 

The  first  speech  begins  on  the  next  page."     The  protest 
of  Douglas  mentioned  above  is  as  follows: 

Washington,  June  9,   1860 

"  Gentlemen :  I  have  received  by  the  express  one  dozen  copies  of 
your  publication  of  the  joint  debates  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself 
in  1858,  sent  by  order  of  Mr.  Cox,  who  will  pay  you  the  amount  of 
your  bill.  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  protest  against  the  unfairness  of  this 
publication,  and  especially  against  the  alterations  and  mutilations 
in  the  reports,  as  published  in  the  Chicago  Times,  although  intended 
to  be  fair  and  just,  were  necessaril}^  imperfect,  and  in  some  respects 
erroneous.  The  speeches  were  all  delivered  in  the  open  air,  to  im- 
mense crowds  of  people,  and  in  some  instances  in  stormy  and  boister- 
ous weather,  when  it  was  impossible  for  the  reporters  to  hear  distinctly 
and  report  literally.  The  reports  of  my  speeches  were  not  submitted 
to  me  or  any  friend  of  mine  for  inspection  or  correction  before  publi- 
cation; nor  did  I  have  the  opportunity  of  reading  more  than  one  or 
two  of  them  afterwards,  until  the  election  was  over,  when  all  interest 
in  the  subject  had  passed  away. 

In  short,  I  regard  your  publication  as  partial  and  unfair,  and 
designed  to  do  me  injustice,  by  placing  me  in  a  false  position.  I  saw 
in  the  preface  to  the  first  edition  of  your  publication  which  is  omitted 
in  the  copy  sent  to  me,  a  correspondence  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the 
Ohio  republican  committee,  from  which  it  appears  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
furnished  his  speeches  and  mine  for  publication — his  in  the  revised 
and  corrected  form,  and  mine  as  they  came  from  the  hand  of  the  re- 
porter, without  revision.  Being  thus  notified  that  his  speeches  had 
been  revised  and  corrected,  this  fact  ought  to  have  reminded  you 
that  common  fairness  and  justice  required  that  I  should  have  an 
opportunity  of  revising  and  correcting  mine.  But  to  deny  me  that 
privilege,  and  then  to  change  and  mutilate  the  reports  as  they  ap- 
peared in  the  newspaper  from  which  they  were  taken  is  an  act  of 
injustice  against  which  I  must  be  permitted  to  enter  my  protest. 
In  order  that  the  injustice  which  you  have  done  me  may  be  in  some 
degree  diminished,  I  respectfully  request  that  this  letter,  together 
with  the  correspondence  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  committee, 
which  led  to  the  publication  may  be  inserted  as  a  preface  to  all 
future  editions  of  these  debates. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  A.  Douglas 

Messrs.  Follett,  Foster  &  Co.,  Columbus,  Ohio 


594  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

To  the  above  the  publishers  repHed  June  16,  1860; 

"The  speeches  of  Mr.  Lincoln  were  never  'revised,  corrected,  or 
improved '  in  the  sense  you  use  those  words.  Remarks  by  the  crowd 
which  were  not  responded  to,  and  the  reporters'  insertions  of  '  cheers, ' 
'  great  applause, '  and  so  forth,  which  received  no  answer  or  comment 
from  the  speaker,  were  by  your  direction  omitted,  as  well  from  Mr. 
Lincoln's  speeches  as  yours,  as  we  thought  their  perpetuation  in  book 
form  would  be  in  bad  taste,  and  were  in  no  manner  pertinent  to,  or  a 
part  of,  the  speech. " 

The  careful  comparison  with  the  originals,  which  has 
been  made  in  the  present  edition,  bears  out  this  state- 
ment. Douglas's  speeches  were  taken  from  the  Chicago 
Times,  his  official  organ,  and  those  of  Lincoln  from  the 
Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  the  principal  Republican  news- 
paper, for  the  1860  edition.  The  chief  variations  are  a 
few  unimportant  verbal  changes,  and  the  omission  of  the 
numerous  interruptions  due  to  the  restlessness  of  the 
crowd  and  the  frequent  shouts  of  the  partisans. 

There  is  strong  evidence  that  neither  of  the  speakers 
edited  his  manuscript  prior  to  being  printed  in  the  news- 
papers at  the  time  the  debates  were  held.  One  of  the 
official  editorial  writers^  testifies  as  follows: 

"The  volume  containing  the  debates,  published  in  1860  by  Follett, 
Foster  &  Co.,  of  Columbus,  Ohio,  presents  Mr.  Lincoln's  speeches  as 
they  appeared  in  the  Chicago  Tribune,  and  Mr.  Douglas's  as  they 
appeared  in  the  Chicago  Times.  Of  course,  the  speeches  of  both  were 
published  simultaneously  in  both  papers.  The  Chicago  Times'  reports 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  speeches  were  not  at  all  satisfactory  to  Mr.  Lincoln's 
friends,  and  this  led  to  a  charge  that  they  were  purposely  mutilated 
in  order  to  give  his  competitor  a  more  scholarly  appearance  before  the 
public — a  charge  indignantly  denied  by  Sheridan  and  Binmore.  There 
was  really  no  foundation  for  this  charge.  Of  course,  Sheridan  and 
Binmore  took  more  pains  with  Mr.  Douglas's  speeches  than  with  those 
of  his  opponent.     That  was  their  business.     It  was  what  they  were 

'■Mr.  Horace  White  in  Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co. 


EDITIONS  OF  THE  DEBATES  595 

paid  for,  and  what  they  were  expected  to  do.  The  debates  were  all 
held  in  the  open  air,  on  rude  platforms  hastily  put  together,  shaky,  and 
overcrowded  with  people.  The  reporters'  tables  were  liable  to  be 
jostled  and  their  manuscript  agitated  by  the  wind.  Some  gaps  were 
certain  to  occur  in  the  reporters'  notes  and  these,  when  occuring  iri 
Mr.  Douglas's  speeches,  would  certainly  be  straightened  out  by  his 
own  reporters,  who  would  feel  no  such  responsibility  for  the  rough 
places  in  Mr.  Lincoln's. " 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  pres.  U.  S.,  1809-1865.  Political  Debates  between  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  the  celebrated  Campaign  of  1858 
in  Illinois;  including  the  preceding  speeches  of  each  at  Chicago,  Spring- 
field, etc.  Also  the  two  great  speeches  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  Ohia  in 
1859.  Cleveland,  O. :  The  Burrows  Brothers  Co.,  1894.  8vo,  pp.  316. 
Reprint  at  the  University  Press,  Cambridge,  of  which  750  numbered 
copies  were  issued. 

Political  Speeches  and  Debates  of  Abraham   Lincoln  and  Stephen  A. 

Dou^Zas,  1854-1861.  Edited  by  Alonzo  T.  Jones.  Battle  Creek,  Mich. : 
International  Tract  Society,  1895.    8vo,  pp.  viii  +  555,  plates,  ports. 

Political  Debates  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in 

the  Celebrated  Campaign  of  1858  in  Illinois;  including  the  preceding 
speeches  of  each  at  Chicago,  Springfield,  etc.  Cleveland,  0. :  O.  S.  Hub- 
bell  &  Co.,  1895.     4to,  pp.  vi  +  415. 

■ The  First  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debate  at  Ottawa,  III.,  August  21,  1858. 

Boston:  Pubhshed  by  the  Directors  of  the  Old  South  Work,  1897. 
12mo,  pp.  32.    (Old  South  Leaflets,  General  Ser.,  Vol.  4,  No.  85) 

-Speeches  of  Lincoln  aiid  Douglas  in  the  Campaign  of  1858;  with  Intro- 
duction and  Notes  by  E.  C.  Morris.  New  York :  Maj'^nard,  Merrill  &  Co., 
1899.    16mo,  pp.  63.    (Maynard's  English  Classic  Series,  No.  216) 

Political  Speeches  and  Debates  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A. 

Douglas  1854-1861.  Chicago:  Scott,  Foresman  &  Co.,  1900.  8vo,  pp. 
viii  +  555,  plates,  port.  Except  title-page,  printed  from  same  plates  as 
Battle  Creek,    1895  ed. 

The  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debates  in  the  Senatorial  Campaign  of  1858  in 

Illinois,  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas;  containing 
also  Lincoln's  address  at  Cooper  Institute;  with  Introduction  and  Notes 
by  Archibald  Lewis  Bouton.  New  York:  H.  Holt  and  Co.,  1905.  16mo, 
pp.  xlvi  +  297.  (On  cover:  EngUsh  readings.)  "BibUographieal  Note," 
p.   xlvi. 

—  The  Writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln.     Ed.  by  Arthur  Brooks  Lapsley 
[Federal  ed.]    New  York  and  London:    G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1905-6. 
8vo,  fronts.,  plates,  ports,  faesims.     Vols.  III-IV,  The  Lincoln-Douglas 
Debates. 

Life  and  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    Centenary  ed.,  edited  by  Marion 

Mills  Miller.  New  York:  The  Current  Literature  Publishing  Co.,  1907. 
9  vols.  Fronts,  (ports..  Vols.  I-IV,  VII-IX),  fold.,  facsim.  12mo,  Vol.  IV. 
Speeches  and  Debates. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


AN  APPRAISED  LIST  OF  THE  MORE  GENERAL  WORKS  BEARING 
ON  THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES 

PREPARED   UNDER   THE   DIRECTION    OF   MR.    SCHUYLER   B.    TERRY,    FELLOW   IN 
HISTORY  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO 

Abbott,  Abbott  A.  The  Life  of  Abraharn  Liricoln.  New  York:  T.  R.  Daw- 
ley,  1864.  Chap,  iv,  pp.  60,  6L  Excerpts  from  first  debate.  Brief  com- 
ment   upon    Lincoln. 

Adam,  G.  Mercer,  Speeches  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Including  Inaugurals  and 
Proclamations.  Selected  and  edited  with  Introduction.  New  York:  A. 
L.  Burt  Co.,  1906,  pp.  l  +  xxiv  +  417,  front.;  (post)  pp.  94-223.  Each  de- 
bate prefaced  by  brief  synopsis. 

Allen,  Eugene  C.  Abraham  Lincoln:  An  Oratorical  Essay  in  Two  Parts. 
Albion,  Michigan,  1895.  pp.  56-71.  Few  excerpts,  but  with  critical  com- 
ment and  analysis  of  principal  speeches.  Good.  Bibliography:  pp. 
141-46. 

Arnold,  Isaac  Newton.  The  History  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Overthrow 
of  Slavery.  Chicago:  Clarke  &  Co.,  1866.  Revised  1867.  Chap,  v,  pp. 
102-39.    Flowery;  rather  full  excerpts  treated  topicall3^ 

The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.     Chicago:    A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co.,  1891. 

Chap,  ix,  pp.  139-52.    Few  excerpts;  good;  general  description  with  anec- 
dotes. 
-Reminiscences  of  the  Illinois  Bar  Forty  Years  Ago.     In  Early  Illinois. 


Chicago:    Fergus  Print,  Co.,  1881.    pp.  132-56;  pp.  150-52.    Brief  ac- 
count bj^  contemporar5\    Personality  of  participants. 

Bacon,  George  Washington  (comp).  The  Life  and  Administration  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln.  London:  Sampson  Low,  Son  and  Marston;  Boston:  Ba- 
con and  Co.,  1865.    Pp.  27-30.    Brief  synopsis. 

Barrett,  Joseph  H.  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln  (authentic  edition).  Cincin- 
nati: Moore,  Wilstach,  Reys  &  Co.,  1860.  Chap,  xi,  pp.  141-91.  Ex- 
cerpts  and   digest. 

Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    Cincinnati:    Moore,  Wilstach  &  Baldwin, 

1865.    pp.  175-80.    A  few  short  excerpts  and  little  or  no  oratorical  state- 
ment. 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  His  Presidency.    Cincinnati:    The  Robert  Clarke 

Co.,  1904.    Vol.  I,  pp.  168-95.    Excerpts  and  analj'sis. 

597 

—20 


598  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Bartlett,  David  Vandewater  Golden.     The  Life  and  Public  Services  of 

Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln.     New   York:     H.  Dayton,  1860.     pp.  75-107. 

Lincoln-Douglas  correspondence.     Excerpts  of  debates.    Valuable  con- 
temporary comment. 
Blaine,  James  G.     Tioenty  Years  of  Congress,  1861-1881.    Norwich,  Conn.: 

McHenry  BiU  PubUshing  Co.,  1884.    Vol.  I,  pp.  143-50.    Good  general 

sketch  and  comparison.     Good  political  view. 
BOUTON,  Archibald  Lewis  (ed).     The  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debates  in  the 

Senatorial  Campaign  of  1858  in  Illinois — with  Introduction  and  Notes. 

New  York:    H.  Holt  and  Co.,  1905.    pp.  xlvi  +  297.    On  cover:    English 

readings,  "Bibliographical  note":  p.  xlvi.    Notes:    pp.  247-97. 
Brockett,  Linus  Pierpont.     The  Life  and  Times  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Six- 
teenth President  of  the  United  States.    Philadelphia:    Bradley  &  Co.,  1865. 

pp.  106-22.    Very  brief  synopsis,  but  contains  some  good  descriptions  by 

contemporaries. 
Brooks,  Noah.     Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Downfall  of  American  Slavery, 

New  York:    G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1894.    Chap,  xiii,  pp.  161-78.    General 

description  and  excerpts. 
Men  of  Achievement — Abraham  Lincoln.    New  York:    Scribners,  189  3 

pp.   198-201.     General. 
Browne,  Francis  F.    The  Everyday  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    New  York  and 

St.  Louis:    N.  D.  Thompson  Pubhshing  Co.,  1886.    pp.  277-307.    Good 

sketch  with  anecdotes. 
Browne,  Robert  H.,  M.  D.     Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Men  of  His  Time, 

Cincinnati:    Jennings  &  Pye;  New  York:    Eaton  and  Mains,  1901.    Vol. 

II,  chap.  XXXV,  pp.  217-38.    Digest;  review;  excerpts. 
Bungener,  Felix  (i.  e.,  Laurence  Louis  FeHx).    Abraham  Lincoln:  Sein  Leben 

Wirken  und  Sterben,  von  F.  Bungener.    Bern:    C.  H.  Mann,  1866.    Chap- 

iii,  pp.  59-64.    Brief  and  general. 
(i.  e.,  Laurence  Louis  FeUx).     Lincoln:     Zijn  leven,  werk,  en  dood. 

Naar  het  Fransch  van  F.  Bungener.     Utrecht:     J.  H.  Kemmer,   1866. 

Chap,  iii,  pp.  38-42.    Brief  and  general. 
-(i.  e.,  Laurence  Louis  Felix).     Lincoln,  sa  vie,  son  ceuvre  et  sa  mort. 


Lausanne:    G.  Bridel,  1865.    Chap,  iii,  pp.  55-59.    Brief  and  general. 
Canisius,  Theodor.     Abraham  Lincoln.     Wien:     C.  Reitger,  1867.     Chap. 

viii,  pp.  210-21.    Brief  comment. 
Chittenden,  Lucius  Eugene.     Personal  Reminiscences,  1840-1890.     New 

York:    Richmond,  Croscup  &  Co.,  1893.    Chap,  xxxv,  pp.  374-79.    Brief 

comment  on  debates.    Estimate. 
Abraham  Lincoln's  Speeches.    New  York:    Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  1895, 

pp.   117-81.     Extracts. 
(comp.)  Abraham  Lincoln's  Speeches.    New  York:    Dodd,  Mead  &  Co., 

1895.    Vol.  VI,  pp.  124-81.    Lincoln's  speeches  only.    Quincy  omitted; 

also  portions  of  all. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  DEBATES  599 

Coffin,  Charles  Carleton.  Abraham  Lincoln.  New  York:  Harper  &  Bros. 
1893.     pp.   166-70.     Popular. 

Colfax,  Schuyler.  Life  and  Principles  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Philadelphia: 
J.  B.  Rodgers,  1865.  pp.  15.  Memorial  address,  with  reference  only  to 
Lincoln's   character. 

Crosby,  Frank.  Das  Leben  Abraham  Lincoln.  Philadelphia:  John  C.  Pot- 
ter, 1865.    pp.  35,  36.    Excerpt  by  Carl  Theodore  Eben. 

Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,   Sixteenth  President  of  the    United  States. 

Philadelphia:  J.  E.  Potter,  1865.    pp.  31-33.    Excerpt. 

DUYCKINCK,  EVERET  AUGUSTUS.  Portrait  Gallery  of  Eminent  Men  and  Wo- 
men.   New  York:   Johnson,  Wilson  and  Co.,  1873.    Vol.  II,  pp.  400-2. 

French,  Charles  Wallace.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Liberator.  New  York: 
Funk  &  Wagnalls,  1891.    pp.  128-39.    Excerpt,  analysis  and  anecdotes. 

French,  Henry  Willard.    Abraham  Lincoln.    (In  Frost,  John.    The  Presi- 
dents of  the  United  States — Brought  down  to  the  Present  Time,  by  Harry  W 
French.)     Boston:    Lee  and  Shepard.     pp.   444,  445.    Narrative  form; 
popular  account. 

Gallaher,  James  E.  Best  Lincoln  Stories,  Tersely  Told.  Chicago:  J.  E. 
Gallaher  &  Co.,  1898.    pp.  49-55.    Anecdotes,  humorous. 

Gardner,  William.  Lifeof  Stephen  A.Douglas.  Boston,  1905.  Liberal  quo- 
tations from  the  debates,  with  correspondence  incidental  to  the  challenge. 

Greeley,  Horace,  and  Cleveland,  John  F.  A  Political  Text  Book  for  1860. 
New  York:  Tribune  Association,  1860.  pp.  129-32.  Lincoln's  Freeport 
speech,    text   only. 

Hapgood,  Norman.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Man  of  the  People.  New  York: 
Macmillan,  1899.    pp.  141-48.    General;  good. 

Hart,  Charles  Henry.  Bibliographia  Lincolniana:  An  Account  of  the  Pub- 
lications Occasioned  by  the  Death  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Albany,  N.  Y. :  A. 
Boyd,  1870.    Pt.  I,  pp.  7-86.    In  Boyd,  Andrew.    A  Memorial  of  Lincoln. 

Herndon,  William  Henry,  and  Weik,  Jesse  William.  Abraham  Lincoln, 
the  True  Story  of  a  Great  Life.  With  an  Introduction  by  Horace  White. 
New  York:  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1892.  Chap,  iv,  pp.  88-132.  Excellent 
contemporary  account  by  Horace  White  who  attended  the  debates  for 
the  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune  for  Lincoln's  side;  few  excerpts;  descrip- 
tions of  campaign. 

Herndon' s  Lincoln.    Chicago:    Belford,  Clarke  &  Co.,  1889.    Vol.    II, 

pp.  401-18.    Personal  description  and  anecdotes. 
Holland,  Josiah  Gilbert.    The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    Springfield,Mass.: 

G.  Bill,  1866.    Chap,  xiii,  pp.  179-93.    Digest;  excerpts. 
Howard,  James  Quay.    The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln:  with  Extracts  from  His 
Speeches.     Columbus,  Ohio:    FoUett,  Foster  &  Co.,  1860.     pp.  55,  56. 
Brief  comment  favorable  to  Lincoln,    pp.  69-99.    Lincoln  excerpts. 


600  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

HOWELLS,  W.  D.,  AND  Hays,  J.  G.  Lives  and  Speeches  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin.  Columbus,  O.:  FoUett,  Foster  &  Co.,  1860.  pp. 
80-87.     Lincoln-Douglas  correspondence.     Very  sketchy. 

niustrated  Life,  Services,  Martyrdom,  and  Funeral  of  Abraham  Lincobi.  Phila- 
delphia: T.  B.  Peterson  &  Brothers,  1865.  pp.  41-47.  Brief;  some  "pen 
pictures"    by   contemporaries. 

Johnson,  Allen.  Stephen  A.  Douglas:  A  study  in  American  Politics.  New 
York:    Macmillan,  1908.    The  most  scholarly  biography  of  Douglas. 

Johnston,  A.  Americari  Orations.  New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1899. 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  184.    Douglas'  Reply  to  Lincoln;  text  only. 

Jones,  Alonzo  T.  Political  Speeches  and  Debates  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Battle  Creek,  Mich.:  International  Tract  Society, 
1895.  Contains  full  reports  of  all  the  debates  and  also  principal  speeches 
of  Douglas  and  Lincoln  before  and  after  the  regular  series. 

Ketcham,  Henry.  The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  New  York:  A.  L.  Burt  & 
Co.,  1901.    Chap.  XV,  pp.  138-41.    Brief  account. 

Lamon,  Ward  H.  The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Boston:  James  R.  Osgood 
&  Co.,  1872.    pp.  409-20.     Rather  violent  towards  Douglas. 

Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln.     Chicago:     A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co., 

1895.     pp.  23-27.    Anecdotes. 

Lapsley,  Arthur  Brooks.  The  Writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  New  York: 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1905.    Vol.  Ill,  pp.  178-377;  Vol.  IV.    Text  only. 

Leland,  Charles  Godfrey.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in 
the  United  States.  New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1879.  New  Plu- 
tarch, Vol.  I,  chap,  iv,  pp.  69,  70.    Passing  reference. 

Life  and  Public  Services  of  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln.  Boston:  Thayer  and  El- 
dredge,  1860.     pp.  42-89.     Correspondence  and  extracts. 

Life  and  Public  Services  of  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois  and  Hon.  Hannibal 
Hamlin  of  Maine.  Boston:  Thayer  &  Eldredge,  1860  (Wide-awake  edi- 
tion).   Chap.  V,  pp.  48-88.    Text  of  second  joint  debate  at  Freeport. 

Life,  Speeches  and  Public  Services  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  New  York:  Rudd  & 
Carleton,  1860.  Wigwam  edition,  pp.  65-80.  Correspondence  and  ex- 
tracts only. 

Lyon,  Nathaniel.  Our  Case — our  Candidate.  In  His  Last  Political  Writings. 
New  York:  Rudd  and  Carleton,  1861.  pp.  111-28.  Defense  of  Lincoln's 
stand  in  the  debates. 

MacCabe,  James  Dabney.  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  his  The  Centennial  Book  of 
American  Bibliography.  Philadelphia  and  Chicago:  P.  W.  Ziegler|,«fe 
Co.,  1876.  Later  pubhshed  under  title:  Heroes  and  Statesmen  of  Amer- 
ica.   Brief  and  general. 

Abraham  Lincoln.     1878.     Same  as  in  1876  edition. 

Maltby,  Charles.  The  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Stock- 
ton, Cal.:  Daily  Independent  print,  1884.  Chap,  xiv,  pp.  83-87.  Brief 
statement  of  general  principles  of  each  side. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  DEBATES  601 

McClure,  James  Baird  (ed).  Abraham  Lincoln's  Speeches  Complete.  Chica- 
go: Rhodes  &MeClure  Publishing  Co.,  1891.  pp.  478.,  illustrated,  pp. 
194-210.    Includes  Springfield  and  Freeport  speeches  of  Lincoln'only. 

Miller,  Marion  Mills  (ed) .  Life  and  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Centenarj- 
edition.  New  York:  The  Current  Literature  Publishing  Co.,  1907.  Vol. 
V,  pp.  3,  4.  Speeches  and  debates.  Contents:  Vol.  Ill,  comprising  po- 
litical speeches,  legal  arguments  and  notes,  and  the  first  three  joint  de- 
bates with  Douglas,  and  the  opening  of  the  fourth;  Vol.  II,  comprising 
the  conclusion  of  the  fourth  joint  debate  with  Douglas,  and  the  fifth, 
sixth  and  seventh  debates. 

Mombert,  Jacob  Isidor.  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  his  Great  Lives.  Boston  and 
New  York:    Leach,  Shewell  and  Sanborn,  1886.    pp.275.    Bare  mention. 

Morris,  Edgar  Coit.  Speeches  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas  in  the  Campaign  of 
1858.  New  York:  Maynard,  Merrill  &  Co.,  1899.  (Maynard's  "  EngUsh 
Classic  Series,"  No.  316.)  Brief  footnotes.  Text  substantially  that  of 
the  campaign  edition  pubhshed  at  Columbus  in  1860,  by  FoUett,  Foster 
&Co. 

Morse,  John  T.  Abraham  Lincoln.  ("American  Statesmen  Series.  ")  Bos- 
ton, New  York:  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  1893.  Chap,  v,  pp.  110-60. 
Digest,  excerpts,  and  anecdotes. 

NiCOLAY,  John  George.  Abraham  Lincoln.  Boston:  Little,  Brown  &  Co., 
1882.     pp.  5,  6.     Brief  mention. 

NiCOLAY,  John  G.,  and  Hay,  John.  Abraham  Lincoln:  Complete  Works. 
New  York:  The  Century  Co.,  1894.  Debate:  challenge  and  arrange- 
ments for.  Vol.  I,  pp.  273-77;  Ottawa,  111.,  August  21,  1858,  Vol.  I  pp. 
277-305;  Freeport,  111.,  August  27,  1858,  Vol.  I,  pp.  305-35;  Jonesboro, 
111.,  September  15,  1858,  Vol.  I,  pp.  335-69;  Charleston,  111.,  September 
18,  1858,  Vol.  I,  pp.  369-412;  Galesburg,  111.,  October  7,  1858,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
42&-55;  Quincy,  111.,  October  13,  1858,  Vol.  I,  pp.  456-85;  Alton,  111., 
October  15,  1858,  Vol.  I,  pp.  485-518. 

Abraham  Lincoln:     A  History.     New  York:     The  Century  Co.,  1890. 

Vol.  II,  chaps,  viii,  ix.    Analysis,  excerpts,  and  thorough  narrative. 
-Complete  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    New  York:    Francis  D.  Tandy 


Co.,  1905.    Gettysburg  edition.    Vol.  IV,  text.    Vol.  Ill,  pp.  189-356. 

Vol.  IV,  Vol.  V,  pp.  1-85. 
NiCOLAY,  John  G.    A  Short  Life  of  Lincoln.    Condensed  from  Abraham  Lin- 
coln:    A  History.     New  York:     The   Century  Co.,   1902.     pp.   121-30. 

Digest ;  excerpts  (brief) ;  commentary. 
Oldroyd,  Osburn  Hamiline.     Words  of  Lincoln,  Including  Several  Hundred 

Opinions  of  His  Life  and  Character.    Washington:    O.  H.  Oldroyd,  1895. 

pp.  29-36.     Lincoln  excerpts;  no  comment. 
(ed.)     The  Lincoln  Memorial:    Album  of  Immortelles.    New  York:    G. 

W.  Carleton  &  Co.,  1882.    pp.  102,  114,  116,  120,  124,  130,  138.     Excerpts 

on  debates.     General  reminiscences. 


602  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

Perkins,  Frederick  Beecher  (comp) .  Lincoln.  In  his  The  Pictures  and  the 
Men.  New  York:  A.  J.  Johnson;  Cleveland:  F.  G.  and  A.  C.  Rowe,  etc., 
1867.    Chap,  iv,  pp.  54,  55.    Brief  mention  of  arrangements  and  meetings. 

Peters,  William  A.  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  his  Lives  of  our  Presidents.  New 
York:  F.  M.  Lupton,  1884.  pp.  272.  Fairly  good>hort  account  for  a 
general    work. 

Phillips,  Isaac  N.  Abraham  Lincoln.  A  Short  Study  of  a  Great  Man.  Bloom 
ington.  III,  1901.    pp.  36-39.    General. 

Political  Debates  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  the  Cele- 
brated Campaign  of  1858  in  Illinois;  Including  the  Preceding  Speeches  of 
Each  at  Chicago,  Springfield,  etc.  Cleveland,  O.:  O.  S.  Hubbell  &  Co., 
1895.  Vol.  VI,  pp.  415.  Includes:  Lincoln's  speeches  at  Springfield, 
June  17,  1858;  Chicago,  July  10. 

Political  Debates  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  the  Cele- 
brated campaign  of  1858  in  Illinois,  including  the  preceding  Speeches  of 
Each  at  Chicago,  Springfield,  etc.  Also,  the  two  great  Speeches  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  Ohio  in  1859.  Cleveland,  Ohio:  Burrows  Brothers  Co.,  1894. 
8vo,  pp.  316.  Reprint,  at  the  University  Press,  Cambridge,  of  which  750 
numbered  copies  were  issued. 

Political  Speeches  and  Debates  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas 
1854-1861.  Chicago :  Scott,  Foresman  &  Co.,  1900.  8vo,  pp.  viii+  555. 
Portrait  and  plates.  Except  title  page,  printed  from  same  plates  as  last 
above. 

Recollections  of  the  First  Debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas.  New  York :  Wil- 
liam Abbott,  1905.  pp.  77.  Anecdotes.  A  fine  description  of  Lincoln's 
moral  power  in  debate. 

Recollections  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Forty  Years  Ago.  By  an  Eyewitness. 
New  York:  Privately  printed,  1899.    pp.  1-20.    General. 

Rice,  Allen  Ihorndyke  (ed).  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  By  Dis- 
tinguished Men  of  His  Time.  New  York :  North  American  Review  Pub- 
Ushing  Co.,  1886.  A  few  very  general  comments.  Cf.  Index,  Douglas, 
Debates  with  Lincoln. 
Rothschild,  Alonzo.  Lincoln,  Master  of  Men:  A  Study  in  Character.  Bos- 
ton, 1906.  pp.  101-12.  Anecdotes  and  digest. 
SOHURZ,  Carl.  Abraham  Lincoln:  An  Essay.  Boston  and  New  York: 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  1891.  Repubhshed  1899  in  "  Riverside  Litera- 
ture Series,"  No.  133,  April  5.  pp.  43-53.  View  of  poUtical  situation  and 
excerpts. . 

Reminiscences  of  Carl  Schurz.    New  York:    McClure  Co.,  1907.    Vol. 

II,  pp.  86-98.    Valuable  recollections  of  the  Quincy  debate  from  an  eye- 
witness.     Characterizations. 
SCREPPS,  John  Locke.    Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    New  York:    H.  Greely  & 
Co.,  1860.    Reissued,  Chicago:    Press  and  Tribune  Co.,  1860;  Detroit: 
Cranbrooks  Press,  1900.  Chap,  viii,  p.  25.  Lincoln  excerpts :  good  account. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  DEBATES  603 

Sheahan,  James  W.  The  Life  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  New  York:  Harper  & 
Bros.,  1860.  pp.  419,  424-62.  Defense  of  Douglas.  Freeport  speech  of 
Douglas.  Slight  mention  of  Lincoln.  Mentions  newspapers  and  men  of 
times. 

Stoddard,  William  Osborn.  Abraham  Lincoln.  New  York:  Fords,  How- 
ard &  Hulbert,  1865.    pp.  170-72.    Anecdotes. 

Abraham  Lincoln:    The  True  Story  of  a  Great  Life.    New  York:    Fords, 

Howard  &  Hulbert,  1894.    pp.  169-70.    Quotes  Schurz'  essay. 

-The  Table  Talk  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    New  York:    Fred  A.  Stokes  Co., 


1894.    Quotations,  pp.  139,  140,  141,  154,  182,  183,  184. 

Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher.  Menof  Our  Times.  Hartford,  Conn. :  Hartford 
PubUshing  Co.,  1868.    pp.  39-53.    Anecdotes  and  personal  narrative. 

Tarbell,  Ida  Minerva.  The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  New  York:  Lincoln 
History  Society,  1902.    Vol.  II,  pp.  101-17.    Thorough;  extracts,  etc. 

The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln  Drawn  from  Original  Sources  and  Con- 
taining Many  Speeches,  Letters  and  Telegrams.  New  York:  McClure  Co., 
1900.  Chap,  xviii,  pp.  307-23.  General  description  with  quotations 
from  those  present. 

The  Campaign  in  Illinois.  Last  Joint  Debate.  Douglas  and  Lincoln  at  Alton, 
Illinois.  Washington:  Printed  by  L.  Towers.  Verbatim  report,  with 
introduction  unfavorable  to  Lincoln.  Published  by  Douglas  organ. 
1858.     pp.  32.    From  the  Chicago  Daily  Times,  October  17. 

The  First  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debate  at  Ottawa,  III.,  August  21,  1858.  Boston, 
1897.    Old  South  leaflets  (general  ser.)    Vol.  IV,  No.  85.    Text  only. 

Thompson,  Richard  Wiggington.  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  his  Recollections  of 
Sixteen  Presidents.  Indianapolis:  Bowen  Merrill  Co.,  1894.  Vol.  II, 
chap,  xvi,  p.  394.  Brief.  Mentions  three  questions  upon  which  Lincoln 
and  Douglas  agree. 

Towers,  Lemuel,  printer.  The  Campaign  in  Illinois.  See  in  this  bibliography 
The  Campaign  in  Illinois.    Last  Joint  Debate. 

Victor,  Orville  James.  The  Private  and  Public  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 
New  York:  Beadle  and  Co.,  1864.  (Beadle's  "Dime  Biographical  Li- 
brary," No.  14).    Reprinted,  1865.    Chap,  vi,  pp.  42-49.  Brief  comment. 

Walker,  Evelyn  Harriet,  and  Others.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Illinois 
Rail-Splitter.  In  Leaders  of  the  Nineteenth  Century.  Chicago:  Monarch 
Book  Co.,  1900.    pp.  52.    Mention  only.    Poor,  elementary  account. 

Washburne,  Elihu  Benjamin,  Abraham  Lincoln:  His  Personal  History 
and  Public  Record.  Speech  by  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  May 
29,  1860.  Washington,  1860;  36th  Cong.,  1st  session  House.  Appendix 
to  the  Congressional  Globe,  pp.  377-80.  Interesting  speech;  contempo- 
rary political  views  favorable  to  Lincoln.    Excerpts. 


604  ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 

PERIODICALS 

"An  American  Abolitionist:  President  Lincoln,"  in  Fraser,  Vol.  LXXI,  p.  L 
Criticizes  Lincoln's  anti-slavery  attitude  in!^Lincoln-Douglas  debates. 

Arnold,  Isaac  N.  "Abraham  Lincoln,"  in  Royal_Historical  Society,  Vol.  X, 
p.  320.     General  and  oratorical. 

Austin,  George  Torwell.  Bay  State  Monthly,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  167.  Short  com- 
parison of  Lincoln  with  Sumner,  Adams,  and^Phillips. 

Brown,  William  Garrett.  "Lincoln's  Rivsil,"^!!!^ Atlantic  Monthly,  Vol. 
LXXXIX,  p.  226.  A  good  comparison  of  charaeters'and  analysis  of  sit- 
uation. 

CUTTS,  J.  Madison.  North  American  Review.  Vol.  CIII,  p.  515.  Review  of 
"A  Brief  Treatise  upon  Constitutional  and  Party  Questions,  and  upon 
the  History  of  Political  Parties  as  I  Reeeivedjt  Orally  from  the  Late  Sen- 
ator Stephen  A.  Douglas  from  Illinois."    Attacks  Douglas. 

NicoLAY,  John  G.  and  Hay,  John.  "  Abraham"  Lincoln :  A  History,",  in 
Century  Magazine,  Vol.  II,  p.  17.  New  York:  The  Century  Co.]  "The 
Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  Vol.  XII,  p.  369,  November,  1887.  Analysis 
and  excerpts  moving  narrative;  good  comparison  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas. 

Tarbell,  Ida  M.     "Life  of  Lincoln,"  McClure's'Magazine,' Vols.  V-VIII. 

Vol.  VII,  p.  401.     Contains  some  specialjnterviews  with  eyewitnesses 

and  decendants  of  eyewitnesses. 
ScHURZ,  Carl.    "Abraham  Lincoln,"  Atlantic' Monthly,  Vol.  LXVII,  pp.  721, 

732-34.     General  sketch  with  analysis. 
ViLLARD,  Henry.    "  Recollections  of  Lincoln,"  Atlantic  Monthly,  Vol.  XCIII, 

p.  165.    One  or  two  quaint  anecdotes  of  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debate. 
Washburne,  E.  B.    "Abraham  Lincoln  in  lUinois,"  North  American  Review, 

Vol.  CXLI,  p.  309.    Sketch  of  Freeport  debate. 

BIBLIOGRAPHIES 

Boyd,  Andrew.    A  Memorial  Lincoln  Bibliography.    Albany,  N.  Y. :    Andrew 

Boyd,  1870.    Good  up  to  its  date. 
Fish,  Daniel.     Lincoln  Literature:    A  Bibliographical  Account  of  Books  and 

Pamphlets  relating  to  Abraham  Lincoln.     Minneapolis:     Public  Library 

Board,  1900.     Fairly  thorough  to  date. 
Foster,  Monthly  Reference  Lists.    Printed  June,  1881.    Vol.  I,  p.  21.    A  small 

bibliography. 
Larned,  J.  H.     The  Literature  of  American  History.     Boston:     Houghton^ 

Mifflin  &  Co.,  1902.    "  Lincoln,"  pp.  238-41;  articles  2,238-2,259. 
Ritchie,  George  Thomas.    A  List  of  Lincolniana  in  the  Library^of  Congress, 

Washington:     Government  Printing  Office,  1906.     Lists  only  books  in 

possession  of  Congress.    Fairly  thorough  for  general  field. 
Salem,  Mass.,  Public  Library  Bulletin,  February,  1896.    Lincoln  bibhography. 
Smith,  William  H.,  Priced  Lincoln  Bibliography.    New  York,  1906. 


INDEX 


PREPARED  BY 

MARY  GERTRUDE  DOHERTY 

GRADUATE  STUDENT,  U^rIVERSITT  OF  ILLINOIS 


INDEX 


Abingdon,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  331,  383. 

Abolitionists,  begin  agitation,  123; 
Lincoln  advocates  principles  of,  95, 
123,  254,  327,  339,  369,  452; 
oppose  Compromise  of  1850,  88. 

Administration  Democrats,  alliance 
of,  with  Republicans,  181,  316, 
336,  353;  attacked  by  Douglas,  19, 
28,  113,  459;  attempt  to  defeat 
Douglas,  45,  47;  convention  of,  at 
Springfield,  1858,  26,  235;  organ 
of  in  Illinois,  523;  poem  in  derision 
of,  27. 

Aledo  Record,  mentioned  by  Gales- 
burg'Democrat,  375. 

Allen    Nathan,    delegate    to    Demo- 
cratic  congressional   convention, 
1850,  239. 

Alton,  delegation  from,  to  Ottawa, 
135;  description  of,  during  debate, 

496,  500,  508,  509;  Douglas  names, 
as  meeting  place,  60,  64;  Douglas 
speaks  at,  269,  450,  488,  501;  ex- 
cursion to,  from:  Springfield,  449, 
St.  Louis,  449,  496  Garesche,  A.  J. 
P.,  speaks  at,  507  meeting  at,  496, 

497,  499,  501-3,  505,  506,  508-10, 
530;  Lincoln,  Abraham,  speaks  at, 
466,  502;  Merrick  speaks  at,  507; 
Springfield  Cadets  at,  509;  Trum- 
bull speaks  at,  287. 

Alton  Courier,  comments  on  opposi- 
tion to  Douglas  in  Illinois,  1854, 
10;  describes  Alton  debate,   499, 

509,  510,  quoted  by  Illinois  State 
Journal,  509,  ridicules  Douglas, 
556. 

Alton  Debate,  announced  in  St.  Louis 
News,  449;  commented  on  by: 
Chicago   Press   and   Tribune,    508, 

510,  550,  Cincinnati  Gazette,  509, 
Missouri  Republican,  529,  New 
York  Post,  498,  Peoria  Transcript, 
505,  Springfield  Republican,  510; 
delegation  from  Springfield  at,  450; 
described  by:  Alton  Courier,  499, 
509,  510,  Chicago  Times,  497,  Illi- 
nois State  Register,  502,  Missouri 
Democrat,  496,  New  York  Tribune, 
503,  St.  Louis  Herald,  506,  St.  Louis 
News,  507;  Douglas:     closes,  488, 


opens,  450;  excursion  to,  announc- 
ed by:  Missouri  Republican,  449, 
Illinois  State  Journal,  449,  Illinois 
State  Register,  449 ;  interest  in,  com- 
mented on  by  Missouri: Republi- 
can, 450;  Lincoln  rephes  to  Doug- 
las in,  466;  mentioned,  554. 

Amboy,  delegation  from,  at  Freeport 
Debate,  191. 

American  Tract  Society,  disturbed  by 
slavery  question,  480. 

Anna,  Douglas  at,  259. 

Anti-Nebraska  party,  convention  of, 
at  Bloomington,  1856,  16;  men- 
tioned, 21. 

Apportionment  Law,  1852,  history 
of,  given  by  Missouri  Republican, 
535;  protested  against  by  Illinois 
State  Journal  ,533. 

Arnold,  Isaac  N.,  speaks  at  Republi- 
can state  convention,  1858,  22. 

Ashmun,  George,  Mexican  War  reso- 
lution of,  sustained  by  Lincoln, 
326,  489. 

Askey,  WiUiam,  recollections  of  Free- 
port  Debate  by,  209. 

Atlanta,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  at,  60, 
62. 

Auburn,  delegation  from,  at  Alton 
Debate,  499. 

Audience,  see  meeting;  description 
of,  at  stump-speaking,  3. 

Augusta,  Douglas  at,  437,  441;  Lin- 
coln at,  248. 

Aurora,  Repubhcan  congressional 
convention  at,  1854,  408. 

BaiUiache,  W.  H.,  secretary  of  Re- 
publican state  convention,  1858,  22 

Baker,  Jehu,  speaks  in:  Monroe 
County,  341,  347,  Waterloo,  218, 
299. 

Baltimore  Sun,  comments  on  Illinois 
contest,  131,  529;  quotes  New  York 
Express,  131. 

Banks,  N.  P.,  regarded  as  possible 
Republican  presidential  candidate 
for  1860,  43;  mentioned,  252,  299. 

Bard,    Frankfort,    writes    campaign 

poem  in  derision  of  Lincoln,  570. 
Bateman,  Newton,  Republican  can- 


607 


608 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


didate  f  r  State  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,   1858,  22. 

Bayne,  Dr.,  speaks  at  Quincy,  439. 

Belleville,  Douglas  speaks  at,  573; 
Trumbull  representative  of,  216. 

Beloit,  Wisconsin,  home  of  White, 
Horace,  75. . 

Belvidere,  delegation  from,  to  Free- 
port,    191. 

Bement,  delegation  from,  at  Monti- 
cello,  66;  Douglas  at,  71;  Lincoln 
at,   558. 

Bigler,  WiUiam,  charges  of,  against 
Douglas,  270,  283;  quoted  by 
Trumbull,  270,  277,  309. 

Binmore,  Henry,  biographical  notice 
of,  80 ;  reporter  for  Douglas,  76, 594. 

Bissell,  W.  H.,  regarded  as  possible 
Republican  presidential  candidate 
for  1860,  24;  vetoes  Apportionment 
Bill  of  1856,  535;  mentioned,  222. 

Black  Hawk  War,  Lincoln  a  volun- 
teer in,   130. 

Blair,  Frank  P.,  advocates  gradual 
emancipation  in  Missouri,  407,  484; 
aids  Lincoln  in  campaign,  497,  513; 
defeat  of,  commented  on  by  Doug- 
las, 45,  415,  416;  mentioned,  497. 

Bloomington,  delegation  from,  to 
Ottawa,  135;  Douglas  at,  50,  60, 
62,  208,  403,  520;  Lincoln  at,  50, 
55,  56,  60,  62,  208,  520;  Republican 
state  convention  at,  16,  148,  395, 
408. 

Bloomington  Pantagraph,  describes 
Douglas  meeting  at  Bloomington, 
50,  51. 

Blue  Island,  mentioned,  85. 

Boggs,  J.  B.,  welcomes  Douglas  to 
Galesburg,  377,  380,  383. 

Boston  Courier,  comments  on  Illinois 
contest,  511;  quotes  Buffalo  Regis- 
ter and  Times,  575. 

Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  comments 
on:  Douglas,  538,  election  in  Illi- 
nois, 536,  Freeport  Doctrine,  537, 
Ottawa  Debate,  130;  quotes  Chi- 
cago Press  and  Tribune,  131. 

Boston  Daily  Traveler,  Trumbull  the 
opponent  of  Douglas,  58. 

Bowen,  S.  W.,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  and  district 
conventions,   1850,  239. 

Brawley,  F.  W.  S.,  postmaster  at 
Freeport,  1858,  210. 

Breckinridge,  John  C,  attempts  to 
defeat  Douglas,  579. 

Breese,  Sidney,  Administration  Dem- 
ocratic  senatorial   candidate,    48, 


515;  supports  Lincoln,  1854,  10, 
217,  253,  296. 

Brighton,  delegation  from,  at  Alton 
Debate,  499. 

Bromwell,  H.  P.  H.,  welcomes  Lin- 
coln to  Charleston,  318,  327. 

Brooks,  Austin,  communication  ad- 
dressed to,  389. 

Brooks,  P.  S.,  attitude  of,  toward 
slavery,  230,  428,  485. 

Bross,  William,  at  Freeport  Debate, 
162,  164,  170,  189;  takes  part  in 
Lincoln  meeting  at  Chicago,  40; 
mentioned,    8. 

Brougham,  John,  writes  campaign 
poem  in  honor  of  Douglas,  566. 

Brown,  B.  Gratz,  advocates  gradual 
emancipation  in  Missouri,  407,  415, 
484;  aids  Lincoln  in  campaign,  513. 

Brown,  James,  mentioned,  306. 

Browning,  O.  H.,  attends  United 
States  District  Court  at  Chicago, 
36;  Lincoln  visits  home  of,  393, 
436,  439,  446;  mentioned,  72,  93, 
222,  298. 

Buchanan,  James,  breaks  with  Doug- 
las, 21;  conspiracy  charge  against, 
25,  106,  121,  179,  185,  289,  410, 
435;  defended  by  Douglas,  28,  122, 
180,  290;  derided  in  Republican 
campaign  poem,  570;  effect  of 
Douglas'  election  on,  537,  577; 
favors  Lecompton  Constitution, 
19,  354,  460;  New  Haven  letter  of, 
202;  on  admission  of  states,  202, 
225,  424,  462,  495;  presidential 
nomination  of,  16,  424,  495. 

Buchanan  Democrat,  see  Adminis- 
tration Democrat. 

Buffalo  Courier,  quoted  by  Chicago 
Times,  588;  tribute  of,  to  Lincoln, 
588. 

Buffalo  Register  and  Times,  announc- 
es Douglas  as  presidential  candi- 
date for  1860,  575;  quoted  by 
Boston  Courier,  575. 

Buffalo  Republic  and  Times,  men- 
tioned by  Chicago  Times,  575. 

Burlington  Hawkeye,  quoted  in  Bur- 
lington State  Gazette,  65;  quotes 
Louisville  Journal,  549;  ridicules 
Douglas,  548. 

Burlington  State  Gazette,  announces 
excursion  to  Galesburg  Debate, 
329;  comments  on:  challenge  to 
Joint  Debates,  65,  enthusiasm  for 
Douglas,  555,  interest  in  election, 
533;  quotes:    Burlington  Hawkeye, 


INDEX 


609 


65,    Peoria  Transcript,    549;   ridi- 
cules Lincoln,  549,  555. 

Cairo,  delegation  from,  at  Jonesboro 
Debate,  259,  264;  Douglas  speaks 
at,   213. 

Calhoun,  John  C,  attitude  of,  toward 
Declaration  of  Independence,  470; 
replied  to  by  Lincoln,  11. 

California,  admission  of,  351,  465. 

Cameron,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  331. 

Campaign  of  1824,  effects  of,  on  poli- 
tics, 4. 

Campbell,  Thompson,  abolition  senti- 
ments of,  236,  237,  253. 

Camp-meeting,  origin  of,  1. 

Camp  Point,  Douglas  speaks  at,  437, 
441;  Morris,  I.  N.,  speaks  at,  437, 
442;  Roosevelt,  Major,  speaks  at, 
437,  442. 

Carleton,  Ingalls,  reminiscences  of 
Freeport  Debate  by,  206. 

Carlin,  Thomas,  governor  of  Illinois, 
430. 

Carlin,  W.  H.,  candidate  for  state 
senate,  429. 

Carlinville,  delegation  from,  at  Alton 
Debate,   499,   509. 

Carpenter,  Col.  to  meet  Douglas  on 
the  stump,  30,  316,  317. 

Carr,  Clark  E.,  on  Freeport  Doctrine, 
207. 

Carroll  Countv,  delegation  from,  at 
Freeport  Debate,  196,  199. 

Casey,  present  at  Jonesboro  Debate, 
249. 

Cass,  L.,  opposes  Chase  amendment, 
123,  156,  162;  supports  Compro- 
mise of  1850,  87,  171,  214,  292,  461. 

Centralia,  delegation  from,  at  Jones- 
boro Debate,  259. 

Centreville,  (Ind.,)  True  Republican, 
comments  on  Illinois  contest,  544. 

Chaffee,  Rev.  Dr.,  C.  C.  abolition 
owner  of  Dred  Scott,  410. 

Challenge  to  Joint  Debates,  55-74; 
commented  on  by:  Burlington 
Hawkeye,  65,  Burlington  State  Ga- 
zette, 65,  Chicago  Journal,  60,  72, 
Chicago  Times,  70,  Freeport  Jour- 
nal, 64,  Illinois  State  Journal,  70, 
71,  Illinois  State  Register,  61,  72, 
Peoria  Transcript,  63,  Quincy  Her- 
ald, 66;  reasons  for,  58. 

Chamberlain,  Dr.,  introduces  Lin- 
coln at  Charleston,  318. 

Champaign  County,  delegation  from, 
at  Springfield,  53. 


Charleston,  description  of,  during 
Joint  Debate,  319,  322;  Douglas: 
names  as  meeting  place,  60,  64, 
speaks  at,  281,  321,  553;  Lincoln: 
emigrates  to,  317,  speaks  at,  267, 
303,  348;  reception  at,  of:  Doug- 
las, 316,  320,  321,  Lincoln,  317, 
327. 

Charleston  Courier,  describes  Charles- 
ton Debate,  325;  mentions  Illinois 
State  Register  and  Louisville  Dem- 
crat,  325;  quoted  by  Peoria  Tran- 
script, 325. 

Charleston  Debate,  267;  commented 
on  by:  Chicago  Journal,  322,  327, 
Chicago  Times,  311,  322,  Illinois 
State  Register,  320,  325,  Indiana 
Journal  267; described  by:  Charles- 
ton Courier,  325,  Chicago  Democrat, 
317,  Chicago  Journal,  322,  Chicago 
Times,  311—313,  Illinois  State  Reg- 
ister, 320,  New  York  Post,  319; 
Douglas  replies  to  Lincoln  in,  281; 
inconsistency  of  Lincoln  at,  381- 
87;  Lincoln:  closes,  303,  opens 
267;  referred  to  by:  Douglas,  339, 
340,  413,  414,  489,  Lincoln,  397, 
401,  432. 

Charleston  {S.  C.)  Mercury,  denounces 
Freeport  Doctrine,  579. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  aids  Lincoln  in 
campaign,  531;  amendment  of,  to 
Nebraska  Bill,  109,  122,  155,  156, 
157,  162,  401,  468;  regarded  as  pos- 
sible Republican  presidential  can- 
didate for  1860,  24,  43;  mentioned, 
88,  92,  171,  217,  253,  299,  491,  519, 

Chicago,  Binmore,  Henrj^  a  law  re- 
porter in,  80;  city  council  of,  en- 
dorses Compromise  of  1850,  8 ;  del- 
egation from,  to:  Administration 
Democratic  convention,  26,  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  331,  385,  388,  Ottawa 
Debate,  125,  135,  137;  Douglas 
demonstration  at,  33,  538,  575; 
Douglas  speaks  at,  5,  7,  36,  61,  69, 
106,  254,  403,  451,  538,  540,  549; 
excitement  over  contest  in,  136, 
518;  Hitt,  Robert,  first  expert 
stenographer  in,  77;  hostility  to 
Compromise  of  1850  in,  293,  349; 
Lincoln  speaks  at,  17,  56,  61,  69, 
339,  348,  413,  432,  451,  468,  529, 
540;  senatorial  contest  inaugurated 
in,  46;  Trumbull  speaks  at,  269, 
283,  547;  Wentworth,  John,  speaks 
at,  565;  mentioned,  568. 

Chicago  Democrat,  comments  on: 
defeat   of   Lincoln,    579,    Douglas 


610 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


meeting  at  Chicago,  1854,  7,  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  385,  physical  endur. 
ance  of  Lincoln,  529;  describes 
Charleston  Debate,  317;  pays  tri- 
bute to  Lincoln,  586;  publishes 
poem  deriding  Democrats,  570. 

Chicago  D''mocratic  Press,  comments 
on  Lincoln's  speech  at  Springfield, 
1854,  11;  quoted  by  Illinois  State 
Journal,  6;  see  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune. 

Chicago  Herald,  comments  on  Ottawa 
Debate,  515;  quoted  by  Washing- 
ton  Union,  516. 

Chicago  Journal,  comments  on :  chal- 
lenge to  Joint  Debates,  60,  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  387,  Jonesboro  De- 
bate, 213,  Lincoln  meeting  in  Chi- 
cago, 40,  Ottawa  Debate,  143,  145, 
Quincy  Debate,  444,  reception  to 
Douglas  at  Chicago,  36;  compares 
Douglas  with  Lincoln,  530;  de- 
fends Lincoln,  56,  72;  describes: 
'Charleston  Debate  322,  327,  Free- 
port  Debate,  198,  Jonesboro  De- 
bate, 263 ;  mentioned  by  Galesburg 
.Democrat,  551;  mentions:  Chicago 
Times,  552,  De  Kalb  Sentinel,  324; 
pays  tribute  to  Lincoln,  585;  quot- 
ed by  Illinois  State  Journal,  552; 
quotes:  Chicago  Tribune,  37,  St. 
Louis  Democrat,  530;  ridicules: 
Chicago  Times,  145,  Douglas,  143, 
552,  553;  White,  Horace,  reporter 
for,   12,  75. 

Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  an- 
nounces: excursion  to  Freeport, 
147,  Galesburg  Debate,  329,  Jones- 
boro Debate,  213;  charged  with 
fraud  by  Chicago  Times,  82,  84; 
'Comments  on:  Alton  Debate,  450, 
508,  510,  interest  in  debates,  145; 
defends  Lincoln,  57;  describes: 
Freeport  Debate,  190,  Galesburg 
Debate,  378,  Jonesboro  Debate, 
259;  Lincoln  meeting  at  Chicago, 
39,  Ottawa  Debate,  133,  Quincy 
Debate,  435;  estimate  of  Lincoln 
by,  582 ;  Hitt,  Robert,  reporter  for, 
189;  mentioned  by:  Cincinnati 
'Gazette,  512,  Illinois  State  Register, 
326,  Missouri  Republican,  137; 
•pays  tribute  to  Lincoln,  585;  pub- 
lishes extract  from  Lincoln's  Hav- 
ana speech,  547;  quoted  by:  Bos- 
ton Advertiser,  131,  Chicago  Jour- 
nal, 37,  New  York  Post,  547,  Wash- 
ington Union,  514;  quotes  Chicago 
Times,  203  •  Republican  headquar- 


ters, 194;  ridicules  Douglas,  550; 
urges  attendance  at:  Freeport  De- 
bate, 147,  Ottawa  Debate,  85, 
Quincy  Debate,  390;  used  for  au- 
thentic copies  of  Lincoln's  speeches 
86,  591;  White,  Horace,  reporter 
for,  75;  see  Chicago  Democratic 
Press;  see  Chicago  Tribune. 

Chicago  Times,  announces  Douglas 
demonstration  at  Chicago,  575;  at- 
tacks Lineohi,  56,  307,  386;  Bin- 
more,  Henry,  reporter  for,  76,  80, 
82,  594;  charges:  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune  with  fraud,  82,  84,  Lincoln 
with  inconsistency,  143,  386;  com- 
ments on:  Administration  Demo- 
cratic convention,  26,  challenge  to 
Joint  Debates,  70,  Freeport  Doc- 
trine, 528,  Jonesboro  Debate,  260, 
RepubUcan  state  convention,  1858, 
24;  defends  Douglas,  287;  describes 
Alton  Debate,  497,  Charleston  De- 
bate, 312,  322,  Douglas  meeting 
in  Chicago,  1854,  5,  Freeport  De- 
bate, 188,  202,  Galesburg  Debate, 
380,  382,  Ottawa  Debate,  141, 
Quincy  Debate,  437;  mentioned  by 
Chicago  Journal,  72,  552,  Illinois 
State  Register,  63,  Lincoln,  68,  470, 
New  York  Tribune,  585;  mentions 
Buffalo  Republic  and  Times,  575; 
pubhshes :  campaign  poem  in  hon- 
or of  Douglas,  568,  correspondence 
between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  70, 
Ottawa  questions  of  Douglas,  148; 
quoted  by :  Chicago  Press  and  Tri- 
bune, 203,  Illinois  State  Register, 
33,  61,  199,  Missouri  Democrat, 
528,  New  York  Herald,  57,  Quincy 
Herald,  66,  Washington  Union, 
514;  quotes:  Buffalo  Courier,  588, 
Illinois  State  Journal,  24,  Phila- 
delphia Press,  30;  reports  Douglas 
in  Philadelphia,  30;  ridicules  Lin- 
coln, 56,  58,  66,  552,  554;  ridiculed 
by:  Chicago  Journal,  145,  Peoria 
Transcript,  144;  Sheridan,  J.  B., 
reporter  for,  76,  80-82;  used  for 
authentic  copy  of  Douglas'  speech- 
es, 86,  591. 

Chicago  Tribune,  comments  on: 
hostility  of  Chicago  to  Nebraska 
Bill,  5,  Freeport  questions  of  Lin- 
coln, 203;  quoted  in  Illinois  State 
Journal,  5;  White,  Horace,  editor 
of,  75;  see  Chicago  Press  and  Tri- 
bune. 

Chicago  Union,  quoted  by  Quincy 
Herald,  40. 


INDEX 


611 


Chicago  University,  gift  of  Douglas 

to,  50. 
Cincinnati,  Ohio,  Lincoln  named  as 
Repubhcan  presidential  candidate 
at,  581;  national  Democratic  con- 
vention at,  16,  424;  platform,  115, 
256,  360,  424. 
Cincinnati     Commercial,     comments 
on:     Douglas'  trip  through  Ohio, 
32,  Freeport  Debate,  518,  IlHnois 
contest,  31,  42,  540,  543,  Lincoln 
and  Douglas  in  Chicago,  42,  Otta- 
wa Debate,  513;  estimate  of  Joint 
Debates  by,  541,  543;  quotes  Vin- 
cennes  Sun,  31. 
Cincinnati    Gazette,    comments    on: 
Alton  Debate,  509,  lUinois  contest, 
509,    542,    581,   inconsistencies   of 
Douglas,  512,  542;  mentions  Chica- 
go Press  and  Tribune,  512. 
Clay,  Henry,  abandoned  by  Lincoln 
for  Taylor,   490;  attitude  of,   to- 
ward:     Declaration    of    Indepen- 
dence, 116,  471,  slavery,  116,  151, 
351,  432,  471,  484;  devises  compro- 
mise of  1850,  87,  171,  214,  292,  343, 
351,  456,  461;  respect  of  Douglas 
for,  291. 
Cleveland,  Douglas  welcomed  at,  32. 
Clifton    Springs,     N.     Y.,     Douglas 

speaks  at,  32. 
CUnton,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  at,  56, 

108,  110;  meeting  at,  62. 
Codding,    Ichabod,    at    Illinois    Re- 
publican  convention,    1854,    168; 
attacks  Supreme  Court,  519;  men- 
tioned, 117. 
Cody,  H.  H.,  delegate  to  Democratic 

district  convention,  1850,  239. 
Coles  County,  delegation  from,  meets 
Douglas,  312;  Republican  center, 
323. 
Coler,  W.  N.,  Democratic  candidate 

for  state  legislature,  67. 
Columbia  (South  Carolina)  Guardian, 
denounces  Freeport  Doctrine,  525; 
quoted  by  Washington  Union,  525. 
Columbus  (Georgia)  Times,  denounc- 
es Freeport  Doctrine,  579. 
Compromise    of    1850,    adopted    by 
Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  87, 
214,  294,  461;  attitude  of  Lincoln 
toward,  171,  233,  351;  devised  by 
Clay,  87,  171,  214,  292,  343,  351, 
456,   461;  embodied  in  Nebraska 
Bill,  87,  214;  endorsed  by  Chicago 
city  council  and  Illinois  legislature, 
8 ;  opposed  by  Chicago  city  council, 
254. 
Concord  (N.  H.)  Independent  Demo- 


crat, estimate  of  Lincoln  by,  584; 
quoted  by  Illinois  State  Journal^ 
584. 
Constitution  of  United  States,  quot- 
ed by  Lincoln  at  Galesburg,  358; 
status  of  negro  under,   150,   245, 
301,  358,  451,  476;  violated  by  lU- 
inois contest,  542. 
Cook,  Isaac,  delegate  to  Democratic 
congressional     convention,     1850> 
239. 
Cook  County,  delegation  from,  to  Ot- 
tawa, 133,  139;  Lincoln  banner  of> 
at   state    Republican   convention, 
1858,  23. 
Cook,  B.  C,  offers  resolution  in  Illi- 
nois state  Republican  convention, 
1858,  22. 
Correspondence  between  Lincoln  and 

Douglas,  59;  see  Joint  Debates. 
Corwin,  Thomas,  denounces  Mexican 

War,  490. 
Craddock,  Republican  candidate  for 

state  representative,  1858,  323. 
Crittenden,  John  J.,  accountable  for 
defeat  of  Lincoln,  579;  regarded  as 
possible  Republican  presidential 
candidate  for  1860,  43;  Republi- 
cans support  bill  of,  170;  men- 
tioned, 200.. 
Cuba,  Douglas  on  acquisition  of,  228. 

Cunningham,  Col.,  welcomes  Doug- 
las to  Coles  County,  312. 

Cushman,  H.  W.  H.,  welcomes  Doug-, 
las  to  Ottawa,  126,  139,  142. 

"Danite"  party,  origin  of  name,  28; 

see  Administration   Democrats. 
Danville,    Douglas   speaks   at,    559; 

Lincoln  speaks  at,  559;  Molony,  R. 

S.,  in  land  office  at,  239. 
Davidson,  James,   with  Douglas  at 

Galesburg,  332. 
Davis,  Jake,  opposes  Douglas,  1858, 

429. 
Davis,  Jefferson,  attitude  of,  toward 

Freeport  Doctrine,  463,  528,  579. 
Dayton,  Wm.  L.  Republican  nominee 

for  vice-president,    1856,    17. 
Decatur,  Lincoln  speaks  at,  529. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  inter- 
pretation of,  by:  Calhoun,  John 
C,  470,  Clay,  Henry,  116,  400,  432, 
471,  Douglas,  116,  342,  413,  464, 
470,  545,  Lincoln,  95,  118,  168, 
301,  339,  346,  366,  400,  413,  432, 
4,52,  469,  Pettit,  470,  Taney,  Roger 
470;  position  of  negro  under,  95, 
100,  116,  118,  168,  225,  301,  339, 


612 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


342,  346,  366,  400,  413,  432,  452, 
464,  469,  545. 

De  Kalb  Sentinel,  Judge  Mayo  editor 
of,  240;  mentioned  by  Chicago 
Journal,  324. 

Democratic  party  adopts  Compro- 
mise of  1850,  87,  171,  215,  294;  at- 
titude of,  toward:  Dred  Scott  De- 
cision, 525,  Freeport  Doctrine,  525, 
537,  slavery,  292,  406,  482;  cam- 
paign poetry  of,  566,  568,  570;  cel- 
ebrates election  of  Douglas,  575; 
congressional  convention  of,  at  Jol- 
iet,  1850,  238,  239;  dissolution  of, 
attempted  by  Lincoln  and  Trum- 
bull, 88,  92,  99,  171,  216,  232,  253, 
294,  306,  403;  district  convention 
of,  at  Naperville,  1850,  239;  Doug- 
las faction  of,  dreads  election  of 
Trumbull,  1854,  15;  Douglas  urges 
•support  of,  461;  national  conven- 
tion of,  1852,  87,  171,  215,  294;  re- 
organization of,  suggested  by  Bos- 
ton Advertiser,  537;  split  in,  1854,  9. 

Denio,  Cyrenius  B.,  referred  to  by 
Douglas  at  Freeport,  168;  speaks 
at  Republican  state  convention, 
1858,  22. 

De  Pauw  University,  Hitt,  Robert, 
graduates  from,  77. 

Detroit,  delegation  from,  to  Chicago, 
1854,  5. 

Dewey,  Chester  P.,  reporter  of  New 
York  Post,  77. 

District  of  Columbia,  status  of  sla- 
very in,  89,  120,  149,  241,  352,  405. 

Dixon,  delegation  from,  at  Freeport, 
191;  Lincoln  at,  147. 

Donnelly,  Neil,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Dougherty,  John,  aids  Lincoln,  1854, 
218,  296;  delegate  to  Administra- 
tion Democratic  convention,  235; 
nominated  in  Administration  Dem- 
'Ocratic  convention,  27;  speaks  at 
Jonesboro,  259,  265;  mentioned,  72 

"'Douglas'  Funeral,"  poem  in  deri- 
sion of  Douglas,  567. 

*'  Douglas  Song,  A, "  in  honor  of 
Douglas,  568. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  accepts  chal- 
lenge of  Lincoln,  60,  64;  accused  of 
■garbling  speeches  of  Lincoln,  591; 
aided  in  campaign  by:  Linder,  U. 
P.,  555,  wife,  573;  answered  by 
Lincoln  at  Springfield,  1857,  17; 
approaches  political  principles  of 
Lincoln,  522;  appointments  of, 
after  Alton,  499,   510;  at:  Alton, 


450,  488,  501,  Anna,  259,  At- 
lanta, 60,  62,  Augusta,  437,  441, 
Belleville,  573,  Bement,  71,  Bloom- 
ington,  50,  60,  62,  208,  403,  520, 
Cairo,  213,  Camp  Point,  437,  441, 
Charleston,  316,  320,  321,  553, 
Chicago,  5,  7,  33,  36,  61,  69,  106, 
254,  403,  451,  538,  540,  549,  Cleve- 
land, 32,  Clifton  Springs,  New 
York,  32,  Chnton,  56,  108,  110, 
Danville,  559,  Freeport,  147,  159, 
Galena,  188,  Galesburg,  331,  333, 
373,  377,  380,  383,  551,  Henry,  553, 
Indianapolis,  10,  Jacksonville,  269, 
308,  401,  Joliet,  247,  250,  Jones- 
boro, 213,  249,  La  Porte,  Indiana, 
33,La  Salle,  144,  Mattoon,  267,  312, 
316,  557,  Monmouth,  377,  Monti- 
cello,  66,  67,  Oquawka,  551,  Ot- 
tawa, 85,  86,  117,  136,  144,  515, 
Paris,  66,  68,  Peoria,  4,  14,  Peru, 
142,  Quincy,  393,  436-40,  442,  St. 
Louis,  555,  573,  Springfield,  11,  17, 
51,  60,  62,  69,  107,  117,  132,  168, 
208,  520,  Sullivan,  325,  557, 
562,  Toledo,  Ohio,  32,  Urbana,  559, 
Williamsville,  51,  Winchester,  91, 
549;  attacked  by:  Louisville  Jour- 
nal, 513,  Lowell  Journal  and  Cour- 
ier, 524,  Washington  Union,  111, 
462,  513;  attacks:  administration, 
19,  28,  113,  338,  460,  Lincoln's 
nomination  speech,  25,  37,  107, 
178,  222,  302,  345,  416,  451,  Wash- 
ington Union,  111,  185;  attitude  of, 
toward:  admission  of  slave  states, 
160,  457,  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, 301,  361,  413,  464,  470,  545, 
Dred  Scott  Decision,  108,  115,  201, 
227,  244,  370,  400,  418,  512,  519, 
523,  528,  English  Bill,  242,  334, 
458,  Ilhnois  Republicans,  31,  Le- 
compton  Constitution,  19,  228,  333, 
354,  457,  negroes,  95,  96,  106,  257, 
302,  304,  406,  427,  462,  465,  485, 
511,  545,  perpetual  expansion,  164, 
224,  228,  362,  state  sovereignty, 
453,  527,  545,  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  114,  357,  360,  370, 
519,  545;  begins  tour  of  state  49; 
Binmore,  Henry,  secretary  of  80; 
biographical  notice  of ,  91,  154,)517, 
549,  576;  Breckinridge,  John  C, 
attempts  defeat  of,  579 ;  Buchanan 
rebuked  by  election  of,  537,  cam- 
paign poem;  in  honor  of,  566,  568, 
in  derision  of,  570,  571,  candidate 
for  presidential  nomination,  1856, 
16;  cannon  of,  49;  causes  split  in 
Illinois     Democracy,      1854,     10; 


INDEX 


613 


charged  by:  Lincoln,  with  con- 
spiracy, 25,  106,  108,  122,  154,  233, 
289,  410,  with  forgery,  367,  New 
York  Tribune  with  inconsistency, 
526,  Trumbull  with  corrupt  bar- 
gain, 58,  269  ff.,  282;  charges: 
administration  with  conspiracy, 
158,  Lincoln  with  inconsistency, 
300,  339,  365,  403,  413;  Lincoln 
and  Trumbull  with  alliance,  88,  92, 
99,  171,  216,  231,  252,  294,  306, 
403;  consistent  course  of,  422,  462, 
519,  576;  criticizes  Lincoln's  replies 
at  Freeport,  177,  251,  411;  deadens 
moral  sentiments  of  people,  114, 
116,  defeats  Chase  amendment, 
110,  155;  defeat  of,  desired  by 
administration,  512;  defends  Ne- 
braska Bill,  5,  29,  123,  462;  Demo- 
cratic presidential  candidate  for 
1860,  43,  531,  575,  578 ;  demonstra- 
tion in  honor  of  election  of,  575; 
denies  Ottawa  Fraud,  367,  408; 
description  of,  129,  135,  197,  206, 
210,  443,  448,  504,  538;  display  of, 
during  campaign,  446;  "don't 
care"  policy  of,  352,  361,  369,  484; 
effect  of  campaign  on,  499,  509, 
524,  526,  527,  543,  544,  575,  578, 
egotism  of,  549;  elected  United 
States  senator,  1847,  19;  election 
of,  1858,  533,  536,  539,  575,  576, 
578;  endorsed  by  Democratic  state 
convention,  1858,  26;  enemies  of, 
513;  enthusiasm  for  in  Illinois,  555; 
estimate  of,  by:  Centreville  True 
Republican,  544,  Cincinnati  Com- 
mercial, 543,  Chicago  Journal,  530, 
Frankfort  Commonwealth,  524,  Fed- 
eral Union,  578,  Indiana  Journal, 
577,  Lowell  Journal  and  Courier, 
517,  Mississippian,  543,  Missouri 
Democrat,  521,  New  York  Herald, 
576,  Ne-w  York  Tribune,  544, 
Philadelphia  Press,  576;  favors 
acquisition  of  Cuba,  228;  gift  of, 
to  University  of  Chicago,  50;  Illi- 
nois Republicans  warned  against 
bv  Lincoln,  25;  in  Ohio,  32;  incon- 
sistency of,  243,  466,  512,  522  524, 
528;  insulted  at  Freeport,  203: 
justice  Illinois  Supreme  Court,  430; 
in  Joint  Debates,  see  Joint  Debates 
labors  of,  during  campaign,  529; 
leaves  East  for  Chicago,  30;  mort- 
gages Chicago  property  for  cam- 
paign expenses,  550;  mock  epitaph 
of,  556;  name  of,  at  head  of  edi- 
torial column,  28;  not  endorsed  by 
legislative  elections   of   1854,    14; 


opposes  decision  of  Illinois  Su- 
preme Court,  115;  opposition  to, 
in  lUinois,  1854,  10;  orator,  esti- 
mate as,  by:  Baltimore  Sun,  529, 
Boston  Courier,  511,  Chicago  Times 
83,  322,  Chicago  Tribune,  192,  Illi- 
nois State  Journal,  14,  42,  Illinois 
State  Register,  140,  Louisville  Dem- 
ocrat, 42,  Missouri  Democrat,  521, 
Missouri  Republican,  136,  New 
York  Express,  131,  New  York 
Post,  262,  New  York  Tribune,  546, 
Peoria  Transcript,  138,  Philadel- 
phia Press,  126  Quincy  Whig,  144, 
Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  515 
Ottawa  forgery  of,  89,  153,  200, 
238,  354,  356,  367,  396,  401,  408. 
409,  434,  552;  pictures  of,  sold  at 
Quincy  Debate,  394;  political  as- 
pirations of,  527;  presented  with 
banner  by  students  of  Lombard 
University,  377,  380,  383;  pro- 
pounds Freeport  Doctrine,  161, 
208,  258,  344,  420,  495;  protests 
against  editions  of  debates,  593; 
questioned  by  Lincoln,  152,  246; 
questions  Lincoln,  90,  160;  rebuked 
at  Chicago,  1854,  7;  reception  to, 
at;  Charleston,  312,  316,  320,  323, 
Chicago,  33,  35,  Freeport,  188,  191, 
192,  194,  196,  198,  200,  203,  Gales- 
burg,  373,  377,  380,  Jonesboro, 
264,  Ottawa,  125,  129,  132,  134, 
139,  Quincy,  436,  438,  440,  442; 
refers  to:  Charleston  Debate,  413, 
414,  489,  Freeport  Debate,  411, 
455,  Galesburg  Debate,  413,  Jones- 
boro Debate,  421,  Ottawa  Debate, 
411,  415,  452,  455;  re-election  of, 

19,  537;  regarded  as  unsafe 
by  Illinois  Repubhcans,  21,  44; 
ridiculed  by:  Alton  Courier,  556, 
Burlington  Hawkeye,  548,  cam- 
paign poetry,  565,  567,  Chicago 
Journal,  552,  553,  Chicago  Press 
and  Tribune,  550,  Galesburg  Dem- 
ocrat, 551,  Illinois  State  Journal, 
550-52,  Knoxville  Republican,  551, 
Louisville  Journal,  549,  550,  554, 
Missouri  Democrat,  554,  Peoria 
Transcript,  549,  553,  Quincy  Whig, 
551,  Urbana  (Ohio)  Union,  552, 
rival  of  Lincoln  in  debate,  12,  17, 
61;  sectionaHsm  of,  188,  350, 
speeches  of,  mutilated  by  Chicago 
Press  and  Tribune,  84;  support  of, 

20,  81,  260,  497,  516;  takes  the 
stump  for  Buchanan,  17;  tributes 
to,  575,  577;  unfinished  reply  of, 
to  Lincoln  at  Springheld,  1854,  12. 


614 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


Douglas,  Mrs.  Stephen  A.,  30,  573. 

"  Douglas  to  the  Fray,  A, "  poem  in 
honor  of  Douglas,  566. 

Douglass,  Fred,  aids  Lincoln  in  cam- 
paign, 88,  91,  95,  165,  171,  217, 
252  253,  295;  speaks  at  Pough- 
keepsie.  New  York,  295;  mention- 
ed,  414,  526. 

Dred  Scott  Decision,  attitude 
toward,  of:  Democratic  party,  525, 
Douglas,  108,  115,  201,  227,  244, 
301,  344,  370,  400,  418,  512,  523, 
528,  Harris,  Thomas  L.,  527,  Lin- 
coln, 25,  54,  94,  105,  110,  155,  157, 
225,  301,  303,  359.  400,  405,  410, 
418,  431,  435,  451,  467,  487; 
RepubUean  party,  96,  405,  571; 
derided  in  Repubhcan  campaign 
poem,  570. 

Dresser,  entertains  Lincoln  at  Jones- 
boro,  213. 

Eden,  John  R.,  welcomes  Douglas  to 
Sullivan,  558. 

Edwards,  B.  S.,  welcomes  Douglas  to 
Springfield,  52. 

Edwardsville,  delegation  from,  at 
Alton  Debate,  500. 

Election  of  Douglas,  Buchanan  re- 
buked by  result  of,  537;  com- 
mented on  by:  Boston  Advertiser, 
536,  Galesburg  Democrat,  533,  Illi- 
nois State  Journal,  533,  Indiana 
Journal,  577,  New  York  Herald, 
576,  New  York  Post,  578,  New 
York  Standard,  578,  Philadelphia 
Press,  576,  Quincy  Whig,  536, 
effect  of,  on  Douglas,  575;  interest 
in,  533,  576. 

Elwell,  George  W.,  presents  Lombard 
University  banner  to  Douglas,  373, 
377,  380, '383. 

English  Bill,  attitude  of  Douglas 
toward,  242,  334-36,  458;  rejected 
by  English.  459. 

Equalize  the  "Nations,"  poem  in 
derision  of  Lincoln,  570. 

Farns worth,  John  F.,  adviser  of  Lin- 
coln, 165;  congressional  represent- 
ative, 254,  300;  pledged  against 
admission  of  more  slave  states, 
369;  mentioned,  95,  248. 

Federal  Union,  comments  on  contest 
in  Illinois,  578. 

Feree,  J.  J.,  speaks  at  Republican 
state  convention,  1858,  22. 

Ficklin,  Orlando  B.,  declares  attitude 
of  Lincoln  toward  Mexican  War, 
307,     318,     326,     489;     welcomes 


Douglas  to  Charleston,  312,  316, 
321. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  attitude  of,  toward 
Compromise  of  1850,  171,  215,  292. 

Flint,  R.  F.,  writes  "Republican 
Rally  Song, "  568. 

Floyd,  J.,  regarded  as  possible  Demo- 
cratic presidential  candidate  for 
1860,  43. 

Ford,  Gr.  W.,  meets  Douglas  at  Gales- 
burg, 332. 

Ford,  Thomas,  History  of  Illinois  of, 
referred  to,  115. 

Frankfort  (Kentucky)  Commonwealth 
comments  of,  on:  Illinois  contest, 
512,  Freeport  Debate,  523,  Lincoln 
and  Douglas,  523. 

Freeport,  description  of,  during  Joint 
Debate,  188,  192;  Douglas  names, 
as  meeting-place,  60,  64;  Douglas 
speaks  at,  159;  Joint  Debate  at, 
147;  Lincoln  speaks  at,  148,  181; 
mentioned,  135. 

Freeport  Debate,  147-212;  described 
by:  Ingalls  Carleton,  206,  Chicago 
Journal,  198,  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune,  147,  Chicago  Times,  188, 
Chicago  Tribune,  190,  Frankfort 
(Kentucky)  Commonwealth,  523, 
Freeport  Journal,  196,  Illinois 
State  Journal,  199,  Illinois  Register, 
199,  Missouri  Democrat,  197,  Mis- 
souri Republican,  193,  520,  New 
York  Post,  192,  201,  New  York 
Tribune,  200,  referred  to:  by 
Douglas,  411,  455,  Lincoln,  236, 
238,  247,  303,  355,  357;  remin- 
iscences of,  203,  209;  mentioned, 
527. 

Freeport  Doctrine,  attitude  toward, 
of:  Boston  Advertiser,  537,  Charles- 
ton Mercury,  579,  Chicago  Times, 
528,  Cincinnati  Commercial,  518, 
Columbia  (South  Carolina)  Guard- 
ian, 525,  Columbus{(jQOYgiaj)Times, 
579,  Davis,  Jefferson,  463,  579, 
Democratic  party,  202,  205,  525, 
537,  Illinois  State  Register,  519, 
Indiana  Sentinel,  579,  Lincoln,  242, 
431,  486,  Louisville  Democrat,  528, 
Lowell  (Mass.)  Journal  and  Courier 

524,  Mississippian,  the,  579,  Mis- 
souri Democrat,  521,  Mobile  Reg- 
ister, 579.  New  York  Post,  201,  New 
York  Tribune,  526,  Orr,  J.  L.,  579, 
Republican  party,  204,  Stephens, 
A.  H.,  579,  Washington  Star,  579, 
Washington  Union,  421,  462,  522, 

525,  528,  579,  Wilmington  (North 
Carolina)   Journal,  526;  effect  of, 


INDEX 


615 


206;  propounded  by  Douglas,  161, 
208,  258,  344,  420,'  495. 

Free-port  Journal,  announces  arrival 
of  Lincoln,  147;  comments  on 
challenge  to  Joint  Debate,  64; 
describes  Freeport  Debate,  196. 

Fremont,  John  C,  in  Missouri,  80; 
Lincoln  on  the  defeat  of,  17;  nomi- 
nated for  the  presidency,  17;  re- 
garded as  possible  Republican 
presidential  candidate  for  1860, 
24,  43. 

Frost,  T.  G.,  welcomes  Lincoln  to 
Galesburg,  373. 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  attitude  toward, 
of:  Illinois  Republicans,  89,  175, 
Lincoln,  101,  149,  150,  487;  part  of 
Compromise  of  1850,  352. 

Galena,  delegation  from,  at  Ottawa, 
135,  191;  Douglas  at,  188;  Wash- 
burne  speaks  at,  169;  mentioned, 
568. 

Galesburg,  description  of,  during  de- 
bate, 374,  376,  378,  383;  Douglas 
names  as  meeting-place,  60;  Doug- 
las speaks  at,  331,  333,  373,  377, 
380,  383;  Lincoln  speaks  at  203; 
reception  at,  to:  Douglas,  373,  377, 
380,  Lincohi,  373,  378,  381. 

Galesburg  Debate,  329-388;  announ- 
ced in:  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune, 
329,  Galesburg  Democrat  331,  Peoria 
Transcript,  329;  described  by:  Chi- 
cago Democrat,  385,  Chicago  Jour- 
nal, 387,  Chicago  Press  and  Tri- 
bune, 378,  Chicago  Times,  380,  382, 
Galesburg  Democrat,  372,  Illinois 
State  Register,  387,  Peoria  Tran- 
script, 386,  Missouri  Republican, 
376,  Quincy  Whig,  384,  Douglas 
closes,  365;  Douglas  opens,  333; 
Lincoln  makes  reply  in,  346;  re- 
ferred to  by:  Douglas  413,  Lincoln, 
397,  400,  403,  404,  429,  433,  470. 

Galesburg  Democrat,  announces  dele- 
gation to  Galesburg  Debate,  331; 
comments  on  election,  533;  de- 
clares Lincoln's  speeches  mutilated 
83,  591;  describes:  Galesburg  De- 
bate, 372,  Quincy  Debate,  445, 
visit  of  Douglas  to  Galesburg,  331; 
mentions:  Aledo  Record,  375,  Chi- 
cago Journal,  551;  publishes:  poem 
in  derision  of  Douglas,  567,  "  Re- 
pubUcan  Rally  Song,"  568;  quotes 
Macomb  Enterprise,  445;  ridicules 
Douglas,  551,  567. 

Garesche,  A.  J.  P.,  speaks  at  Alton, 
507. 


Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  model  of 
Lincoln,  339,  414,  526. 

Giddings,  Joshua  R.,  attacks  Su- 
preme Court,  519;  makes  RepubH- 
can  platform,  1854,  92;  model  of 
Lincoln,  88,  91,  95,  171,  217,  252, 
299,  339,  491. 

Gleason,  Captain,  takes  part  in  Doug- 
las reception  at  Chicago,  34. 

Glover,  Joseph  O.,  chairman  of 
Republican  committee,  Ottawa 
Debate,  117;  mayor  of  Ottawa, 
1858,  145. 

Godkin,  Edwin  L.,  associated  with 
White,  Horace,  76. 

Goulding,  E.  H.,  displays  Lincoln 
banner  at  Alton,  500. 

Greeley,  Horace,  advised  giving  sen- 
atorship  to  Douglas,  21. 

Greene  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Springfield,  53. 

Gwin,  John,  mentioned,  558. 

Hale,  John  P.,  RepubUcan  senator, 
163,  252,  299. 

Hall,  B.  F.,  delegate  to  Democratic 
congressional  convention,  1850, 
239. 

Hannibal,  Missouri,  delegation  from, 
attends  Quincy  Debate,  436. 

Harris,  Thomas  L.,  attitude  of, 
toward  Dred  Scott  Decision,  527; 
charged  by  Lincoln  with  forgery, 
367,  408,  434;  congressional  repre- 
sentative, 167,  355;  Democratic 
congressional  candidate,  220,  297, 
355;  independent  action  of,  527; 
integrity  of,  433. 

Havana,  Lincoln  speaks  at,  547;  Mrs. 
Douglas  at,  573. 

Henderson,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg Debate,  331,  374. 

Henry,  Douglas  speaks  at,  553;  Lin- 
coln speaks  at,  248. 

Henry,  Bushrod  W.,  mentioned,  558. 

Henry,  John,  opposes  Mexican  War, 
307. 

Herndon,  William  H.,  attempts  to 
promote  interests  of  Lincoln,  13, 
note  1;  Life  of  Lincoln,  75. 

Herrington,  A.  M.,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Hill,  John  Y.,  mentioned,  558. 

Hillsboro,  Lincoln  at,  70. 

Hise,  John,  delegate  to  Democratic 
congressional  convention,  1850, 
239. 

Hitt,  Robert  R.,  biographical  notice 
of,  77;  called  for  at  Freeport  De- 
bate, 189,  207;  describes  work  as 


616 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


reporter,  78;  verbatim  reporter  for 
Chicago  Tribune,  76. 

Hope,  Dr.  A.,  National  Democratic 
congressional  candidate,  1858,  497; 
mentioned,  450,  503. 

Hopkins,  W.  T.,  speaks  at  Repub- 
lican state  convention,  1858,  22. 

Horsman,  J.,  delegate  to  Democratic 
district  convention,  1850,  239. 

Hoyne,  Thomas,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Hunter,  "  R.  M.  T"  regarded  as 
possible  Democratic  candidate 
for  president,  1860  43. 

Hurd,  Ada,  presents  shield  to  Lincoln 
at  Galesburg,  373,  379. 

Illinois,   accepts  Freeport  Doctrine, 
205;   anti-slavery   feeling   in,    16; 
battle-ground  of  1858,  4,  31,  43,  44, 
47,  49,  56,  128,  131,  511,  512,  514, 
517,  523,  533,  544,  576,  582;  center 
of  polities,  1850-60,  4;  Compromise 
of  1850  sustained  in,  87;  a  Demo- 
cratic state,   19,  534;  Democratic 
state  convention  in,   26;  descrip- 
tion of,  261;  formation  of  Repub- 
lican party  in,  89,   182;  Freeport 
Doctrine    early    taught    in,     161 
Hitt,    Robert   R.,    moves   to,    77 
hostility  to  Douglas  in,  1854,  10 
legislature    endorses    Compromise 
of  1850,  8,  293;  Lincoln  moves  to, 
130;  Lincoln  not  regarded  as  pos- 
sible Repu])lican  presidential  can- 
didate for  1860  in,  24;  newspapers 
in,  devoted  to  contest,  522;  oppo- 
sition   to    Nebraska    measure    in, 
6-10;  "People's"  conventions  in 
16;    political    conditions    in,    28 
presidential  election  in,  1856,   16 
RepubUcan  party  of,  19;  a  Repub- 
lican state,  582;  state  Repubhcan 

^  convention  in,  22,  89,  118,  132, 
222;  status  of  negro  in,  95,  96,  343, 
425,  465,  511;  stump  speaking  in, 
193. 

Illinois  State  Journal,  announces: 
excursion  to  Alton,  449,  Lincoln  as 
presidential  candidate,  581;  com- 
ments on:  correspondence  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas,  71,  Douglas' 
failureat  Chicago,  1854,  6,  7,  Doug- 
las' reply  to  Lincoln,  Springfield, 
1854,  13,  election  in  Springfield, 
533,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  at  Peoria 
1854,  4,  Lincoln's  Chicago  speech, 
1858,  42,  Lincoln's  "lost  speech," 


16,  senatorial  election,  1854,  15, 
Springfield  delegation  at  Alton 
Debate,  450;  defends  political  tac- 
tics of  Lincoln,  55;  describes :  Alton 
Debate,  509,  Freeport  Debate,  199, 
Republican  state  convention,  1858, 
22;  estimate  of  Douglas  as  orator 
by,  14;  first  paper  to  publish  Lin- 
coln's nomination  speech,  23;  men- 
tioned in  Illinois  State  Register, 
199;  praises:  Lincoln  for  sacrifice 
to  Trumbull,  1854,  15,  Lincoln's 
State  Fair  speech,  1854,  13;  pro- 
tests against  unfair  Apportion- 
ment Law,  533,  534;  publishes: 
correspondence  between  Lincoln 
and  Douglas,  70,  "  Republican 
Rally  Song,"  565;  quoted  in 
Chicago  Times,  24;  quotes:  Alton 
Courier,  509,  Chicago  Journal,  552, 
Chicago  Press,  16,  Chicago  Tribune, 
5,  Concord  (New  Hampshire)  Inde- 
pendent  Democrat,  584,  New  York 
Herald,  581,  Sandusky  Register, 
581,  St.  Louis  Republican,  581; 
ridicules  Douglas,  550-52;  tribute 
of,  to  Lincoln,  584;  tries  to  create 
enthusiasm  for  Lincoln,  553. 
Illinois  State  Register,  announces  ex- 
cursion, to  Alton  Debate,  449; 
answers  Republican  attacks  on 
Douglas,  64;  attitude  of,  toward 
Freeport  Doctrine,  519;  comments 
on:  challenge  to  Joint  Debates,  61, 
64,  72,  Charleston  Debate,  325, 
Freeport  Debate,  199,  labors  of 
Douglas  during  contest,  529,  Lin- 
coln at  Monticello,  68,  popular 
aspect  of  campaign,  28,  possible 
Republican  candidates,  1860,  588; 
charges  Lincoln  with  inconsistency 
527;  defends  Apportionment  Law, 
534;  describes:  Alton  Debate,  502, 
Charleston  Debate,  320,  Douglas' 
reception  at:  Chicago,  33,  Spring- 
field, 51,  Galesburg  Debate,  387, 
Ottawa  Debate,  138;  Lanphier, 
Charles,  H.  editor  of ,  167;  mention- 
ed by:  Charleston  Courier,  325,  Lin- 
coln, 307 ;  mentions :  Chicago  Times 
63,  Chicago  Tribune,  326,  Illi- 
nois State  Journal,  199;  "Ottawa 
Fraud'  '  begun  in,  355;  publishes: 
correspondence  between  Lincoln 
and  Douglas,  70,  Springfield  reso- 
lutions, 409;  quoted  by  Douglas  at 
Freeport,  168;  quotes:  Chicago 
Times,  33,  61,  199,  Douglas  poem 
from  eastern  paper,  27;  replies  to 


INDEX 


617 


Chicago  Tribune's  defense  of  Lin- 
coln, 57. 

Indiana  Journal,  comments  on: 
Charleston    Debate,    267;    Illinois 
election,   577;  Freeport  Doctrine, 
579;  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  577. 

Indiana  Sentinel,   579. 

Indianapolis,  Douglas,  at,  10. 

Iowa,  delegations  from,  at  Quincy 
Debate,  438,  439,  444. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  attitude  of,  toward: 
United  States  Constitution,  430, 
Supreme  Court,  115,  359,  371; 
mentioned,  270. 

Jackson,  W.  M.  (H.  M.),  delegate  to 
Democratic  conventions,  239. 

Jacksonville,  Douglas  speaks  at,  308, 
401;  Mrs.  Douglas  at,  573;  Single- 
ton, General,  speaks  at,  490. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  attitude  of,  to- 
ward: negro,  94, 104,  342,  Supreme 
Court,  360;  mentioned,  106. 

Jersey  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Springfield,  53. 

Jo  Daviess  County,  delegation  from, 
at  Freeport,  196,  199. 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  attitude  to- 
ward negro  equality,  268. 

Joint  Debates,  agreed  upon,  70;  at: 
Alton,  449-510,  Charleston,  267- 
328,  Freeport,  147-211,  Galesburg, 
329-388  Jonesboro,  213-66,  Ot- 
tawa, 85-145,  Quincy,  389-448; 
challenge  to,  55;  description  of, 
see  separate  debate;  editions  of, 
591;  effect  of,  on:  Douglas,  524, 
526,  575,  Lincoln,  581-89; 
estimates  of,  by:  Boston  Advertiser, 
536,  Cincinnati  Commercial,  518, 
540,  543,  Cincinnati  Gazette,  542, 
Louisville  Democrat,  42,  Missouri 
Democrat,  521,  New  York  Herald, 
539,  New  York  Post,  498,  New 
York  Tribune,  514;  interest  in,  47, 
145,  196,  266,  319,  449,  499,  511, 
514,  517,  521,  523;  used  as  presi- 
dential handbook,  1860,  591. 

Joliet,  congressional  convention  at, 
238;  delegations  from,  at  Ottawa, 
142;  Douglas  meeting  at,  1854,  10; 
Douglas  speaks  at,  247,  250;  men- 
tioned, 85. 

Joliet  Signal,  quoted  in  Quincy 
Herald,  38. 

Jonas,  A.,  chairman  of  Republican 
committee  at  Quincy,  390. 

Jonesboro,  description  of,  261;  Doug- 
las names  as  meeting-place,  60,  64; 


Douglas  speaks  at,  214,  249;  Joint 
Debate  at,  213-66;  Lincoln  speaks 
at,  229;  mentioned,  90,  552. 

Jonesboro  Debate,  213-66;  described 
by:  Chicago  Journal,  213,  263,  Chi- 
cago Press  and  Tribune,  213,  259, 
Chicago  Times,  260,  Keokuk  Gale 
City,  266,  Lowell  (Mass.)  Journal 
and  Courier,  265,  N^ew  York  Post, 
261,  Peoria  Transcript,  262;  re- 
ferred to:  by,  Douglas,  421,  Lin- 
cobi,  303,  396. 

Judd,  Norman  B.,  chairman  of  Re- 
publican State  Central  Committee, 
1858,  56,  204;  gubernatorial  candi- 
date, 1860,  194;  hands  Lincoln's 
challenge  to  Douglas,  59 ;  speaks  at 
state  RepubHcan  convention,  1858, 
23;  mentioned,  72,  298. 

Kane  County,  abolition  resolutions 
passed  in,  153. 

Kankakee  County,  delegation  from, 
to  Ottawa,  133. 

Kansas,  adoption  of  Lecompton  Con- 
stitution in,  19;  connection  of 
Douglas  with,  270;  enabhng  act 
for,  270;  Douglas  on  admission  of, 
160,  333;  struggle  in,  19. 

Kellogg,  mentioned,  15. 

Kelly,  delegate  to  Democratic  dis- 
trict convention  from  Will  County, 
1850,  239. 

Kendall  County,  sends  delegation  to 
Ottawa,  133. 

Kennedy,  John  P.,  announced  as  Re- 
pubhcan  vice-presidential  candi- 
date, 1860,  581. 

Kentucky,  delegation  from,  at:  Alton 
498,  Jonesboro,  259;  status  of 
negro  in,  226,  343. 

Keokuk,  Iowa,  excursion  from,  to 
Quincy,  390,  436,  444. 

Keokuk  Gate  City,  announces:  excur- 
sion to  Quincy,  390,  Quincy  De- 
bate, 389;  describes:  Jonesboro 
Debate,  266,  Quincy  Debate,  444; 
quotes  Louisville  Journal,  266. 

Knight,  Carn,  mentioned,  558. 

Knox,  Joseph,  introduces  Douglas  at 
Galesburg  Debate,  375,  385. 

Knox  College,  site  of  Galesburg  De- 
bate, 375. 

Knox  County,  Douglas  addresses 
people  of,  333. 

Knoxville,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg Debate,  331. 


618 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


Knoxville  Republican,  quoted  by 
Peoria  Transcript,  551;  ridicules, 
Douglas,  551. 

Koerner,  Gustavus,  president  of  Re- 
publican state  convention,  1858, 
22. 

Kriessman,  H.,  mentioned,  24,  189, 
221. 

Lanphier,  Charles  H.,  charged  by 
Lincoln  with  forgery,  367;  con- 
nected with  Ottawa  fraud,  408; 
editor  of  Illinois  State  Register,  167, 
355;  integrity  of,  433.  434. 

La  Porte,  Indiana,  Douglas  at,  33. 

Laraniinie,  assists  Hitt,  Robert  in 
reporting  debates,  79. 

La  Salle,  Douglas  at,  144. 

La  Salle  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Ottawa,  125,  133,  139. 

La  Salle  Democrat,  mentioned,  238. 

Latham,  W.  H.,  lieutenant  of  Spring- 
field Cadets,  509. 

Lawrence,  S.  W.,  voted  for  Lincoln 
as  senator,  1854,  176. 

Lea,  Harry,  displays  Lincoln  banner, 
510. 

Lea,  Henry,  displays  Lincoln  banner 
at  Alton,  500. 

Lecompton  Constitution,  attitude  of 
Douglas  tov/ard,  228,  333,  354,  457. 

Lee  County,  delegation  from,  at  Otta- 
wa, 147. 

Lewis,  James,  writes  poem  in  honor 
of  Lincoln,  570. 

Lewiston,  Lincoln  speaks  at,  518. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  abandons  Clay 
for  Taylor,  490;  abolition  senti- 
ments of,  90,  92,  99,  121,  170,  181; 
aided  in  campaign  by:  Blair,  F.  P., 
497,  513,  Brown,  B.  Gratz,  513, 
Chase,  S.  P.,  531,  negroes,  166, 
Trumbull,  513,  535,  547;  alliance 
with  Trumbull,  88,  92,  99,  171,  216, 
232,  252,  294,  306,  406;  announced 
as  Republican  presidential  candi- 
date, 581;  answers  of,  criticized  by 
Douglas,  251,  411;  appreciates  im- 
portance of  debates,  350,  402;  at: 
Alton,  502,  Atlanta,  60,  62, 
Augusta,  248,  Bement,  558,  Bloom- 
ington,  16,  55,  56,  60,  62,  Charles- 
ton, 317,  327,  348;  Chicago,  17,  36, 
56,  61,  69,  339,  348,  413,  432,  451, 
468,  529,  540,  Chnton,  56,  108,  Dan- 
ville, 559,  Dixon,  147,  Freeport, 
147,  Galesburg,  203,  373,  381,  378, 
Havana,  547,  Henry,  248,  Hillsboro 
70,  Jonesboro,  202,  213,  262,  348, 
Lewiston,  518,  Lincoln,  60,  62, 
Macomb,  203,  248,  Mattoon,  267, 


316,  317,  319,  Mendota,  209,  Mon- 
ticello,  56,  66,  67,  558,  Morris,  132, 
Ottawa,70,  85,  108,  144,  515,  Peoria 
4,  14,  100,  142,  Quincv,  389,  391, 
440,  445,  446,  Salem,  91,  Spring- 
field, 12.  16.  17,  22,  53,  54,  56,  60, 
62,  69,  93,  105,  107,  117,  205,  451, 
467,  469,  526,  529,  Sullivan,  557, 
558,  559,  562,  Tazewell  County, 
99,  117,  168,  368,  Urbana,  559; 
attitude  of,  toward:  admission  of 
slave  states,  119,  149,  150,  369, 
411,  455,  Compromise  of  1850, 
351,  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, 301,  346,  366,  413,  452, 
469,  Dred  Scott  Decision,  25,  54, 
94,  105,  110,  155,  157,  158,  225, 
301,  303,  359,  400,  405,  410,  418, 
429,  431,  435,  451,  460,  467,  487, 
Freeport  Doctrine,  206,  208,  242, 
431,  486,  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  102, 
149,  150,  487,  Mexican  War,  91, 
103,  167,  318,  326,  489,  Nebraska 
Bill,  551,  negroes,  95,  101,  168,  267, 
348,  451,  452,  Ottawa  Fraud,  154, 
354,  367,  401,  433,  434,  perpetual 
expansion,  149,  362,  slavery,  149, 
151,  353,  357,  404,  411,  416,  469, 
473,  479,  482,  511,  Supreme  Court 
of  United  States,  370,  451,  519, 
Wilmot  Proviso,  491;  biographical 
notice  of,  9,  44,  91,  102,  129; 
carried  off  from  Ottawa  Debate, 
128,  131,  136,  137,  141,  143,  239, 
248;  challenges  Douglas  to  Joint 
Debates,  55,  56,  66,  72;  charges 
Douglas  with  inconsistency,  367, 
466;  conspiracy  charge  of,  154,  179, 
289,  410,  435,  defeat  of,  1858,  533, 
579;  description  of,  12,  32,  190, 
206,  213,  443,  447,  505;  desires 
United  States  senatorship,  1854,  9; 
effect  of  contest  on,  517,  518,  529, 
582,  583,  584,  585,  586,  587;  elector 
for  Freemont,  17;  enthusiasm  for,  in 
St.  Louis,  555;  estimate  of  by: 
Boston  Advertiser,  536,  537,  Boston 
Courier  511,  Buffalo  Courier,  588, 
Centreville  True  Republican,  544, 
Cincinnati  Commercial,  543,  Con- 
cord Independent  Democrat,  584, 
Chicago  Democrat,  586,  Chicago 
Journal,  530,  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune,  582,  585,  Federal  Union, 
578,  Frankfort  Commonwealth,  512, 
523,  Illinois  State  Journal,  584, 
Indiana  Journal,  577,  Mississip- 
pian,  the,  543,  Missouri  Democrat, 
521,  New  York  Herald,  46,  576, 
New   York  Tribune,  585,  Rochester 


INDEX 


619 


Democrat,  583,  St.  Louis  Repub- 
lican, 581,  Washington  Union, 
539;  handicapped  in  senatorial 
race,  20,  21;  humor  of,  29,  30;  in 
Joint  Debates,  see  Joint  Debates; 
inconsistency  of,  303,  339,  340,  348, 
365,  381,  384,  386,  387,  397,  403, 
413,  432,  498;  known  as  "Perpen- 
dicular Pronoun,"  549;  "lost 
speech"  of,  16;  mock  epitaph  of, 
556;  nomination  of,  21,  22,  23, 
25,  93,  451;  not  regarded  as 
possible  presidential  candidate 
previous  to  campaign  of  1858,  24, 
43;  nomination  speech  of,  at- 
tacked by:  Cincinnati  Commer- 
cial, 31,  Douglas,  51,  94,  98,  107, 
124,  178,  223,  345,  416,  451;  de- 
fended by,  102,  103,  230,  234,  474, 
derided  in  campaign  poem,  570; 
forms  Republican  platform,  588; 
placed  in  nomination  for  vice-presi- 
dent, 1856,  17;  orator,  estimate  of, 
as,  by:  Boston  Courier,  511,  Chicago 
Democrat,  586,  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune  582,  585,  Concord  In- 
dependent Democrat,  584,  Illinois 
State  Journal,  13,  16,  42,  584, 
Illinois  State  Register,  140,  Louis- 
ville Democrat,  42,  Lowell  Journal 
and  Courier,  517,  Missouri  Dem- 
ocrat, 521,  Missouri  Republican, 
136,  New  York  Express,  131,  New 
York  Post,  128-130,  New  York 
Tribune,  47,  201,  585,  Philadelphia 
Press,  124-127.  Rochester  Democrat, 
583,  Schurz, '  Carl,  447,  Spring- 
field (Mass.)  Republican,  515,  St. 
Louis  News  507-508,  White,  Horace 
12;  poem  in  honor  of,  565,  569,  570; 
poem  in  derision  of,  570 ;  presented 
banner  by  students  of  Lombard 
University,  373;  questioned  at: 
Ottawa,  90,  Freeport,  160;  ques- 
tions Douglas  at:  Freeport,  152, 
204,  Jonesboro,  246;  reception  to, 
at:  Charleston,  317,  319,  323,  325, 
327,  Freeport,  191,  193,  195,  196, 
198,  200,  Galesburg,  373,  378,  381, 
Ottawa,  126,  129,  132,  134,  139, 
Quincy,  392,  393,  436,  439,  440; 
refers  to:  Charleston  Debate,  432, 
Chicago  Times,  470,  Galesburg  De- 
bate, 429,  433,  470,  Ottawa 
Debate,  403,  Quincy  Debate,  466, 
485;  regarded  as  Republican  presi- 
dential candidate  for  1860,  581, 
582,  587,  588;  regrets  defeat  of 
1854,  15;  replies  to:  Calhoun,  John 
C,  11,  Douglas  at  Peoria,  1854,  14, 


Douglas  in  Springfield  State  Fair, 
1854,  11;  rival  of:  Douglas  in  de- 
bate, 12,  17,  61,  Seward,  591; 
ridiculed  by:  Burlington  Gazette, 
549,  555,  Chicago  Times,  57,  66, 
552,  554,  Missouri  Republican,  67; 
secures  election  of  Trumbull,  15; 
simphcity  of,  during  campaign, 
446;  speech  of,  at  Whig  caucus, 
490;  speeches  of:  after  Alton  De- 
bate, 499,  510,  mutilated  by 
Chicago  Times,  83,  rewritten,  79, 
83,  used  in  gubernatorial  election 
in  Ohio,  591;  takes  the  stump 
for  Fremont,  17;  Tributes  to, 
581,  Buffalo  Courier,  588,  Chicago 
Democrat,  586,  Chicago  Journal, 
585,  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune, 
585;  urges  union  of  anti-slavery 
elements  in  speech  at  Chicago, 
1856,  17;  warns  leading  Illinois 
Repubhcans  against  Douglas,  21, 
25. 

Lincoln,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  at,  60 

62. 
"Lincoln  and  Douglas,"  a  Repubh- 

can  campaign  poem,  570. 
Linder,  U.  F.,  aids  Douglas  in  cam- 
paign,   555;    at    St.    Louis,    555; 

speaks  at   Cairo,    213;  Jonesboro 

Debate,  259,  265. 
Lineus,  Missouri,  delegation  from,  to 

Quincy,  389. 
Little,  W.  A.,  voted  for  Lincoln  as 

senator,  1854,  176. 

Little  Giant,  origin  of,  as  soubriquet 
of  Douglas,  553. 

Logan,  John.,  speaks  at  Cairo,  213. 

Lombard,  Fi*ank,  writes  song  for 
Republican  rally,  565. 

Lombard  University,  students  of, 
present  Douglas  with  banner,  373, 
377,  380,  383. 

Long,  John,  drives  Lincoln  to  Free- 
port  Debate,  210. 

Louisville  Democrat,  comments  on: 
Douglas,  538,  Freeport  Debate, 
528,  Joint  Debates,  42;  referred  to 
by:  Charleston  Courier,  325,  Wash- 
ington Union,  528;  quotes  Louis- 
ville Journal,  143. 

Louisville  Journal,  attacks  Douglas, 
513;  comments  on:  Lincoln  at 
Jonesboro,  266,  Lincoln  at  Ottawa, 
143;  mentioned  by  Galesburg  Dem- 
ocrat, 331;  quoted  by:  Burlington 
Hawkeye,  549,  Keokuk  Gate  City, 
266,  Louisville  Democrat,  143,  Mis- 
souri   Democrat,    554,    Springfield 


620 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


(Mass.)   Republican,  550;  ridicules 
Douglas,  549,  550,  554. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  abolition  sentiments 
of,  173,  219,  251,  369,  452; 
adviser  of  Lincoln,  95,  165,  339; 
delegate  to  Republican  convention 
1854,  99;  congressional  candidate, 
300;  present  at  Ottawa  Debate, 
399;  ridiculed  in  campaign  poem, 
570;  speaks  at  Ottawa,  515;  work 
of,  1854,  295;  mentioned,  77,  88, 
171,  202,  217,  248,  252,  299,  414, 
527. 

Lowell  Journal  and  Courier,  com- 
ments on:  effect  of  contest  on  Lin- 
coln, 583,  inconsistency  of  Douglas, 
524,  Freeport  Doctrine,  524,  Joint 
Debates,  55,  Jonesboro  Debate, 
265;  estimate  of  Lincoln  and  Doug- 
las by,  517;  quotes  New  York  Post, 
266. 

Loyd,  J.,  lieutenant  of  Springfield 
Cadets,  509. 

Lyman,  William,  voted  for  Lincoln 
as  senator,  1854,  176. 

Lynn,  George,  mentioned,  558. 

Macomb,  delegation  from,  to  Quincy 
Debate,  436;  Lincoln  speaks  at, 
203,  248;  the  Enterprise  of,  quoted 
by  Galesburg  Democrat,  44.5. 

Macon  County,  delegation  from,  to 
Springfield,  53. 

Macoupin  County,  delegation  from, 
to  Springfield,  53. 

Madison,  James,  attitude  of  toward 
slavery,  94,  98,  105,  106. 

Madison  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Springfield,  53. 

Maine,  status  of  negro  in,  97,  227, 
343. 

Mansfield,  Ohio,  Lincoln  meeting  at, 
581. 

Marengo,  delegation  from,  to  Free- 
port,  191. 

Marshall,  Judge,  speaks  at  Cairo,  213. 

Matheny,  James  H.,  exposes  alliance 
between  Trumbull  and  Lincoln,  88, 
92,  232,  296;  Republican  congres- 
sional candidate,  1858,  220,  253. 

Mather,  D.  S.,  (Thos.  S.,)  captain  of 
Springfield  Cadets,  509. 

Matteson,  Joel  A.,  defeated  by  Trum- 
bull in  senatorial  election,  1854,  14; 
delegate  to  Democratic  congres- 
sional convention,  1850,  239. 

Mattoon,  Douglas  at,  267,  312,  316, 
557;  Lincoln,  at,  267,  317,  319,  321. 

Mayo,  Judge,  candidate  for  Illinois 
legislature,  1858,  240. 


McBride,  James  J.,  mentioned,  555. 

McClernand,  Colonel  John  A.,  men- 
tioned, 10. 

McClure's  Magazine,  "Memoirs  of 
Carl  Schurz, "  quoted  from,  446. 

McDonnell,  Charles,  delegate  to  Dem- 
ocratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

McLean,  John,  regarded  as  possible 
Republican  presidential  candidate, 
1860,  24. 

Medill,  Joseph,  of  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune,  76,  189;  reminiscences  of 
Lincoln  by,  203. 

Meech,  George  A.  mentioned,  24. 

Meeting  at:  Alton,  496,  497,  499,  501- 
503,  505,  506,  508-10,  530;Bloom- 
ington,  50;  Charleston,  312,  316, 
317,  319,  321-23,  327;  Chicago,  6-8, 
35,  39;  Clinton,  56,  62;  Freeport, 
152,  159,  189, 191,  192,  195-98,  200, 
202,  207,  523;  Galesburg,  203,  372, 
375,  377,  379-81,  383,  385-87; 
Jonesboro,  260-63;  Macomb,  203; 
Montieello,  68;  Ottawa,  125,  128, 
129,  134,  137,  142,  144,  192,  319, 
513;  Quincy,  436-38,  440,  441, 
444-46;  Springfield,  52;  Sullivan, 
57,  557;  Waterloo,  218. 

Mendota,  Lincoln  at  ,209. 

Mercer  County,  delegation  from,  to 
Galesburg,  331,  374. 

Merrick,  speaks  at  Alton,  507, 

Methodist  church,  split  by  slavery 
question,  479. 

Mexican  War,  attitude  of  Lincoln 
toward,  91,  103,  167,  318,  326,  489. 

Michigan  City,  Douglas  met  at,  by 
Chicago  delegation,  33. 

Miller,  James,  Republican  candidate 
for  state  treasurer,   1858,  22. 

Mississippian,  the,  attitude  of  to- 
ward Illinois  contest,  543;  denoun- 
ces Freeport  Doctrine,  579;  quoted 
by  Washington  Union,  543. 

Missouri,  delegation  from,  to:  Jones- 
boro, 259;  Quincy  443,  444,  438-40, 
gradual  emancipation  attempted 
in,  407,  415,  484;  interest  of,  in 
Joint  Debates,  389,  390,  449,  497. 

Missouri  Compromise,  Lincoln  on 
repeal  of,  100;  Douglas  secures 
repeal  of,  58,  204;  origin  of,  123. 

Missouri  Democrat,  comments  on: 
Douglas'  inconsistency,  528,  Free- 
port  Debate,  197,  Freeport  Doc- 
trine, 521,  522;  describes:  Alton 
Debate  496,  Quincy  Debate,  443; 


INDEX 


621 


quotes:  Chicago  Times,  528,  Louis- 
ville Journal,  554;  ridicules  Doug- 
las, 554. 

Missouri  Republican,  announces  ex- 
cursion to  Alton  Debate,  449;  com- 
ments on:  Alton  Debate,  450,  529- 
530,  525,  contest  in  Illinois,  521, 
Lincoln's  senatorial  prospects,  21, 
possible  Republican  presidential 
candidates  1860,  24;  describes: 
Douglas'  reception  at  Chicago,  38, 
Freeport  Debate,  193,  Galesburg 
Debate,  376,  melee  between  Re- 
publicans and  Democrats  at  Sulli- 
van, 557,  Ottawa  Debate,  136, 
Quincy  Debate,  441;  gives  history 
of  Illinois  Apportionment  Law, 
535;  mentions:  Chicago  Press 
and  Tribune,  137,  194,  Star  of 
Egypt,  316;  ridicules  Tancoln,  67. 

Mitchell,  Colonel  James,  Democratic 
moderator  at  Freeport,  189;  wel- 
comes Douglas  to  Freeport,  195, 
210. 

Mobile  Register,  denounces  Freeport 
Doctrine,  579. 

Molony,  R.  S.,  congressional  candi- 
date, 1850,  238;  political  views  of, 
238,  253;  speaks  for  Douglas  at 
Freeport,  239. 

Monmouth,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg Debate,  331,  374;  Douglas  at, 
377;  electioneering  of  Repubhcan 
Glee  Club  of,  376. 

Monroe  Countj%  Baker,  Jehu,  ad- 
dresses free  Democracy  of,  341; 
delegation  from,  at  Springfield,  53. 

Montgomery   County,   delegation 
from,  at  Springfield,  53. 

Monticello,  Douglas  at,  66;  Lincoln 
at,  56,  66,  558;  mentioned,  71. 

Morgan  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Springfield,  53;  mentioned,  22. 

Morris,  delegation  from,  at  Ottawa, 
134,  142;  Lincoln  at,  132;  men- 
tioned, 85. 

Morris,  J.  N^.,  (Isaac  N.)  speaks  at 
Camp  Point,  437,  442. 

Morton,  Sen.,  O.  P.,  Hitt,  Robert, 
secretary  of,  78. 

Mound  City,  crowd  from,  at  Jones- 
boro,  259. 

Mount  Morris,  Rock  River  Seminary 
at,  209. 

Muscatine,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg Debate,  329. 

Naper,  Captain,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic district  convention,  1850, 
239. 


Naperville,  Democratic  district  con- 
vention at,  1850,  239. 

Nebraska  Act,   5,  29,  87,   106,   109 
123,  162,  163,  165,  333,  351,  462 
draws    Lincoln    into    pohtics,    9 
eft'ect  of,  on:  Missouri  Compromise, 
4;  slavery,   155,  304;  fathered  by 
Douglas,  87;  opposition  to,  in  Illi- 
nois, 5,  14,  15,  89,  182;  supported 
in  Freeport  I3octrine,  161. 

Negro,  attitude  toward,  of:  De  Kalb 
County  Sentinel,  240;  Douglas,  95, 
225,  342,  465,  511,  545;  Lincoln,  95, 
101,  168,  225,  267,  303,  339,  340, 
348,  386,  387,  397,  451,  452;  posi- 
tion of,  under:  Declaration  of 
Independence,  168,  301,  413,  470, 
United  States  Constitution,  476, 
status  of:  in  Illinois,  343,  425.  465; 
511,  Kentucky,  226,  343,  Maine, 
227,  343,  Massachusetts,  511. 

New  Orleans  Courier,  mentioned  by 
Washington  Union,  523. 

New  Orleans  Delta,  mentioned,  by 
Washington  Union,  523. 

New  York,  Binmore,  Henry,  at  80; 
birth  of  Republican  party  in,  216; 
Douglas  welcomed  at,  32 ;  status  of 
negro  in,  97,  227,  343. 

New  York  Express,  quoted  in  Balti- 
more Sun,  131. 

New  York  Herald,  comments  on:  Illi- 
nois contests,  539,  576,  Lincoln  as 
presidential  candidate,  581,  politi- 
cal tactics  of  Lincoln,  57,  58;  esti- 
mate by,  of:  Douglas,  576,  Hitt, 
Robert,'  R.  79,  Lincoln,  46,  577, 
Trumbull,  577;  quoted  by  Illinois 
State  Journal,  581;  quotes  Chicago 
Times,  57. 

New  York  Post,  bought  by  Villard, 
Henry,  and  White,  Horace,  76; 
comments  on:  Freeport  Debate, 
261,  Illinois  contest,  49,  540,  578, 
stump  speaking,  2-3,  describes: 
Alton  Debate,  498,  Charleston 
Debate,  319,  Freeport  Debate,  192, 
Jonesboro  Debate  261,  Ottawa 
Debate,  128;  Dewey,  Chester  P., 
repoi'ter  of,  77;  estimate  of  Lin- 
coln and  Douglas  by,  43;  quoted 
in  Lowell  Journal  and  Courier,  265; 
quotes  Chicago   Tribune,   547. 

New  York  Standard,  comments  on 
election  in  Illinois,  578. 

New  York  Times,  comments  on  the 
senatorial  contest  in  lUinois,  46. 

New   York  Tribune,  advocates  elec- 


622 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


tion  of  Douglas,  516;  comments  on: 
Douglas'  inconsistency,  526,  Free- 
port  Debate,  200,  humor  of  Lin- 
coln, 29,  Illinois  contest,  514;  de- 
scribes Alton  Debate,  503;  esti- 
mate by,  of:  Douglas,  47,  544, 
Lincoln,  47,  585;  mentions  Chicago 
Times,  585;  quotes  The  South,  545. 

Newspapers  comments  of,  on  chal- 
lenge to  Joint  Debates,  55  ff. ;  im- 
portance of,  in  campaign,  28,  522. 

Nicholson  Letter,  regarded  by  Lin- 
coln as  origin  of  Nebraska  Bill,  29. 

Norfolk  Argus,  quoted  by  Washington 
Union,  542. 

Norton,  Jesse  O.,  Ottawa  Fraud  used 
against,  in  Congress,  167,  356,  434. 

Ogden,  Wilham,  B.  mentioned,  15. 

Ogle  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Freeport,  147,  196. 

Okaw,  delegation  from,  to  Montieello, 
66. 

"  Old  Dan  Tucker, "  Republican  rally 
song,  565. 

Oneida,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  331. 

Oquawka,  Douglas  speaks  at,  551. 

Oquawka  Plain  Dealer,  mentioned  by 
Peoria  Transcript,  551. 

Orr,  James  L.,  attitude  of,  toward 
Freeport  Doctrine,  344,  421,  463, 
528,  579. 

Ottawa,  description  of,  during  de- 
bate, 125,  128,  129,  133,  142,  144, 
514;  Douglas  at,  86,  117,  515; 
names  as  meeting- place,  60,  64; 
Joint  Debate  at,  85-146;  Lincoln 
at,  98,  515;  Lovejoy  speaks  at,  515; 
meeting  at,  10,  513;  mentioned,  90, 
238,  552. 

Ottawa  Debate,  85-146;  commented 
on  by:  Baltimore  Sun,  131,  Boston 
Advertiser,  130,  Chicago  Journal, 
145,  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune, 
85,  145,  Cincinnati  Commercial, 
513,  Louisville  Democrat,  143, 
Peoria  Transcript,  144,  Springfield 
(Mass.)  Republican,  515,  Washing- 
ton Union,  513;  described  by: 
Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  133, 
Chicago  Times,  141,  Illinois  State 
Register,  138,  Missouri  Republican, 
136,  New  York  Post,  128,  Peoria 
Transcript,  137,  Philadelphia  Press 
124,  Quincy  Whig,  144,  St.  Louis 
Herald,  132,  White,  Horace,  143; 
effect  of,  on  Lincoln's  reputation, 
141,  145;  published  in  New  York 
Tribune,  514;  referred  to  by: 
Douglas,  250,  308,  369,  411,  414, 


452,  455;  Lincoln,  239,  247,  303, 
308,  354,  356,  398,  403,  432;  men- 
tioned, 523,  527. 

Ottawa  Fraud,  commented  on  by 
New  York  Tribune,  200;  connec- 
tion of  Douglas  with,  88,  356,  367, 
408,  409,  434;  history  of,  354,  409; 
published  in  Illinois  State  Register, 
1854,  355;  referred  to  by  Lincoln, 
153,  396,  401;  ridiculed  by  Chicago 
Journal,  552. 

Ottawa  Free  Trader,  mentioned,  238. 

Paine,  E.  A.,  canvasses  votes  on  ex- 
cursion train,  531. 

Palmer,  John  M.,  mentioned,  10,  72, 
222,  298. 

Paris,  Douglas  at,  66,  68. 

Peck,  E.,  mentioned,  24,  298. 

"People's"  conventions  elect  anti- 
slavery  delegates,  1856,  16. 

Peoria,  delegation  from,  at:  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  331,  386,  388;  Ottawa 
Debate,  135;  Douglas  at,  1854,  4, 
14;  Lincoln  at,  1854,  4,  14,  100, 
142;  mentioned,  569. 

Peoria  Democrat,  copies  charge  of 
Chicago  Times  against  Lincoln, 
143. 

Peoria  Message,  comments  on  effects 
of  contest  on  Lincoln,  582;  quoted 
by  Quincy  Herald,  582. 

Peoria  Transcript,  describes:  Alton 
Debate,  505,  Charleston  Debate, 
325,  Douglas  demonstration  at  St. 
Louis,  555,  Galesburg  Debate,  386, 
Jonesboro  Debate,  262,  Ottawa 
Debate,  137;  comments  on:  chal- 
lenge to  Joint  Debates,  63,  term 
"Little  Giant,"  553;  defends  Lin- 
coln, 143;  declares  Lincoln  certain 
of  election,  530;  mentions  Oquawka 
Plain  Dealer,  551;  publishes  "Re- 
publican Rally  Song,  "  569;  quoted 
by  Burlington  Gazette,  549;  quotes: 
Charleston  Courier,  325,  Knoxville 
Republican,  551,  St.  Louis  Demo- 
crat, 555;  ridicules:  Chicago  Times, 
144,  Douglas,  549,  551;  urges 
attendance  at  Galesburg  Debate, 
329. 

"  Perpendicular  Pronoun,  "  nickname 
of  Lincoln,  549. 

Peru,  delegation  from,  at  Ottawa, 
125;  Douglas  at,  132,  142;  men- 
tioned, 238. 

Pettit,  Sen.  John  attitude  of,  toward 
Declaration  of  Independence,  470. 

Philadelphia  Press,  comments  on: 
election  of  Douglas,  575,  576,  Lin- 
coln, 57;  describes  Ottawa  Debate 


INDEX 


623 


124;  estimate  of  Douglas  by,  576; 

publishes     Democratic     poem     in 

honor  of  Douglas,  566;  quoted  by: 

Chicago  Times,  30,  Quincy  Herald, 

566;  Sheridan,  James  B.,  reporter 

for,  81,  Villard,  Henry,  a  reporter 

for,  77. 
Phillips,  D.  L.,  introduces  Lincoln  at 

Jonesboro,  229. 
Phillips,    Wendell,    mentioned,    414, 

526. 
Phonographic    Magazine,    article    of 

Hitt,  Robert  R.,  quoted  from,  78. 
Piatt   County,    delegation   from,    at 

Springfield,  53. 
Pierce,  Franklin,  conspiracy  charge 

against,    25,     106;    defended    by, 

Douglas,  122,  180. 
Pike    County,    delegation    from,    at 

Springfield,  53. 

Pinkham,  N.,  furnishes  seats  for 
Quincy  Debate,  393. 

Pittsfield  Democrat,  quoted  in  Quincy 
Herald,  49. 

Piatt,  P.  W.,  delegate  to  Democratic 
district  convention,  1850,  239. 

Poetry  of  the  campaign,  565. 

Polo,  delegation  from,  at  Freeport, 
191. 

Popular  Sovereignty,  abandoned  by 
Douglas  at  Freeport,  524;  attacked 
by  Lincoln,  11,  105;  attitude  of 
Douglas  toward,  5,  19,  109,  214, 
228,  292,  333,  351,  461,  527;  basis 
of:  Compromise  of  1850,  214,  292, 
333,  351,  461,  Nebraska  Bill,  5, 
333 ;  tested  in  Kansas,  19 ;  triumphs 
in  election  of  Douglas,  575;  under 
the  Dred  Scott  Decision,  201,  431. 

Prentice,  George  D.,  editor  of  Louis- 
ville Journal,  331. 

Presbyterian  church,  disturbed  by 
slavery  question,  480. 

Quincy,  delegation  from,  at  Ottawa, 
135;  description  of,  during  debates, 
446;  Douglas  names  as  meeting- 
place,  60,  64;  reception  at,  to: 
Douglas,  391,  393,  436,  438-42, 
Lincoln,  391,  393,  439,  440,  44.5, 
446;  Schurz,  Carl,  speaks  at,  437. 

Quincy  Debate,  389-448;  announced 
in:  Chicago  Press  and  Tribune,  390, 
Keokuk  Gate  City,  389,  Quincy 
Whig,  389;  described  by:  Chicago 
Journal,  444,  Chicago  Press  and 
Tribune,  435,  Chicago  Times,  437, 
Galesburg  Democrat,  445,  Keokuk 
Gate  City,  444,  Missouri  Democrat, 
443,  Missouri  Republican,  441,  445, 
Quincy  Herald,  440,  Quincy  Whig, 
438,  446,  Schurz,  Carl,  446;  Doug- 


las' pictures  sold  at,  394;  excur- 
sions to,  from  Keokuk,  390;  inter- 
est of  Missouri  in,  389,  390;  re- 
ferred to  by  Lincoln,  466,  485. 

Quincy  Herald,  announces  time  of 
Douglas  parade,  391,  393;  com- 
ments on:  challenge  to  Joint  De- 
bates, 66,  Douglas  in  Chicago,  1854 
and  1858,  38,  Lincoln  vs.  Douglas, 
49;  describes:  Douglas  torch-light 
procession,  394,  Lincoln  meeting 
at  Chicago,  1858,  40,  Quincy  De- 
bate, 440;  publishes:  communica- 
tion from  Lineiis,  Missouri,  389, 
poem  in  derision  of  Lincoln,  570, 
poem  in  honor  of  Douglas,  566; 
quotes:  Chicago  Times,  66,  Chicago 
Union,  40,  Joliet  Signal,  38,  Peoria 
Message,  582,  Philadelphia  Press, 
566,  Pittsfield  Democrat,  49. 

Quincy  Whig,  announces:  Lincoln 
parade,  392,  393;  Quincy  Debate, 
389,  391;  comments  on:  Douglas, 
48,  144,  possible  presidential  can- 
didates for  1860,  43,  Quincy  De- 
bate, 446,  Republican  state  con- 
vention, 1858,  22,  rival  torch-light 
processions,  395;  declares:  fraudu- 
lent methods  used  in  election,  536, 
Lincoln's  speeches  garbled,  84; 
describes:  Galesburg  Debate,  384, 
melee  between  Republicans  and 
Democrats  at  Sulhvan,  562,  Quincy 
Debate,  438;  reports  Douglas  in 
New  York,  30;  ridicules  Douglas, 
551. 

Rally  Song,  in  derision  of  Douglas, 
571;  in  honor  of  Lincoln,  568; 
written  by  R.  F.  Flint,  568. 

Reddiek,  William,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Renwick,  G.  W.,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Reporting  the  Debates,  75-84;  de- 
clared unfairness  in,  81;  descrip- 
tion of,  82;  difficulties  of,  330,  595; 
reporters,  75. 

Republican  party,  alliance  of,  with 
Administration  Democrats,  181, 
316,  336,  353;  attitude  of,  toward: 
Douglas,  21,  44,  47,  497,  525, 
Lincoln,  24,  43,  584  ff.,  slavery,  88, 
96,  174,  251,  352,  404,  Dred  Scott 
Decision,  405;  campaign  poetry  of, 
565,  567,  568,  569,  570,  571;  com- 
plains against  Apportionment  Law 
535;  defended  by  Lincoln,  347; 
formation  of,  9,  16,  88,  99,  182, 
215,  264,  294;  Illinois  state  con- 


624 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


vention  of:  1854,  89,  139;  153,  166. 
171;  1858,  22,  526-27;  national  con- 
vention of,  1856,  17;  possible 
presidential  candidates  of,  1860, 
24,  43;  sectionalism  of,  224-25, 
338;  341,  348,  warned  by  Lincoln 
agaiiist    Douglas,  21. 

Reynolds,  John,  Administration 
Democratic  candidate,  27;  dele- 
gate to  Administration  Democratic 
convention,  235;  supports  Lincoln, 
296,  316. 

Rio,  delegation  from,  at  Galesburg 
Debate,  331. 

Rochester  Democrat,  pays  tribute  to 
Lincoln,  583. 

Rockford,  convention  at,  1854,  169, 
408;  delegation  from,  at  Freeport, 
191,  200,  206. 

Rock  Island,  delegation  from,  to 
Ottawa,  135;  enthusiastic  Douglas 
meeting  at,  10;  Wilkinson,  I.  O., 
of,  36. 

Rock  River  Seminary,  Askey,  Wil- 
liam, at,  209;  Hitt,  Robert  R.,  at, 
77. 

Roosevelt,  (Rosevelt)  Major,  speaks 
at   Camp  Point,  437,  442. 

Salem,  Lincoln  a  grocer  in,  91. 

Saint  Clair  County,  delegation  from, 
at  Springfield,  53. 

St.  Louis,  Binmore,  Henry,  at,  80; 
delegation  from,  at:  Alton,  497, 
499,  506,  507,  509,  Chicago,  5; 
Douglas  at,  555,  573;  Douglas, 
Mrs.,  at,  573;  enthusiasm  in,  for 
Lincoln,  554,  555;  excursion  from, 
to  Alton,  449,  496;  Linder,  U.  F., 
at,  555;  reporter  from,  at  Ottawa 
Debate,  132. 

St.  Louis  Democrat,  comments  on  en- 
thusiasm for  Lincoln  in  St.  Louis, 
555;  quoted  by:  Chicago  Jozirnal, 
530,  Peoria  Transcript,  555. 

St.  Louis  Herald,  describes:  Alton 
Debate,  506;  Ottawa  Debate,  132. 

St.  Louis  Nervs,  comments  on  Alton 
Debate,  449,  507. 
St.  Louis  Republican,  Binmore, 
Henry,  reporter  for,  80;  estimate  of 
Lincoln  by,  581;  mentioned  by 
Illinois  State  Journal,  6;  quoted  by 
Illinois  State  Journal,  581;  sup- 
ports Douglas,  1854,  6. 

Sanderson,  Henry  R.,  visited  by  Lin- 
coln during  Galesburg  Debate,  373, 
379. 

Sandusky  Commercial  Register,  an- 
nounces Lincoln  as  Republican 
presidential  candidate,  1860,  581; 


quotedhyllliriois  State  Jo7irnal,o81. 

Sargent,  Porter,  voted  for  Lincoln  as 
senator,   1854,   176. 

Schurz,  Carl,  associated  with  White, 
Horace,  76;  describes  Quincy  De- 
bate, 446;  speaks  at  Quincy,  437. 

Scott  County,  delegation  from,  at 
Springfield,  53. 

Senatorial  contest  of  1858,  com- 
mented on  by :  Baltimore  Sun,  529, 
Boston  Advertiser,  536,  Centreville 
True  Republican,  544,  Cincinnati 
Gazette,  542  Cincinnati  Commercial, 
42,  540,  542,  F'deral  Union,  578, 
Frankfort  Commonwealth,  512, 
Indiana  Journal,  577,  Lowell  Cit- 
izen and  Neivs,  543,  Mississippian, 
the,  543,  New  York  Herald,  46, 
539,  576,  New  York  Post, 
43-46,  49,  319,  540,  Norfolk  Argus, 
542,  Philadelphia  Press,  124-128 
Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  523 
Washington  Union,  515-517  542, 
543;  criticism  of ,  539  fT. ;  described 
by  White,  Horace,  75;  effect  of,  on: 
Douglas,  575-78,  Lincoln,  582-87; 
Douglas,  Mrs.,  a  factor  in,  573; 
humor  of,  547;  interest  in,  43,  47, 
131,  145,  193,  319,  391,  510,  511, 
512,  514,  517,  521,  523,  527,  533, 
542,  544,  576,  582;  labors  of  Doug- 
las in,  529;  popular  aspect  of,  28; 
poetry  of,  565;  singular  character 
of,  536,  540. 

Senatorial  election  of  1854,  com- 
mented on  by  Illinois  State  Jour- 
nal, 15;  Lincoln  gives  his  votes  to 
Trumbull  in,  14. 

Seward,  William  H.,  adopts  leading 
ideas  of  Lincoln,  587;  helps  form 
Republican  party,  294;  Lincoln, 
the  rival  of,  591;  regarded  as  pos- 
sible presidential  candidate  of  1860 
24,  43,  578;  mentioned,  48,  163, 
491. 

Sheridan,  James  B.,  biographical 
notice  of,  81;  garbles  speeches  of 
Lincoln,  84;  reporter  for:  Chicago 
Times,  80,  Douglas,  76. 

Sherman,  F.  C,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Shields,  James,  eulogized  by  Doug- 
las, 219;  Lincoln  to  supplant,  88, 
99,  173,  216,  262. 

Singleton,  Gen.  James,  speaks  at 
Jacksonville,  490. 

Slavery,  agitation  of,  234,  304,  479; 
attempted  in  Illinois,  425;  attitude 
towa;rd,  of:  Brooks,  P.  S.,  230,428, 


INDEX 


625 


485,  Cla3%  Henry,  116,  151,  351, 
432,  471,  484,  constitutional  fathers 
104,  230,  428,  476;  Democratic 
party,  87,  191,  241,  291,  352,  406; 
Douglas,  106,  110,  114,  155,  161, 
163,  243,  257,  361,  406,  417,  421, 
427,  435,  457,  468,  485,  524,  Lin- 
coln, 100,  102,  104,  106,  110,  114, 
149,  155,  230,  234,  348,  353,  401, 
404,  411,  416,  435,  455,  468,  469, 
473,  479,  482,  511,  Lovejoy,  Owen, 
174,  Republican  party,  89,  352, 
404,  482;  Whig  party,  87,  171,  291, 
causes  disturbance  in  churches, 
479;  status  of,  under:  Declaration 
of  Independence,  95,  100,  116,  118, 
168,  225,  301,  339,  342,  346,  366, 
400,  413,  432,  452,  464,  469,  545, 
Dred  Scott  Decision,  344,  358,  405, 
United  States  Constitution,  357. 

Slidell,  John,  in  Illinois  to  unite  Dem- 
ocrats, 45;  possible  Democratic 
presidential  candidate,  1860,  43. 

Smith,  Captain,  takes  part  in  Doug- 
las reception  at  Chicago,  34. 

Smith,  Enos  W.,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic conventions,  1850,  239. 

Smith,  Joseph,  originates  Douglas' 
soubriquet,  "  Little  Giant,  "  553. 

Smith,  Samuel,  points  out  Freeport 
Doctrine,  421. 

"Song  of  the  Hyenas,"  campaign 
poem  in  derision  of  Administration 
Democrats,  27. 

South,  the,  quoted  by  New  York  Trib- 
une, 545;  sums  up  Douglas'  politi- 
cal views.  545. 

Speech,  of:  Arnold,  Isaac  N.,  at 
Springfield,  22;  Baker,  in  Monroe 
County,  341,  347,  Waterloo,  218, 
299;  Dr.  Baj^ne  at  Quincy,  439; 
Boggs,  J.  B.,  at  Galesburg,  377, 
380,  383;  Bromwell,  H.  P.  H.,  at 
Charleston,  318,  327;  Carpenter, 
317;  Chase,  S.  P.,  in  Illinois,  531; 
Clay,  Henry,  in  Indiana,  471; 
Davis,  Jefferson,  at  Bangor,  Maine, 
463;  Denio,  C.  B.,  at  Springfield, 
22;  Dougherty,  John,  at  Jonesboro, 
259;  Douglass,  Fred,  at  Pough- 
keepsie,  New  York,  295;  Douglas 
at:  450,  488,  499,  501,  BeUeville, 
573,  Bloomington,  50,  208,  403, 
520,  Camp  Point,  437,  441,  Cairo, 
213,  Charleston,  281,  316,  321, 
Chicago,  7,  36,  106,  254,  274, 
403,  451,  540,  549,  Clifton  Springs, 
New  York,  32,  Clinton,  108,  110, 
Danville,  559,  Freeport,  159,  Ga- 


lena, 262,  Galesburg,  333,  373,  377, 
380,  383,  551,  Henry,  553,  Jackson- 
ville, 269,  309,  401,  Joliet,  247,  250 
Jonesboro,  214,  249,  Mattoon,  267 
Oquawka,  551,  Ottawa,  82,  117 
126,  132,  13.5,  139,  142,  144,  515 
Peoria,  34,  Senate,  111,231,  477 
Springfield,  11,  17,  51,  107,  117 
168,  208,  217,  520,  Sullivan,  325 
557-59,  562,  Urbana,  559;  Eden 
John  R.,  at  Sullivan,  558;  Elwell 
George,  at  Galesburg,  373;  Feree 
J.  J.,  at  Springfield,  22;  Ficklin,  O 
B.,  at  Charleston,  312,  316,  321 
Frost,  F.  G.,  at  Galesburg,  373 
Garesche,  A.  J.  P.,  at  Alton,  507 
Hopkins,  at  Springfield,  23;  Hurd 
Ada,  at  Galesburg,  373;  Judd,  N 
B.,  at  Springfield,  23;  Lincoln' at 
Alton,  460,  502,  Augusta,  147,  248 
Charleston,  267,  303,  318,  320,  322 
327,  348,  403,  Chicago,  17,  39,  41 
339,  348,  403,  413,  432,  451,  468 
540,  Danville,  559,  Decatur,  529 
Freeport,  148,  Galesburg,  203,  346 
373,  384,  Havana,  547,  Henr5^  248 
Jonesboro,  229,  348,  Lewiston,  518 
Macomb,  203,  248,  Mattoon,  267 
Ottawa,  98,  127,  130,  132,  135,  140 
515,  Peoria,  4,  100,  Springfield,  11 
16,  17,  23,  24,  53,  54,  93,  103,  107 
117,  168,  178,  222,  34.5,  410,  416 
451,  466,  469,  474,  526,  529,  Sulli- 
van, 557-59,  562,  Urbana,  559 
Whig  Caucus,  490;  Linder,  U.  F. 
at:Cairo,  213,  Jonesboro,  259,265 
Logan,  John,  at  Cairo,  213;  Love- 
joy,  Owen,  at  Ottawa,  145,  515 
Marshall,  Judge,  at  Cairo,  213 
Matheny,  James  H.,  220,  221,  232 
Molony,  R.  S.,  at  Freeport,  239 
Merrick,  at  Alton,  507;  Morris 
J.  N.,  at  Camp  Point,  437,  442 
Reed,  at  Galesburg,  375;  Roose- 
velt, Major,  at  Camp  Point,  437 
442;  Schurz,  Carl,  at  Quincj',  437 
Singleton,  General,  at  Jacksonville 
490;  Thornton,  at  SuUivan,  562 
Tillson,  at  Quincv,  439;  Trumbull 
Lyman,  at:  Alton.  269,  287 
Chicago,  269,  274,  283,  547,  Monroe 
Countv,  299,  347,  Senate  273 
Springfield,  12,Waterloo,  218,  235 
299;  Turner  T.  J.,  at:  Freeport 
190,  191,  196,  Springfield,  22 
Walker,  Charles,  at  Chicago,  35 
Washburne,  E.  B.,  at  Galena, 
169;  Wentworth,  John,  at  Chi- 
cago, 565;  Wilson  C.    L.,  at  Chi- 


626 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS 


eago,   39;   Wyche,    James    E.,    at 
Springfield,   22. 

Springfield,    Administration    Demo- 
cratic convention  at,  1858,  26,  235 
anti-Nebraska  convention   at,   16 
354;  anti-slavery   convention    at 
1856,  16;   Arnold,  Isaac  N.,  speaks 
at,  22;  Cadets  of,  at  Alton,  509 
delegation  from,   to:   Alton,    450 
499,  509;  Ottawa,  135;  Democratic 
state    convention    at,     1858,    26 
Douglas  speaks  at,  11,  51,  60,  62 
107,     117,     168,    208,     355,    520 
excursions   from,    to   Alton,    449 
Lincoln  speaks  at,  11,  17,  56,  60 
62,  69,  93,  105,  107,  117,  451,  467 
469,  526,  529;  Republican  conven- 
tion at:  1854,  117,  153,  350,  367, 
408;  1858,  22,  395;  State  Agricul- 
tural Fair  at,  10,  11,  117. 

Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  com- 
ments on:  Alton  Debate,  510,  Illi- 
nois contest,  523,  Ottawa,  Debate, 
523;  quotes  Louisville  Journal,  550. 

Springfield  Resolutions,  see  Ottawa 
Fraud. 

Star  of  Egypt,  referred  to  by  Missouri 
Republican,  316. 

State  Sovereignty  attitude  toward, 
of:  Douglas,  96,  124,  228,  285,  453, 
545,  Lincoln,  229;  endangered  by 
Illinois  contest,  536,  541. 

Stephens,  A.  H.,  attempts  to  unite 
Illinois  Democracy,  45;  attitude  of, 
toward  Freeport  Doctrine,  421, 
463,  579;  possible  Democratic 
presidential  candidate,  1860,  43; 
mentioned,  528. 

Stone,  E.  K.,  Republican  marshal  at 
Quiney  Debate,  393. 

Strickland,  E.,  lieutenant  of  Spring- 
field Cadets,  509. 

Strode,  J.  M.,  president  of  Demo- 
cratic district  convention,  1850, 
239. 

Stuart,  Lieut.,  at  Douglas  reception, 
Chicago,  34. 

Stump-speaking,  origin  and  descrip- 
tion of,  1;  New  York  Post  on,  2. 

Sullivan,  Douglas  speaks  at,  325,  557, 
562;  Lincoln  speaks  at,  559,  562; 
meeting  at,  57;  melee  between 
Republicans  and  Democrats  at, 
557-563. 

Sumner,  Charles,  assaulted  by 
Brooks,  200,  230. 

Supreme  Court,  of  Illinois,  connec- 
tion of  Douglas  with,  360. 

Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
attitude  toward,  of:  Douglas,  114, 


163,  243,  257,  370,  512,  519,  545; 
Lincoln,  94,  114,  156,  161,  225,  370, 
451,  519. 

Swan,  Hurlbut,  voted  for  Lincoln  as 
senator,  1854,  176. 

Sweet,  Martin  P.,  at  Freeport,  209; 
mentioned,  15;  congressional  can- 
didate, 1850,  238. 

Taney,  Roger,  B.  attitude  of,  toward 
Declaration  of  Independence,  470; 
conspiracy  charge  against,  25,  106, 
410;  defended  by  Douglas,  122;  de- 
rided in  Repubhean  campaign 
poem,  570;  mentioned,  227,  258. 

Taylor,  E.  D.,  mentioned,  10. 

Tazewell  County,  Lincoln  attends 
court  in,  99,  117,  168,  368. 

Territory,  acquisition  of,  149,  164; 
admission  of,  160,  161;  slaverv  in, 
89,  120,  149,  150,  155,  161,^241, 
243,  258,  344,  411,  462,  473. 

Thornton,  speaks  at  Sullivan,  562. 

Tillson,  John,  speaks  at  Quiney,  439. 

Toledo,  Ohio,  Douglas  welcomed  at, 
32. 

Toombs,  Robert,  Kansas  Enabling 
Act  framed  by,  271,  283;  men- 
tioned, 163,  185,  370. 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  aids  Lincoln  in 
contest,  513,  535,  547;  alliance  of, 
with  Lincohi,  88,  92,  99,  171,  216, 
231,  252,  294,  306,  403;  attacked 
by  Douglas,  200,  356,  401;  bio- 
graphical notice  of,  92;  defended 
by  Lincoln,  154,  320;  denounces 
Douglas,  269,  287 ;  elected  senator, 
1854,  14,  15,  163;  estimate  of,  by 
New  York  Herald,  577;  fails  to 
appear  at  Springfield  State  Fair, 
11;  monopolizes  Douglas'  atten- 
tion, 58 ;  on  admission  of  territories 
161;  Ottawa  Fraud  used  against, 
356,  434;  regarded  as  possible 
Republican  presidential  candidate 
for  1860,  24;  senatorship  endorsed, 
22;  speaks  at:  Chicago,  547,  Mon- 
roe County,  299,  Springfield,  12, 
Waterloo,  218,  235,  299;  veracity 
of,  306;  votes  against  admission 
of  Oregon,  160;  mentioned  10,  68, 
217,  252. 

Turner,  Thomas,  J.  aids  Trumbull, 
1854  172;  Repubhean  moderator 
at  Freeport,  147,  189,  196;  voted 
for  Lincohi,  1854,  173,  176;  wel- 
comes Lincohi  to  Freeport,  191, 
196,  198. 

Unfriendly  legislation,  see  Freeport 
Doctrine. 


INDEX 


627 


Unitarian  church,  disturbed  by  sla- 
very question,  480. 

University  of  Chicago,  gift  of  Doug- 
las to,  50. 

Urbana,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  speak 
at   559. 

Urbana  (Ohio)  Union,  satirizes  Doug- 
las, 552. 

Vermont,  resolutions  of  Democratic 
state  convention,  in,  241. 

Victoria,  delegation  from,  to  Gales- 
burg  Debate,  331. 

Villard,  Henry,  associated  with 
White,  Horace,  76;  reporter  of 
Philadelphia  Press,  77. 

Vincennes  Sun,  quoted  in  Cincinnati 
Commercial,  31. 

Voss,  Arno,  delegate  to  Democratic 
congressional     convention,     1850, 

239. 
Walker,  Charles,  welcomes  Douglas 

to  Chicago,  35. 
Walker,  George,  friend  of  Douglas, 

209. 
Washburne,  E.  B.,  aids  Lincoln,  1854 
172;  congressional  candidate,  169, 
254,  300;  fears  Freeport  Doctrine, 
204;  pledged  against  admission  of 
more  slave  states,  369;  speaks  at 
Galena,  169;  mentioned,  202. 
Washington  Star,  atttitude  of,  toward 

Freeport  Doctrine,  579. 
Washington     Union,     attacked     by 
Douglas,  185;  comments  on:  Otta- 
wa Debate,  513,   Illinois  contest, 
515-17,  543;  denounces:  Douglas, 
48,  111,  158,  462,  513,  539,  Free- 
port  Doctrine,  421,  522,  525,  528, 
579,  Lincoln,  539;  mentions:  New 
Orleans  Courier,  523,  New  Orleans 
Delta,  523;  on  slavery  in  free  states, 
163,  370;  quotes:  Chicago  Herald, 
515,    516,  Chicago  Press,  514,  Chi- 
cago  Times,    514,  Columbia  Guar- 
dian, 525,  Mississippian,  the,  543, 
Norfolk   Argus,    542;   referred    to 
by  Louisville  Democrat,  528 ;  urges 
election  of  Lincoln,  180. 
Wataga,  delegation  from,  at  Gales- 
burg  debate,  331,  374. 
Waterloo,   Baker,   Jehu,   speaks  at, 
299;   meeting   at,    218;   Trumbull 
speaks  at,  235,  299. 
Watson,  P.  H.,  White,  Horace,  secre- 
tary of,  75. 
Waukegan,  mentioned,  300. 
Webster,  Daniel,  supports  Compro- 
mise of  1850,  87,  171,  214 
Wendell,  Cornehus,  editor  of  Wash- 
ington Union,  180. 


Wentworth,  John,  aids  Trumbull, 
1854,  172;  regarded  as  real  anti- 
Douglas  candidate,  20,  24;  speaks 
at  Chicago,  565;  mentioned,  72, 
218,  222,  254,  298. 

Whig  party,  becomes  part  of  Repub- 
lican party,  16;  Lincoln  and  Trum- 
bull agree  to  dissolve,  86,  88,  171, 
214,  291;  opposition  of,  to  Ne- 
braska Bill,  10;  supported  Com- 
promise of  1850,  87,  171,  215,  293. 

White,  Horace,  accompanies  Lincoln, 
on  tour,  1858,  76;  comments  on 
correctness  of  copies  of  debate, 
594;  biographical  notice  of,  75; 
describes:  Lincohi,  12,  Lincoln's 
sohcitude  for  House-divided  speech 
23,  Mrs.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  573, 
Ottawa  Debate,  143;  reporter  for 
Chicago  Journal,  12. 

Whiteside  County,  delegation  from, 

at  Freeport,  147. 
Whitney,    D.   M.,    vice-president   of 

Repubhean  state  convention,  22. 
Wilcox,   Elijah,   delegate  to   Demo- 
cratic   congressional    convention, 
1850,  239.  ^^  .     ^ 

Wilkinson,  I.  0.,  attends  United 
States  District  Court  at  Chicago, 

36. 
Will   Countv,    delegation    from,    to 

Ottawa,  133,  139. 

Williams,  Archie,  mentioned,  93,  222, 
298. 

Williams,  E.  B.,  delegate  to  Demo- 
cratic congressional  convention, 
1850,  239. 

Wilhamsville,  Douglas  at,  51. 

Wilmington  Journal,  denounces  Free- 
port  Doctrine,  526.  . 

Wilmot  Proviso,  supported  by  Lin- 
cohi, 491.       .         ^  T  •       1       f 

Wilson,  C.  L.,  introduces  Lincoln  at 
Chicago,  39;  nominates  Lincoln  for 
senatorship,  22.  .        i,-  c 

Wilson,  I.  T.,  Democratic  chiei 
marshal  at  Quincy  Debate,  392, 
440. 

Winchester,  Douglas  speaks  at,  91, 

549. 

Winnebago  County,  represented  at 
Freeport  Debate,  196. 

Wise,  Henry  A.,  regarded  as  possible 
Democratic  candidate  for  1860,  4d. 

Wyche,  James  E.,  speaks  at  Repubh- 
ean state  convention,  1858,  22. 

Yates,  Richard,  congressional  candi- 
date, 1854,  118,  355. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 

973.7L63C4L63L  C002 

THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES  OF  1858  SPRI 


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